| Sabine River Spanish | |
| Nativename: | Spanish; Castilian: Adaeseño, Adaesano |
| Pronunciation: | pronounced as /es/, pronounced as /es/ |
| Familycolor: | Indo-European |
| States: | United States |
| Region: | Sabine Parish, Louisiana, Natchitoches Parish, Louisiana, Nacogdoches County, Texas |
| Speakers: | < 100 |
| Date: | 1980s |
| Fam2: | Italic |
| Fam3: | Latino-Faliscan |
| Fam4: | Romance |
| Fam5: | Italo-Western |
| Fam6: | Western Romance |
| Fam7: | Iberian Romance |
| Fam8: | West Iberian |
| Fam9: | Castilian |
| Fam10: | Spanish |
| Fam11: | Mexican Spanish |
| Ancestor: | Early Modern Spanish |
| Ancestor2: | Rural 18th-century Mexican Spanish |
| Glotto: | adae1234 |
| Glottoname: | Adaeseño Spanish |
| Map: | File:Wpdms nasa topo sabine river.jpg |
| Mapcaption: | The Sabine River is marked in lighter blue on the right. The Neches River is marked in darker blue on the left. |
Sabine River Spanish is a variety of the Spanish language spoken on both sides of the Sabine River between Texas and Louisiana. It has been spoken by a few communities descended from the 18th-century colonists who established Los Adaes and Nacogdoches. Due to its historical origins, it has a mostly conservative phonology with a vocabulary derived from rural Mexican Spanish. It is facing language death as it has not been passed onto children for several generations.
Sabine River Spanish was formed from rural Mexican Spanish, in spite of the common belief in Nacogdoches that the Spanish-speaking group around the Sabine River is of Isleño origin.[1] The Sabine River Spanish-speaking communities have no terms to identify themselves as a group. Spanish; Castilian: Adaeseño, in reference to Los Adaes, has been used by Armistead and Dr. Comfort Pratt for the dialect spoken on the Louisiana side of the river. uses "Zwolle-Ebarb Spanish", from the names of two towns in Louisiana where it's spoken. Lipski uses the term Sabine River Spanish because the dialect extends to both sides of the river.
The Sabine River Spanish communities were founded as part of a Spanish effort to settle the eastern edge of Texas and adjoining areas of Louisiana in the 1700s. Nacogdoches was founded as part of this settlement and so was Los Adaes.
The Spanish language was preserved in the Sabine River communities until the 20th century due to isolation and, in Texas at least, ethnic solidarity. The Louisiana communities had less ethnic solidarity but greater social isolation due to their distance from population centers, poverty, racial differences from the surrounding population, and the fact they spoke a "foreign" language. The establishment of public schooling exerted strong linguistic pressure on these communities to learn and exclusively speak English, and the arrival of modern infrastructure such as electricity, paved roads, telephones, and the Kansas City Southern Railway through Zwolle reduced their isolation. This stopped the intergenerational transmission of Spanish, with most Spanish-speaking residents choosing not to teach their children the language. In this way the Spanish language has largely died out in a single generation along the Sabine River.
This dialect is currently moribund.As of the 1980s, there were no more than 50 individuals with significant active competence in Spanish on either side of the river. estimated the presence of just ten people who still speak Spanish fluently in the Zwolle-Ebarb area, who were mainly in their seventies and eighties.
The Sabine River area's Spanish dialect is found on either side of the Toledo Bend Reservoir along the Sabine River. Most of the Spanish speakers in the Louisiana side were found around Zwolle, Ebarb and Noble, and in the Spanish Lake community near Robeline. In Texas they are concentrated in the Moral community west of Nacogdoches.
The Louisiana and Texas communities differ in terms of ethnic identification. Louisiana residents have diverse appearances, some being very pale and others vary dark-complexioned, and have experienced a re-surfacing of American Indian identity. As a result, they may identify ethnically as either Spanish, Indo-Spanish, or simply American Indian. The Louisiana residents have been called "Meskin", "Chonche", and "Red Bones" by their Anglo-American neighbors. Louisiana residents reject any identification as "Mexican", while Moral residents freely use the term Spanish; Castilian: mexicano and even occasionally call their dialect Spanish; Castilian: mexicano. In Moral there is no identification with Native American culture, despite the open acknowledgement of many Spanish; Castilian: trigueño, or 'dark-complexioned' residents.
Different studies and surveys have focused on different Spanish-speaking communities in the area. focuses on the variety spoken in Zwolle and Ebarb; four of her five informants have lived most of their lives in Ebarb, with one later moving to Zwolle, while one lived most of his life near Zwolle. Pratt focused on all the Louisiana dialects, calling them Spanish; Castilian: Adaeseño.
In terms of differences between the different varieties, finds that the Adaeseño varieties in Louisiana are generally homogenous. says that the Moral dialect "may reflect some aspects of Mexican Spanish from the first decades of the nineteenth centuries" while the Louisiana dialects are derived from eighteenth-century Mexican Spanish. This would be because Nacogdoches experienced a period of growth between 1821 and 1836. The current Moral dialect has more speakers and is also more heavily influenced by modern Mexican Spanish, due to a higher frequency of contact with Mexican Spanish speakers.
mentions a greater number of French loanwords in the speech of the communities closer to Natchitoches.
pronounced as /notice/Sabine River Spanish, being derived from northern Mexican Spanish, is rather phonologically conservative, generally retaining consonants and avoiding neutralizations. English influence is noted as well, and there are various phonological misidentifications, analogical forms and sporadic variations. Sabine River Spanish is, like most Spanish dialects, yeísta, and like other Spanish dialects in the Americas, seseante.
pronounced as //s// is occasionally aspirated or elided, with elision being more common than aspiration, though it is conserved most often. pronounced as //s// may even be aspirated or elided when between vowels. pronounced as //s// may also become voiced, like pronounced as //z//, between vowels or at the end of a phrase. Before consonants, pronounced as //s// is often elided, and at the end of a phrase it's typically conserved. Spanish; Castilian: Nojotros or Spanish; Castilian: lojotros are common variants of Spanish; Castilian: nosotros 'we'. reports that pronounced as //s// before pronounced as //k// and after a vowel is realized as pronounced as /link/ in formal speech. Otherwise, pronounced as //s// is realized as pronounced as /[s]/.
The phoneme pronounced as //f// becomes a weak pronounced as /[h]/ before pronounced as //w//, so Spanish; Castilian: afuera 'outside' is pronounced pronounced as /[aˈhwera]/. Otherwise, pronounced as //f// is a voiceless labiodental fricative pronounced as /[f]/. pronounced as //x// is typically pronounced pronounced as /[h]/ as well. One speaker, again the oldest and most fluent in Spanish from 's survey, pronounced 'they brought' as pronounced as /[tɾuˈʃweɾon]/. This allophone doesn't appear elsewhere in her survey.
This variety does not velarize final pronounced as /-/n//, though pronounced as //n// may occasionally be elided between vowels or at the end of a phrase. When it's elided, the preceding vowel is nasalized.
The voiced palatal nasal, represented by (ñ), is typically pronounced as a nasal palatal approximant pronounced as /[j̃]/ which nasalizes the preceding vowel in informal speech, eg: Spanish; Castilian: año pronounced as /[ãj̃o]/ 'year', though failed to find this approximant pronunciation in the speech of her oldest, most fluent informant. A similar pronunciation is found in Brazilian and Angolan Portuguese.
pronounced as //m// shows no irregularity.
pronounced as //t// is occasionally alveolar, unlike the typical voiceless denti-alveolar plosive of Spanish, and may even be flapped. That is a result of contact with English. Unstressed vowels are often reduced to a schwa. The other voiceless stops, pronounced as //p// and pronounced as //k//, show little to no deviation from standard Spanish norms, nor does the affricate pronounced as /link/, spelled (ch).
The lateral consonant pronounced as //l// is occasionally elided before other consonants. In phrase-final and word-final position, elision of pronounced as /-/ɾ// is relatively frequent, especially in verb infinitives. Word-final pronounced as /-/ɾ// occasionally becomes pronounced as //l// before a word starting in a vowel.
Lipski reports that the opposition between the alveolar trill pronounced as //r// and the alveolar tap pronounced as //ɾ// has been largely neutralized and that the extension of this neutralization points to an earlier origin. On the other hand, this neutralization isn't found in 's notes. In, the neutralization isn't found in the speech of the oldest, most fluent informant. also finds that the trilled pronounced as //r// may occasionally be elided.
In informal speech, pronounced as //r// can be elided before a denti-alveolar stop pronounced as //t// or pronounced as //d//, or before a pause, thus: Spanish; Castilian: cardenal pronounced as /[kaðeˈnal]/ 'cardinal (bird)', Spanish; Castilian: carta pronounced as /[ˈkarta]/ 'letter', Spanish; Castilian: salir pronounced as /[saˈli]/ 'to leave'.
The voiced obstruents pronounced as //b/, /d/, /g// show some deviation from standard pronunciation. pronounced as //b// may be pronounced as a fricative even at the beginning of a phrase or after a nasal. The labiodental fricative allophone pronounced as /[v]/, according to, typically corresponds to a written, etymological (v), but it can be realized when pronouncing other words as well. pronounced as //b// is often elided when it's before another consonant, as in pronounced as /[oˈtuvo]/ 'obtained'. It's also frequently elided in 'also', typically pronounced pronounced as /[taˈmjen]/. pronounced as //b// is occasionally pronounced as a velar fricative pronounced as /[ɣ]/ when before pronounced as /[o]/ or pronounced as /[u]/.
pronounced as //d// is rarely realized as a voiced dental stop pronounced as /[d]/, even after a pause or a nasal. In general, it's realized as a voiced dental fricative pronounced as /[ð]/. Intervocalically, in an unstressed syllable, it may be elided, as in many other Spanish varieties, ie: Spanish; Castilian: dedo pronounced as /[ˈdeo]/. pronounced as //d// is frequently elided at the beginning of words, and 'where' is typically pronounced pronounced as /[ˈon.ne]/. It may also be realized as an alveolar tap pronounced as /[ɾ]/ between vowels, though this is only found among the last generation of Spanish speakers. In the sequence pronounced as //ɾd//, either the pronounced as //d// or the pronounced as //ɾ// is often elided, thus 'they save' is typically pronounced either pronounced as /[ˈgwaɾan]/ or pronounced as /[ˈgwaðan]/. In the sequence pronounced as //dɾ//, the pronounced as //d// sometimes becomes an pronounced as /[i]/, thus 'father' and 'mother' are pronounced and respectively.
pronounced as //g// is realized as a voiced velar stop after a pause and in any consonant cluster, for example in Spanish; Castilian: Goyo pronounced as /[ˈɡoʝo]/ 'Gregorio', Spanish; Castilian: algodón pronounced as /[algoˈðon]/ 'cotton', Spanish; Castilian: negrito pronounced as /[neˈgrito]/ 'black haw tree'. Otherwise, intervocalically, it's a voiced velar fricative pronounced as /[ɣ]/, and it may also be realized as a fricative after a nasal, as in pronounced as /[ˈteŋɣo]/ 'I have'. pronounced as //g// is occasionally elided when between vowels, including after nasal vowels, as in pronounced as /[ˈtẽo]/. pronounced as //gw// typically becomes pronounced as //w//, thus Spanish; Castilian: guajolote pronounced as /[wahoˈlote]/ 'turkey'.
The approximant pronounced as /link/, spelled (y) or (ll) is frequently elided in contact with pronounced as //i// and after pronounced as //e//, for example Spanish; Castilian: gallina 'hen' becomes pronounced as /[gaˈina]/, Spanish; Castilian: silla 'chair' becomes pronounced as /[ˈsi.a]/ and Spanish; Castilian: sello 'stamp' becomes pronounced as /[ˈse.o]/. One speaker, the oldest and most fluent in Spanish in 's survey, often adds an epenthetic pronounced as /link/ between sequences of pronounced as /link/ and pronounced as /link/ or pronounced as /link/ and pronounced as /link/, as in pronounced as /[ˈti.ʝo]/ 'uncle'. One speaker dropped pronounced as /link/ in the diphthong pronounced as //ie// after another consonant while speaking informally, saying pronounced as /[ˈrendas]/ for Spanish; Castilian: riendas 'reins' and pronounced as /[ˈtera]/ for Spanish; Castilian: tierra 'land'. He also dropped pronounced as //ʝ// after pronounced as //i// or pronounced as //e//, thus saying pronounced as /[voˈtea]/ for Spanish; Castilian: botella 'bottle'.
The vowel system in Zwolle-Ebarb contains the same 5 vowels as other Spanish varieties. Vowels are nasalized when they're between nasal consonants or before pronounced as /[j̃]/. Additionally, pronounced as //e// and pronounced as //o// are typically mid vowels, pronounced as /link/ and pronounced as /link/, but they can be lightly raised after palatal sounds. pronounced as //e// is often raised in many words, but it is not raised in word-final position, as is common in some other dialects. Unstressed vowels, especially pronounced as //a//, are often reduced to a schwa. pronounced as //o// often becomes pronounced as //u//, especially at the ends of words, and including in the conjunction Spanish; Castilian: o 'or'. Hiatus between vowels tends to be avoided, either by the formation of diphthongs or by the deletion of some of the vowels involved. Also, the clusters pronounced as //uar// and pronounced as //uer// are frequently interchanged.
found that pronounced as //a// becomes nasalized before pronounced as //o//, such as in the Spanish; Castilian: -ado ending where the pronounced as //d// has been elided.
There is a tendency to simplify clusters and to drop consonants before voiceless stops in some words, as in Spanish; Castilian: doctor 'doctor', Spanish; Castilian: molcajete 'molcajete, and Spanish; Castilian: fuiste 'you went/were', pronounced Spanish; Castilian: dotor, Spanish; Castilian: mocajete, and Spanish; Castilian: fuite respectively. Additionally, word initial pronounced as //e// or pronounced as //o// can be dropped in sequences like pronounced as //esC// or pronounced as //osC//, where C is a voiceless stop. Thus Spanish; Castilian: escuela 'school' is pronounced pronounced as /[ˈskwela]/, and Spanish; Castilian: oscuro 'dark' is pronounced as /[ˈskuɾo]/. Sometimes the entire first syllable of such words can be dropped, as in Spanish; Castilian: tar or Spanish; Castilian: cuela for Spanish; Castilian: estar, escuela 'to be, school'.
reports that the word-initial nasal is dropped in words starting with pronounced as //njV//, so Spanish; Castilian: nieto 'grandchild' is realized pronounced as /[ˈjeto]/, although this was not found in .
The grammar of Sabine River Spanish reflects its origins in nonstandard, rural Mexican speech, as well as influence from English and morphological reduction due to language death. Archaic forms such as Spanish; Castilian: trujo/truje for Spanish; Castilian: trajo/traje 'brought', Spanish; Castilian: vido/vide for Spanish; Castilian: vio/vi 'saw', Spanish; Castilian: mesmo for Spanish; Castilian: mismo 'same', Spanish; Castilian: muncho for Spanish; Castilian: mucho 'a lot', and Spanish; Castilian: asina/ansina for Spanish; Castilian: así 'like this/that' are widespread. Many verb forms formed as a result of morphological leveling such as Spanish; Castilian: cierraron for Spanish; Castilian: cerraron 'they closed', Spanish; Castilian: dijieron for Spanish; Castilian: dijeron 'they said', Spanish; Castilian: cocinear for Spanish; Castilian: cocinar 'to cook', and Spanish; Castilian: tenimos for Spanish; Castilian: tuvimos 'we had' are common.
Mexicanisms such as Spanish; Castilian: mero instead of Spanish; Castilian: mismo, like in Mexican Spanish, is common, also there's the expression Spanish; Castilian: ya mero for "almost". Spanish; Castilian: De nosotros 'of us' has almost completely replaced Spanish; Castilian: nuestro 'ours', as in some forms of Mexican and Caribbean Spanish. Spanish; Castilian: Nomás is frequently used instead of Spanish; Castilian: sólo or Spanish; Castilian: solamente, like in Mexican Spanish. Spanish; Castilian: Estar is very frequently used in place of Spanish; Castilian: ser. Spanish; Castilian: Que tanto and Spanish; Castilian: que tan are frequently used instead of Spanish; Castilian: cuanto or Spanish; Castilian: cuan.
Dr. Comfort Pratt has found that Spanish; Castilian: Adaeseño, despite its mostly Mexican providence, uses vosotros as a second-person plural pronoun, with the corresponding verb forms, as in Spanish; Castilian: vosotros tenéis 'you (pl.) have'. However, when Spanish; Castilian: tú is used alongside another subject, the corresponding verb form is that of Spanish; Castilian: ustedes, the third-person plural. Thus, Spanish; Castilian: tú y tu hermana tienen 'you and your sister have'. Voseo is nonexistent in Sabine River Spanish.
Spanish; Castilian: [[Spanglish#pa'trás|P'atrás]] expressions are widespread, as in other Spanish varieties in contact with English. As a result of language death and its speakers' greater fluency in English, gender and number agreement are greatly weakened. In addition, use of the subjunctive mood, the simple, or synthetic future tense, and the conditional tense is greatly reduced. The remaining speakers of Spanish; Castilian: Adaeseño generally prefer analytic constructions.
Many Mexicanisms, including a large number of Nahuatl loanwords, and generally archaic or rustic words are used in Sabine River Spanish. The majority of Nahuatl loans have to do with plants, animals, or elements of material culture. Almost all Nahuatl loans are nouns. Sabine River Spanish has taken in very few English loanwords. French loans are common in the communities closer to Natchitoches, and they are more common than English words.
Despite an extensive history of contact, Sabine River Spanish almost no loans from native American languages besides Nahuatl. This likely reflects frontier conditions in which native Americans were marginalized. All words for "Indian" in this variety are at least partially derogatory, for example Spanish; Castilian: meco or Spanish; Castilian: chichimeco from "Chichimeca", the Nahuatl term for the "wild" tribes on Mexico's northern frontier.
The term Spanish; Castilian: Chonche, a local slur for Spanish people, likely comes from the Wichita term for the Lipan Apache, many of whom were sold as slaves to the Spanish and French and were the ancestors of many Sabine River Hispanics, though it may have a Muskogean origin in a term for swallows.
The term Spanish; Castilian: arrear, which refers to driving or spurring on animals, became the Zwolle-Ebarb community's term for driving a car. The same word is used for driving in Traditional New Mexican Spanish. The word Spanish; Castilian: ánsara, used to refer to geese, is also found in both Zwolle-Ebarb and Traditional New Mexican Spanish.
Some of the Nahuatlisms in Sabine River Spanish include:
Other Mexicanisms include:
Generally archaic words in Sabine River Spanish, no longer used in standard speech elsewhere, include:
Other items include:
Vestigial speakers of Sabine River Spanish, often with limited active competence in the language, would often engage in code-switching while attempting to speak entirely in Spanish. The rate of switching between languages in a single sentence was very high, and often violated the typical syntactic restrictions on Spanish/English code-switching. The speech of was, to Lipski, "impressionistically unlike anything I have ever heard from fluent Spanish-English bilinguals in any community." Code-switching could occur between subject pronouns and predicates, as in "they " ("they would boil the pots"), and between negative words and the main verb, as in " agreed" ("if the father and the mother didn't agree"), or between fronted interrogative words and the rest of the sentence, as in "Nobody knows which way " ("nobody knows which way they went"), to give some examples of code-switches that violate the normal syntactic restraints.[2]