List of wars between democracies explained

This is an incomplete list of wars between entities that have a constitutionally democratic form of government and actually practice it. Two points are required: that there has been a war, and that there are democracies on at least two opposing sides. For many of these entries, whether there has been a war, or a democracy, is a debatable question; all significant views should be given.

Definition dependence

See also: History of democracy and Types of democracy. Almost all of these depend on the definition of "democracy" (and of "war") employed. Some democracy indices, such as V-Dem Democracy indices, instead of classifying democracies give a quantitative metric without a threshold. As James Lee Ray points out, with a sufficiently restrictive definition of democracy, there will be no wars between democracies: define democracy as true universal suffrage, the right of all – including children – to vote, and there have been no democracies, and so no wars between them. The interactive model of democratic peace found in V-Dem Democracy Indices gradual influences from both democracy score and political similarity on wars and militarized interstate disputes.[1]

On the other hand, Ray lists the following as having been called wars between democracies, with broader definitions of democracy: The American Revolution including the Fourth Anglo-Dutch War, the French Revolutionary Wars, the War of 1812, the Belgian Revolution, the Sonderbund War, the war of 1849 between the Roman Republic (1849–1850) and the Second French Republic, the American Civil War, the Spanish–American War, the Second Philippine War, the Second Boer War, World War I, World War II (as a whole, and also the Continuation War by itself), the 1947–1949 Palestine war, the Indo-Pakistani War of 1947–1948, the Six-Day War, the Yugoslav Wars, and the First Nagorno-Karabakh War.[2] The mean democracy scores over the pairs of countries at war are on the low end and consistent with the interactive model of democratic peace.[1]

Similarly, the school of Ted Robert Gurr, founder of the Polity IV dataset, divides regimes into three classes: democracies, autocracies, and "anocracies"; the last being the sort of weak or new states which are marginal democracies or marginal autocracies; many of the wars below involve weak or marginal democracies.[3]

Antiquity

Peloponnesian War

The Peloponnesian War included a great many conflicts among Greek city-states. The principal war was between Athens and its allies (most of them democracies) on one side, and Sparta and its allies (most of them oligarchies—although most of them held elections among a citizen body) on the other. However, the war lasted for twenty-seven years, with a brief armistice, and a great many side-conflicts occurred; and states changed from democracy to oligarchy and back again. Most notable of the wars between democracies was the Sicilian Expedition, 415–413 BC, in which Athens went to war with Syracuse. Bruce Russett finds 13 conflicts between "clear" democratic pairs (most of these being Athens and allies in the Sicilian Expedition) and 25 involving "other" democratic pairs.[4] Classicist Mogens Herman Hansen thinks one of Russett's examples unlikely, but adds several instances of wars between democracies before and after the Peloponnesian War.[5]

Second and Third Punic Wars

The democratic Constitution of the Roman Republic, before its collapse in the late 1st century BC, is amply documented; its magistrates (including the Roman Senate, which was composed of current and former magistrates) were elected by universal suffrage by adult (male) citizens; all male citizens were eligible. There was a political class of wealthy men; most successful candidates belonged to this class, and all of them were supported by a party drawn from it, but this does not distinguish Rome from other democracies—nor, indeed, from non-democratic states; freedom of speech was, however, a characteristic difference between the Republic and the later Roman Empire.[6] The Punic Wars.[7] The old constitution of Carthage, before the First Punic War, was described by Aristotle as a mixture of democracy and oligarchy; after the disastrous end of that war, about 240 BC, there was a democratic change, the direct election of a pair of executives, and the Second Punic War was fought under that constitution; there continued to be an oligarchic party. There were several further changes of party, and democratic reforms; the election of the democratic party, which favored a less passive foreign policy, in 151 BC, provoked Rome to begin the Third Punic War two years later.[8]

17th century

18th century

19th century

20th century

Protracted fishing disputes between the United Kingdom and Iceland, opposing the naval forces of both countries.[33]

Indian forces repelled the Pakistani intervention into Jammu and Kashmir, before the UN negotiated a ceasefire between the two burgeoning powers.

See also

Notes and References

  1. https://doi.org/10.1177/0022343319883672 Altman, D., Rojas-de-Galarreta, F., & Urdinez, F. (2021). An interactive model of democratic peace. Journal of Peace Research, 58(3), 384-398.
  2. James Lee Ray: "Wars between democracies: Rare, or nonexistent?", International Interactions Volume 18, Issue 3 February 1993, pages 251–276; child suffrage and from Ray, Democracy and International Conflict p.88. Restricted definitions of democracy can also be constructed which define away all wars between democracies, and yet include many regimes often held to be democratic; Ray finds this more rhetorically effective than saying that full-scale international war between established democracies with wide suffrage is less likely than between other pairs of states.
  3. Ze'ev Maoz, Nasrin Abdolali, "Regime Types and International Conflict, 1816–1976", Journal of Conflict Resolution vol. 33, no. 1 (March 1986) pp. 3–35.
  4. Bruce M. Russett, Grasping the Democratic Peace, p. 47–71; Russett, one of the few to consider the democratic peace before 1750, thinks it likely that the norm of interdemocratic peace developed gradually through the centuries.
  5. Hansen et al.: An inventory of archaic and classical poleis (2005), p. 85 et seq.
  6. [Ronald Syme]
  7. David Churchman, Why We Fight: Theories of Aggression and Human Conflict, University Press of America (2005), p.143, who discusses Rome and Carthage.
  8. Serge Lancel: History of Carthage (1993, Eng. tr. 1995) pp. 116–120, 411; Richard Miles "Carthage must be destroyed" (2010): 214, 318, 337
  9. Reiter, D. and Stam, A.C., Democracies at War.
  10. John Mueller, "Is War Still Becoming Obsolete?" paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, Washington, DC, August–September 1991, p. 51.
  11. Small, Melvin; Singer, David J. (1976). "The War Proneness of Democratic Regimes, 1816–1965". Jerusalem Journal of International Relations 1: 50–69; Bruce Russett, Controlling the Sword: the Democratic Governance of National Security (1990), p. 123.
  12. Spiro, David E. (1994). "Give Democratic Peace a Chance? The Insignificance of the Liberal Peace". International Security, Vol. 19, No. 2. (Autumn, 1994): 50–86.
  13. Gowa, Joanne (1999) Ballots and Bullets: the Elusive Democratic Peace, p. 50.
  14. Web site: Wang . Bella . 2012-05-21 . Power, Domestic Politics, and the Spanish-American War . 2023-10-16 . E-International Relations . en-US.
  15. Peceny . Mark . 1997 . A Constructivist Interpretation of the Liberal Peace: The Ambiguous Case of the Spanish-American War . Journal of Peace Research . 34 . 4 . 415–430 . 10.1177/0022343397034004004 . 424863 . 0022-3433.
  16. Bruce Russett, Controlling the Sword: the Democratic Governance of National Security (1990), p.123; on the Orange Free State as direct democracy, see also The Encyclopedia of Religion in American Politics 2:74; in general, see Dean V. Babst. "Elective Governments – A Force For Peace". The Wisconsin Sociologist 3 (1, 1964): 9–14 (he writes of, and defines, freely elective governments, but his papers have been taken as the founding of democratic peace theory, and cited as being about democracies); Raymond Cohen, "Pacific unions: a reappraisal of the theory that 'democracies do not go to war with each other, Review of International Studies 20 (3, 1994) 207–223.
  17. Ayhat Kansu, Politics in post-revolutionary Turkey, 1908–1913
  18. Mansfield and Snyder, Electing to Fight, MIT Press, 2007; pp. 210–11, 221.
  19. Mansfield and Snyder, Electing to Fight, MIT Press, 2007; p. 200
  20. Vanhanen calls his own methodology of ranking democracies approximate, and subject to short-term variation; others call it "unacceptable", and using "invalid" or "controversial" indicators; see Tatu Vanhanen, Democratization: a comparative analysis of 170 countries, Routledge, 2003, p. 36, 61. He primarily uses it to measure and compare long-term trends in the democracy of single countries, in which such fluctuations will cancel out.
  21. Tatu Vanhanen, Democratization: a comparative analysis of 170 countries, Routledge, 2003, p72
  22. Book: Wright, Herbert Francis . The Constitutions of the States at War, 1914-1918 . U.S. Government Printing Office . 1919 . 223 . en.
  23. Doyle, Michael W. (1983a). "Kant, Liberal Legacies, and Foreign Affairs". Philosophy and Public Affairs 12 (Vol. 12, No. 3. (Summer, 1983)): p. 216
  24. Small . Melvin . Singer . David J. . 1976 . The War Proneness of Democratic Regimes, 1816-1965 . Jerusalem Journal of International Relations . 1 . 50–69 .
  25. Book: Wiberg, Eric . U-Boats off Bermuda: Patrol Summaries and Merchant Ship Survivors Landed in Bermuda 1940-1944 . 2017-08-18 . Fonthill Media . 18 . en.
  26. Gleditsch . Nils P. . Democracy and Peace . Journal of Peace Research . 1992 . 29 . 369–376. 10.1177/0022343392029004001 . 4 . 425538. 110790206 .
  27. Wayman, Frank (2002). "Incidence of Militarized Disputes Between Liberal States, 1816-1992". Paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Studies Association, New Orleans, Louisiana, March 23–27, 2002
  28. Bruce Russett, Controlling the Sword: the Democratic Governance of National Security (1990), p.123: "the nearest exception"; Russett notes that Singer and Small (see note on the Continuation War) do not count Israel as yet being a democracy.
  29. Ray, Democracy and International Conflict p.120
  30. Brecher, Wilkenfeld, and Moser, Crises in the Twentieth Century, I, 129, 122, 209–210; they do not generally disaggregate the differences in regime type (democracy, civil authoritarianism, or military government) in each pair of states from other differences between states, and differences between other states in the same crisis. For a briefer discussion of the emerging democracy of India and the ultimately unsuccessful democracy of the Dominion of Pakistan, see Mansfield and Snyder, Electing to Fight, MIT Press, 2007; pp. 241–42.
  31. Imtiaz Omar: Emergency powers and the courts in India and Pakistan, 2002, p.2
  32. Cambridge History of India, Volume IV, part 1, "Politics of India since independence", p. 61; for more discussion of the destruction of Pakistan's first democracy, see Ian Talbot, A short history of Pakistan, chapter 5, which cites the detailed history of the period; Allan McGrath, The Destruction of Pakistan's Democracy (1998). For Polity IV, see Diehl, Goertz and Saeedi, "Theoretical specifications of enduring rivalries", pp. 27–54 in T. V. Paul, The India–Pakistan Conflict; An Enduring Rivalry (2005), p. 47–48, which considers a difference of +7 the line marking full democracy.
  33. Cohen. Raymond. July 1994. Pacific Unions: A Reappraisal of the Theory That 'Democracies Do Not Go to War with Each Other'. Review of International Studies. Cambridge University Press. 20. 3 . 207–223. 10.1017/S0260210500118030 . 144275086 . JSTOR.
  34. Doyle, Michael W. (1983a). "Kant, Liberal Legacies, and Foreign Affairs". Philosophy and Public Affairs 12 (Vol. 12, No. 3. (Summer, 1983)): 205–235
  35. Parker T. Hart. "A New American Policy towards the Middle East". Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. 390, A New American Posture toward Asia (July 1970), pp. 98–113
  36. David Churchman, Why We Fight: Theories of Aggression and Human Conflict, University Press of America (2005), p.143
  37. Mansfield and Snyder, Electing to Fight (2007), pp. 223–225; they also apply their theory that a democratizing regime tends to be belligerent to hold itself together to the military government in Greece, which was not directly involved in the war.
  38. Library of Congress Country Study: Cyprus, Chapter I
  39. Brecher, Wilkenfeld, and Moser, Crises in the Twentieth Century, I, 305–06, p. 128 ranks it as a full scale war.
  40. Virginia Page Fortna: Peace time: cease-fire agreements and the durability of peace. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press 2004; pp. 110–111.
  41. Web site: Polity IV Project . March 4, 2006.
  42. Book: Weart, Spencer R. . Never at War . Yale University Press . 1998 . 978-0-300-07017-0 . registration . p. 70, 316.
  43. Antić, Miljenko and Vlahovec, Jadranka (2013). Democratic War': Democratic Peace Theory and the War in Former Yugoslavia". Hrčak (Croatian scholarly journals). University of Zagreb.
  44. Tarzi . Shah M. . December 2007 . Democratic Peace, Illiberal Democracy and conflict behaviour . International Journal on World Peace . 24 . 4 . 48 . 20752801 . JSTOR.
  45. Book: Solingen, Etel. Regional Orders at Century's Dawn: Global and Domestic Influences on Grand Strategy. limited. Princeton University Press. 1998. 0691058806. 96.
  46. Web site: Webb . A. J. . 2009 . Reality or Rhetoric: The Democratic Peace Theory . 2169672 .