Association of Mary, Queen of Scots, and James VI explained

The Association was the name given to plans in the 1580s for Mary, Queen of Scots, to return to Scotland and rule jointly with her son, James VI of Scotland. The plans came to nothing, despite diplomatic efforts.[1]

Background

Mary was captured by a confederacy of her nobles at the battle of Carberry. She was taken to Lochleven Castle where she abdicated and her son James VI was crowned at the Church of the Holy Rude at Stirling on 28 July 1567.[2]

Mary escaped from Lochleven and joined her Scottish supporters, but was defeated at the battle of Langside near Glasgow. She rode south and took a boat to England.[3] Elizabeth I decided to keep Mary, who was potentially a claimant to the English throne, a prisoner in England. Scotland was ruled on James's behalf by a series of Regents.[4]

Mary had supporters in Scotland and in France. The French kings did not accept that James VI was the rightful king of Scotland. Mary had hopes that her envoys and diplomatic pressure would influence and persuade the advisors of her son that their best course was to call for her return to Scotland as a joint ruler, the "Association".[5] Efforts were made to secure this outcome after James VI was declared an adult ruler, and having reached his majority in 1579, no longer had a Regent appointed to rule for him.[6] In the background, there was a possibility that the Duke of Guise or Spain might intervene, invading both England and Scotland, the Guise plan was known as "L'Impresa",[7] and the Spanish scheme became known as the "Enterprise".[8]

Negotiations for an associated rule

The first plans for the "association" can be linked to John Lesley, Bishop of Ross who wrote of the nature of Scottish monarchy in 1579, in his De jure regni apud Scotos, an answer to historical theories of monarchy proposed by George Buchanan which were intended to justify the ending of Mary's rule.[9]

Mary drew up details and conditions for joint rule with her ally, James Beaton, Archbishop of Glasgow, in October 1581.[10] According to Mary, her abdication had already been annulled, and revoked, by the bond made by her supporters at Hamilton before the battle of Langside. Her son James would need a second coronation with the proper ancient ceremonies to complete the association. She would then be able to recognise him as a king and encourage her allies to do likewise. They would share resources (even if Mary remained in England), jointly appoint a new Privy Council, and issue coinage with both their portraits. She suggested using an emblem of a Scottish thistle with a ship's stern on the coins, a motif used by Roman emperors.[11]

Mary discussed issuing pardons for her enemies, rebels, and the acts of the former regents. She wanted the restitution of her jewels, many of which had been taken during the civil war in 1573 at the capture of Edinburgh Castle.[12] Ballads and poster propaganda left from the civil war should be destroyed. There should be religious toleration for Protestants and Catholics. Mary envisaged that Archbishop Hamilton would be able to conclude negotiations in France, and the Dukes of Lorraine and Guise would send an envoy to Scotland to obtain letters of support.[13]

Mary identified the nomination of Titus as caesar and heir of the Roman emperor Vespasian as a precedent for harmonious joint rule in Scotland.[14] Traditionally, a Roman building in Scotland, Arthur's O'on, was said to commemorate Vespasian's capture of the jewelled crown and regalia of the Pictish kings.[15] [16] John Bellenden had written in the Scots language of "ane croun of gold sett aboute with precious stanis of vareant colouris" and a sword with a heft of gold and a purple scabbard.[17]

In Scotland, it was said, the Duke of Lennox and the Earl of Arran discussed the idea that James's rule was not properly legitimate, and he should make a "resignment" to Mary, who would then grant him power.[18] Lennox was keen for James to get Mary's endorsement as ruler, but seems not to have been enthusiastic for their joint rule.[19] Mary's plans and her measures to get reparation from her enemies and their associates would have been unlikely to get much support in Scotland.[20]

Mary proposed her scheme for the association to an English negotiator, Robert Beale in 1582.[21] She saw an opportunity to further her plans at the time of Elizabeth's negotiations for her marriage to the Duke of Anjou, brother of Henry III of France.[22] Hopes for the Anjou marriage faded, but Mary remained optimistic.[23] On 28 February 1582, Mary wrote in cipher to the French ambassador Michel de Castelnau summarising her hopes for a "union of wills" a settlement would serve:

to pacify all differences between my good sister and cousin [Elizabeth I] and my son [James VI], to restore to good intelligence and friendship between these two kingdoms and, as much as shall be in my power, to assure her of my said son while assuring him and myself reciprocally of the protection that she has always promised ... so that the union of our wills shall bring about the union of these two kingdoms.[24]

English considerations of the association and other treaties with Mary included two diplomatic details. A ratification of the 1560 Treaty of Edinburgh ought not to appear as a demand from Elizabeth which would signal to other countries that Elizabeth was beholden to Mary. Mary's release or recognition as a ruler might also create the impression that Elizabeth thought she was not culpable of the murder of Lord Darnley.[25] The main English policy concern was that the Association was likely to result in an alliance between Spain and Scotland, perhaps facilitating the use of Scottish harbours as a base for a hostile Spanish fleet.[26]

The association and the Ruthven Regime

A new regime took control of Scotland in August 1582 by capturing James VI at Huntingtower Castle. The Ruthven Regime was Protestant in character and aligned more with England than France and the Auld Alliance, or any kind of reconciliation with Mary, although negotiations continued.[27] When George Douglas (a brother of the Laird of Lochleven who had helped Mary escape in 1568) came to see James VI at Stirling Castle in September with plans for the association he was imprisoned as a conspirator.[28]

Bertrand de Salignac de la Mothe-Fénelon brought or sent proposals for the association to Scotland,[29] and came to Scotland with François de Roncherolles, sieur de Maineville in January 1583.[30] Elizabeth heard that James VI was interested, and she asked her diplomats William Davison and Robert Bowes to discuss the disadvantages of this course of action with James.[31] The Ruthven Regime governing in Scotland put an end to her plan at this time.[32] Lennox was accused of "practises against the State", including advocating the association to James VI, and opening a correspondence about it which bypassed the Privy Council.[33] A copy of proposed articles of the association treaty was left with the papers of Esmé Stewart, 1st Duke of Lennox at Dumbarton Castle and burnt by his lawyer.[34]

Bowes spoke with James in May 1583, and he said Mary had begun the discussions. At first, James thought she hoped to confirm his rule in Scotland, gain her freedom, and then retire to live in France. He had rejected the plan for the "association" sent to Lennox.[35] Again, in June, James acknowledged his mother's goodwill but had several reservations about the association. James felt that his mother had renounced her claim to the English crown by her abdication at Lochleven, and the claim now resided in him.[36]

Mary wrote about the project to the French ambassador in London, Michel de Castelnau. She argued that conjoint rule in Scotland would better serve the Auld Alliance and the Catholic faith than the English-leaning Ruthven lords.[37] Her anxieties were increased as tentative negotiations for her son's marriage, to Christina of Lorraine or Catherine of Bourbon, were opened without her.[38] There were also rumours of an English plan for James VI to marry a daughter of Lord Hunsdon, probably Philadelphia Carey, a scheme supported by James Stewart, Earl of Arran.[39]

Mary wrote to Castelnau using cipher code and some of her letters to Castelnau about the association were rediscovered and deciphered in 2022.[40] There is some evidence that Mary opposed French plans involving the Duke of Guise for her rescue by force at this time, thinking that this would prejudice her son's title to the crown of England.[41]

James freed himself from the Ruthven lords in July. Francis Walsingham advised to Bowes to persuade James not to openly discuss the association treaty or other negotiations with his mother in a forthcoming parliament or convention. Bowes knew the Privy Council were already acquainted with the issues and thought the king's servants loyal to Mary, including Little George Douglas and Robert Douglas, Provost of Lincluden would soon find out the details.[42]

Fontenay

One version of Mary's plan was brought to Scotland by Albert Fontenay in 1584. He mistakenly thought the Chancellor of Scotland, John Maitland of Thirlestane would lend his support.[43] James wrote to his mother that he was pleased with the choice of Fontenay, and would consent as soon as possible to "our association".[44] Mary thought that Elizabeth would send her back to Scotland, driven by a climate of "extreme fear".[45]

Nau in London

Mary sent her secretary, Claude Nau, to speak for her with Elizabeth in London.[46] The French ambassador Michel de Castelnau offered his support by proposing to fully cooperate with Francis Walsingham and in September sent Walsingham copies of his recent correspondence with Mary.[47] Mary found that the Master of Gray, a Scottish diplomat, had frustrated her plans and negotiations by revealing that James VI and his advisors were not considering the proposals brought by Fontenay.[48] [49]

Castelnau wrote to James VI in February 1585 with Mary's wishes that above anything in the world, she hoped he would be fortunate and prosperous, and be joined with her (estre conjoinctement tous deulx) in a good understanding with Elizabeth, Henry III of France, and Catherine de' Medici.[50] In March, Mary wrote to Castelnau that James's apparent refusal of the association would lead to her denying his royal title, leaving him only with his heritage from his father Lord Darnley.[51] Mary had said the same to Fontenay the year before, to use as a bargaining point with James.[52]

By May 1585, and following William Parry's plot,[53] it was clear there would be no association between Mary and James.[54] The apparent duplicity and detachment shown by Mary and James in the negotiations for the association can appear callous.[55]

Bond of Association

Meanwhile, in response to the Throckmorton Plot, the English "Bond of Association", at first a vow that all should protect the queen of England, was made law to protect Elizabeth. A version was made at Hampton Court on 19 October 1584.[56] This highlighted various treasons which might be committed by Mary's supporters, and would contribute to the guilty verdict at her trial in 1586.[57] [58]

The Bond of Association was made law by the Act for the Queen's Safety of March 1585. The Act allowed that James VI would not be held responsible for his mother's plots.[59] James VI maintained that he had no dealings with his mother since the mission of the Master of Gray, and he wrote to the Earl of Leicester on 15 December 1586, explaining he had not sought to prefer his mother's rights over his own:[60]

this farre shortlie may I say, I am honest, no changear of course, altogether in all thingis as I professe to be, and quhosoevir will affirme that I had ever intelligence with my mother sen [since] the Master of Grayis being in England, or ever thocht to preferre her to my selff in the title or ever delt in any uther foreyne course, they lie falselie and unhonestlie of me. But speciallie how fonde and insconstant I were if I shude preferre my mother to the title, let all men judge[61]

Further reading

Notes and References

  1. [Susan Doran]
  2. Margaret H. B. Sanderson, Mary Stewart's People (James Thin, 1987), p. 58.
  3. Alexander Malcolm Scott, The Battle of Langside (Glasgow, 1885), p. 88.
  4. Jenny Wormald, Mary, Queen of Scots: Politics, Passion and a Kingdam Lost (Tauris Parke, 2001), pp. 177–180.
  5. Steven Veerapen, The Wisest Fool: The Lavish Life of James VI and I (Birlinn, 2023), p. 59.
  6. Steven J. Reid, The Early Life of James VI, A Long Apprenticeship (Edinburgh: John Donald, 2023), pp. 178-183: Susan Doran, Elizabeth I and Her Circle (Oxford, 2015), pp. 83-85: John Guy, Mary, Queen of Scots: My Heart is My Own (Fourth Estate, 2009), p. 472: Patricia Basing, 'Robert Beale and the Queen of Scots', The British Library Journal, 20:1 (Spring 1994), p. 66.
  7. Steven J. Reid, The Early Life of James VI, A Long Apprenticeship (Edinburgh: John Donald, 2023), p. 194.
  8. Calendar State Papers Scotland, 1584-1585, vol. 7 (Edinburgh, 1913), p. 315 no. 295: John Hosack, Mary Queen of Scots and Her Accusers, vol. 2 (Edinburgh, 1874), p. 238.
  9. Susan Doran and Paulina Kewes, Doubtful and dangerous: The question of the succession in late Elizabethan England (Manchester, 2014), p. 33.
  10. George Lasry et al (2023), p. 146.
  11. William K. Boyd, Calendar State Papers Scotland, vol. 6 (Edinburgh, 1910), p. 65.
  12. Steven J. Reid, The Early Life of James VI, A Long Apprenticeship (Edinburgh: John Donald, 2023), p. 182.
  13. William K. Boyd, Calendar State Papers Scotland, vol. 6 (Edinburgh, 1910), pp. xix, 63-72 no. 74, 116-119 nos. 108, 109, 110
  14. William K. Boyd, Calendar State Papers Scotland, vol. 6 (Edinburgh, 1910), p. 268 no. 292
  15. [Raphael Holinshed]
  16. [Hector Boece]
  17. R. W. Chambers & E. C. Batho, The Chronicles of Scotland, Compiled by Hector Boece and translated by John Bellenden, 1 (Edinburgh: STS, 1938), pp. 122–123
  18. William K. Boyd, Calendar State Papers Scotland, vol. 6 (Edinburgh, 1910), p. 122 no. 113.
  19. Steven J. Reid, The Early Life of James VI, A Long Apprenticeship (Edinburgh: John Donald, 2023), pp. 179-180.
  20. Steven J. Reid, The Early Life of James VI, A Long Apprenticeship (Edinburgh: John Donald, 2023), p. 182.
  21. Patricia Basing, 'Robert Beale and the Queen of Scots', The British Library Journal, 20:1 (Spring 1994).
  22. Alexander Courtney, James VI, Britannic Prince: King of Scots and Elizabeth's Heir, 1566–1603 (Routledge, 2024), p. 54.
  23. George Lasry, Norbert Biermann, Satoshi Tomokiyo, 'Deciphering Mary Stuart's lost letters from 1578-1584', Cryptologia, 47:2 (8 February 2023), pp. 146–48. .
  24. Alexander Courtney, James VI, Britannic Prince: King of Scots and Elizabeth's Heir, 1566–1603 (Routledge, 2024), p. 55.
  25. William K. Boyd, Calendar State Papers Scotland, vol. 6 (Edinburgh, 1910), pp. 629-631 no. 666.
  26. Robert S. Rait & Annie I. Cameron, King James's Secret (London: Nisbet, 1927), p. 8.
  27. John Daniel Leader, Mary Queen of Scots in Captivity (Sheffield, 1880), p. 517.
  28. Memoirs of the Affairs of Scotland by David Moysie (Edinburgh, 1830), p. 39.
  29. George Lasry, Norbert Biermann, Satoshi Tomokiyo, 'Deciphering Mary Stuart's lost letters from 1578-1584', Cryptologia (2023), p. 5, 56-59.
  30. Steven J. Reid, The Early Life of James VI, A Long Apprenticeship (Edinburgh: John Donald, 2023), p. 205.
  31. William Murdin, Collection of State Papers (London, 1759), pp. 372-374: Calendar of the Manuscripts of the Marquis of Salisbury, vol. 3 (London, 1889), p. 1 no. 2
  32. Steven J. Reid, 'Of bairns and bearded men: James VI and the Ruthven Raid', Miles Kerr-Peterson & Steven J. Reid, James VI and Noble Power in Scotland 1578-1603 (Routledge, 2017), pp. 32-44: John Guy, Mary, Queen of Scots: My Heart is My Own (Fourth Estate, 2009), p. 472.
  33. William K. Boyd, Calendar State Papers Scotland, vol. 6 (Edinburgh, 1910), p. 151 no. 144.
  34. Bowes Correspondence (London, 1842), p. 555.
  35. William K. Boyd, Calendar State Papers Scotland, vol. 6 (Edinburgh, 1910), pp. 436-7 no. 442.
  36. William K. Boyd, Calendar State Papers Scotland, vol. 6 (Edinburgh, 1910), pp. 516-7 no. 546.
  37. Patricia Basing, 'Robert Beale and the Queen of Scots', The British Library Journal, 20:1 (Spring 1994), pp. 77-80.
  38. William K. Boyd, Calendar State Papers Scotland, vol. 6 (Edinburgh, 1910), pp. 126 no. 116, 437-8 no. 442: Bowes Correspondence (London, 1842), p. 588: The painter Arnold Bronckorst made portraits of James VI to send abroad, National Records of Scotland E23/6/17.
  39. James Melville, Memoirs of his own life (Edinburgh, 1827), p. 329: James Anthony Froude, History of England, vol. 11 (London, 1870), pp. 667-8: Conyers Read, Lord Burghley and Queen Elizabeth (New York, 1961), p. 289.
  40. George Lasry, Norbert Biermann, Satoshi Tomokiyo, 'Deciphering Mary Stuart's lost letters from 1578-1584', Cryptologia (8 Feb 2023), pp. 105, 135, 146, 156. .
  41. Leo Hicks, An Elizabethan problem: some aspects of the careers of two exile-adventurers (London, 1964), pp. 23, 29, 142.
  42. William K. Boyd, Calendar State Papers Scotland, vol. 6 (Edinburgh, 1910), pp. 524-5 no. 550, 537-8 no. 564.
  43. Maurice Lee jnr., John Maitland of Thirlestane and the Foundation of the Stewart Despotism in Scotland (Princeton UP, 1959), pp. 62-63.
  44. https://archive.org/details/calendarofmanusc03grea_1/page/46/mode/2up Calendar of the Manuscripts of the Marquis of Salisbury, vol. 3 (London, 1889), pp. 46 no. 94, 48 no. 97
  45. William Boyd, Calendar State Papers Scotland, 1584-1585, vol. 7 (Edinburgh, 1913), pp. 343-4 no. 321: William Barclay Turnbull, Letters of Mary Stuart (London, 1845), p. 313: British Library Cotton Caligula C/VII f.142: TNA SP 53/15 f.8
  46. [Stephen Alford]
  47. Sophie Crawford Lomas, Calendar State Papers Foreign Elizabeth, vol. 19 (London, 1916), pp. 38–39, 161.
  48. Steven J. Reid, The Early Life of James VI, A Long Apprenticeship (Edinburgh: John Donald, 2023), pp. 255-258: Arthur Clifford, Sadler State Papers, vol. 2 (Edinburgh, 1809), p. 46.
  49. [John Hosack]
  50. [Annie Cameron]
  51. [Agnes Strickland]
  52. R. Malcolm Smuts, Political Culture, the State, and the Problem of Religious War in Britain (Oxford, 2023), p. 165: Despatches of Courcelles, pp. 6-7.
  53. Leo Hicks, An Elizabethan Problem (London, 1964), p. 70.
  54. Jenny Wormald, Mary Queen of Scots: Politics, Passion and a Kingdom Lost (Tauris Parke, 2001), pp. 188-189.
  55. Steven J. Reid, The Early Life of James VI, A Long Apprenticeship (Edinburgh: John Donald, 2023), p. 309.
  56. A. R. Braunmuller, A seventeenth-century letter-book : a facsimile edition of Folger MS. V.a. 321 (University of Delaware, 1983), pp. 197–202.
  57. Stephen Alford, The Watchers (Penguin, 2013), pp. 136-7: Steven J. Reid, The Early Life of James VI, A Long Apprenticeship (Edinburgh: John Donald, 2023), p. 258.
  58. John Strype, Annals of the Reformation, vol. 3 part 1 (Oxford, 1824), p. 314.
  59. Alexander Courtney, James VI, Britannic Prince: King of Scots and Elizabeth's Heir, 1566–1603 (Routledge, 2024), pp. 82–83.
  60. Robert S. Rait & Annie I. Cameron, King James's Secret (London: Nisbet, 1927), p. 102 fn.
  61. Robert S. Rait & Annie I. Cameron, King James's Secret (London: Nisbet, 1927), pp. 11, 101–102.