Haitian Vodou is an African diasporic religion that developed in Haiti between the 16th and 19th centuries. It arose through a process of syncretism between several traditional religions of West and Central Africa and Roman Catholicism. There is no central authority in control of the religion and much diversity exists among practitioners, who are known as Vodouists, Vodouisants, or Serviteurs.
Vodou teaches the existence of a transcendent creator divinity, Bondye, under whom are spirits known as Haitian; Haitian Creole: [[lwa]]. Typically deriving their names and attributes from traditional West and Central African deities, they are equated with Roman Catholic saints. The Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa divide into different groups, the Haitian; Haitian Creole: nanchon ("nations"), most notably the Rada and the Petwo, about whom various myths and stories are told. This theology has been labelled both monotheistic and polytheistic. An initiatory tradition, Vodouists commonly venerate the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa at an Haitian; Haitian Creole: ounfò (temple), run by an Haitian; Haitian Creole: [[oungan]] (priest) or Haitian; Haitian Creole: [[Manbo (Vodou)|manbo]] (priestess). Alternatively, Vodou is also practised within family groups or in secret societies like the Bizango. A central ritual involves practitioners drumming, singing, and dancing to encourage a Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa to possess one of their members and thus communicate with them. Offerings to the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa, and to spirits of the dead, include fruit, liquor, and sacrificed animals. Several forms of divination are utilized to decipher messages from the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa. Healing rituals and the preparation of herbal remedies and talismans also play a prominent role.
Vodou developed among Afro-Haitian communities amid the Atlantic slave trade of the 16th to 19th centuries. Its structure arose from the blending of the traditional religions of those enslaved West and Central Africans brought to the island of Hispaniola, among them Kongo, Fon, and Yoruba. There, it absorbed influences from the culture of the French colonialists who controlled the colony of Saint-Domingue, most notably Roman Catholicism but also Freemasonry. Many Vodouists were involved in the Haitian Revolution of 1791 to 1801 which overthrew the French colonial government, abolished slavery, and transformed Saint-Domingue into the republic of Haiti. The Roman Catholic Church left for several decades following the Revolution, allowing Vodou to become Haiti's dominant religion. In the 20th century, growing emigration spread Vodou abroad. The late 20th century saw growing links between Vodou and related traditions in West Africa and the Americas, such as Cuban Santería and Brazilian Candomblé, while some practitioners influenced by the Négritude movement have sought to remove Roman Catholic influences.
Most Haitians practice both Vodou and Roman Catholicism, seeing no contradiction in pursuing the two different systems simultaneously. Smaller Vodouist communities exist elsewhere, especially among Haitian diasporas in Cuba and the United States. Both in Haiti and abroad Vodou has spread beyond its Afro-Haitian origins and is practiced by individuals of various ethnicities. Having faced much criticism through its history, Vodou has been described as one of the world's most misunderstood religions.
Vodou is a religion. More specifically, scholars have characterised it as an Afro-Haitian religion, and as Haiti's "national religion". Its main structure derives from the African traditional religions of West and Central Africa which were brought to Haiti by enslaved Africans between the 16th and 19th centuries. Of these, the greatest influences came from the Fon and Bakongo peoples. On the island, these African religions mixed with the iconography of European-derived traditions such as Roman Catholicism and Freemasonry, taking the form of Vodou around the mid-18th century. In combining varied influences, Vodou has often been described as syncretic, or a "symbiosis", a religion exhibiting diverse cultural influences.
As formed in Haiti, Vodou represented "a new religion", "a creolized New World system", one that differs in many ways from African traditional religions. The scholar Leslie Desmangles therefore called it an "African-derived tradition", Ina J. Fandrich termed it a "neo-African religion", and Markel Thylefors called it an "Afro-Latin American religion". Several other African diasporic religions found in the Americas formed in a similar way, and owing to their shared origins in West African traditional religion, Vodou has been characterized as a "sister religion" of Cuban Santería and Brazilian Candomblé.
Vodou has no central institutional authority, no single leader, and no developed body of doctrine. It thus has no orthodoxy, no central liturgy, and no formal creed. Developing over the course of several centuries, it has changed over time. It displays variation at both the regional and local level—including variation between Haiti and the Haitian diaspora—as well as among different congregations. It is practiced domestically, by families on their land, but also by congregations meeting communally, with the latter termed "temple Vodou".
In Haitian culture, religions are not generally deemed totally autonomous. Many Haitians thus practice both Vodou and Roman Catholicism, with Vodouists usually regarding themselves as Roman Catholics. In Haiti, Vodouists have also practiced Protestantism, Mormonism, or Freemasonry; in Cuba they have involved themselves in Santería, and in the United States with modern Paganism. Vodou has also absorbed elements from other contexts; in Cuba, some Vodouists have adopted elements from Spiritism. Influenced by the Négritude movement, other Vodouists have sought to remove Roman Catholic and other European influences from their practice of Vodou.
In English, Vodou's practitioners are termed Vodouists; in French and Haitian Creole, they are called Haitian; Haitian Creole: Vodouisants or Haitian; Haitian Creole: Vodouyizan. Another term for adherents is sèvitè (Haitian; Haitian Creole: serviteurs, "devotees"), reflecting their self-description as people who Haitian; Haitian Creole: sèvi lwa ("serve the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa"), the supernatural beings that play a central role in Vodou.
Many words used in the religion derive from the Fon language of West Africa; this includes the word Haitian; Haitian Creole: Vodou itself. First recorded in the 1658 Doctrina Christiana, the Fon word Fon: Vôdoun was used in the West African kingdom of Dahomey to signify a spirit or deity. In Haitian Creole, Haitian; Haitian Creole: Vodou came to designate a specific style of dance and drumming, before outsiders to the religion adopted it as a generic term for much Afro-Haitian religion. The word Haitian; Haitian Creole: Vodou now encompasses "a variety of Haiti's African-derived religious traditions and practices", incorporating "a bundle of practices that practitioners themselves do not aggregate". Haitian; Haitian Creole: Vodou is thus a term primarily used by scholars and outsiders to the religion; many practitioners describe their belief system with the term Haitian; Haitian Creole: Ginen, which especially denotes a moral philosophy and ethical code regarding how to live and to serve the spirits.
Haitian; Haitian Creole: Vodou is the common spelling for the religion among scholars, in official Haitian Creole orthography, and by the United States Library of Congress. Some scholars prefer the spellings Vodoun, Voudoun, or Vodun, while in French the spellings French: vaudou or French: vaudoux also appear. The spelling Voodoo, once common, is now generally avoided by practitioners and scholars when referring to the Haitian religion. This is both to avoid confusion with Louisiana Voodoo, a related but distinct tradition, and to distinguish it from the negative connotations that the term Voodoo has in Western popular culture.
Vodou is monotheistic, teaching the existence of a single supreme God. This entity is called Bondye or Bonié, a name deriving from the French term French: Bon Dieu ("Good God"). Another term for it is the Haitian; Haitian Creole: [[Gran Maître|Gran Mèt]], borrowed from Freemasonry. For Vodouists, Bondye is the ultimate source of power, the creator of the universe, and the maintainer of cosmic order. Haitians frequently use the phrase Haitian; Haitian Creole: si Bondye vle ("if Bondye wishes"), suggesting a belief that all things occur in accordance with this divinity's will. Vodouists regard Bondye as being transcendent and remote; as the God is uninvolved in human affairs, they see little point in approaching it directly. While Vodouists often equate Bondye with the Christian God, Vodou does not incorporate belief in a powerful antagonist that opposes the supreme being akin to the Christian notion of Satan.
Vodou has also been characterized as polytheistic. It teaches the existence of beings called the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa, a term varyingly translated into English as "spirits", "gods", or "geniuses". These Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa are also known as the Haitian; Haitian Creole: mystères, Haitian; Haitian Creole: anges, Haitian; Haitian Creole: saints, and Haitian; Haitian Creole: les invisibles, and are sometimes equated with the angels of Christian cosmology. Vodou teaches that there are over a thousand Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa. Serving as Bondye's intermediaries, they communicate with humans through their dreams or by directly possessing them. Vodouists believe the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa are capable of offering people help, protection, and counsel in return for ritual service. Each Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa has its own personality, and is associated with specific colors, days of the week, and objects. They are however not seen as moral exemplars for practitioners to imitate. The Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa can be either loyal or capricious in their dealings with their devotees; they are easily offended, for instance if offered food they dislike. When angered, the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa are believed to remove their protection from their devotees, or to inflict misfortune, illness, or madness on an individual.
Although there are exceptions, most Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa names derive from the Fon and Yoruba languages. New Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa are nevertheless added to the pantheon, with both talismans and certain humans thought capable of becoming Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa, in the latter case through their strength of personality or power. Vodouists often refer to the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa living in the sea or in rivers, or alternatively in Guinea, a term encompassing a generalized understanding of Africa as the ancestral land of the Haitian people.
The Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa divide into Haitian; Haitian Creole: nanchon or "nations". This classificatory system derives from the way in which enslaved Africans were divided into "nations" upon their arrival in Haiti, usually based on their African port of departure rather than their ethno-cultural identity. The term Haitian; Haitian Creole: fanmi (family) is sometimes used synonymously with Haitian; Haitian Creole: nanchon or alternatively as a sub-division of the latter category. It is often claimed that there are 17 Haitian; Haitian Creole: nanchon, of which the Rada and the Petwo are the largest and most dominant.
The Rada Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa are seen as being 'cool'; the Petwo Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa as 'hot'. This means that the Rada are Haitian; Haitian Creole: dous or Haitian; Haitian Creole: doux, or sweet-tempered, while the Petwo are Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa cho, indicating that they can be forceful or violent and are associated with fire. Whereas the Rada are generally righteous, their Petwo counterparts are more morally ambiguous and associated with issues like money. The Rada owe more to Dahomeyan and Yoruba influences; their name probably comes from Arada, a city in the Dahomey kingdom of West Africa. The Petwo derive largely from Kongo religion, although also exhibit Dahomeyan and creolised influences. Some Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa exist Haitian; Haitian Creole: andezo or Haitian; Haitian Creole: en deux eaux, meaning that they are "in two waters" and are served in both Rada and Petwo rituals.
Vodou teaches that there are over a thousand Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa, although certain ones are especially widely venerated. In Rada ceremonies, the first Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa saluted is Papa Legba, also known as Legba. Depicted as a feeble old man wearing rags and using a crutch, Papa Legba is the protector of gates and fences and thus of the home, as well as of roads, paths, and crossroads. In Petwo rites, the first Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa invoked is usually Mèt Kalfou. The second Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa usually greeted are the Marasa or sacred twins. In Vodou, every Haitian; Haitian Creole: nanchon has its own Marasa, reflecting a belief that twins have special powers. Another important Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa is Agwe, also known as Agwe-taroyo, who is associated with aquatic life and is the protector of ships and fishermen. Agwe is believed to rule the sea with his consort, La Sirène. She is a mermaid, and is sometimes described as Èzili of the Waters because she is believed to bring good luck and wealth from the sea. Also given the name Èzili is Èzili Freda or Erzuli Freda, the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa of love and luxury who personifies feminine beauty and grace, and Ezili Dantor, who takes the form of a peasant woman.
Azaka is the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa of crops and agriculture, usually addressed as "Papa" or "Cousin". His consort is the female Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa Kouzinn. Loco is the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa of vegetation, and because he is seen to give healing properties to various plant species is considered the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa of healing too. Ogou is a warrior Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa, associated with weapons. Sogbo is a Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa associated with lightning, while his companion, Bade, is associated with the wind. Danbala is a serpent Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa and is associated with water, being believed to frequent rivers, springs, and marshes; he is one of the most popular deities in the pantheon. Danbala and his consort Ayida-Weddo are often depicted as a pair of intertwining snakes. The Simbi are understood as the guardians of fountains and marshes.
Usually seen as a Haitian; Haitian Creole: fanmi rather than a Haitian; Haitian Creole: nanchon, the Gede are associated with the realm of the dead. The head of the family is Baron Samedi ("Baron Saturday"); he is associated with the phallus, the skull, and the graveyard cross, the latter used to mark out his presence in a Haitian cemetery. His consort is Gran Brigit, who has authority over cemeteries and is mother to many of the other Gede. The Gede regularly satirise the ruling authorities, and are welcomed to rituals as they are thought to bring merriment. The Gede's symbol is an erect penis, while the Haitian; Haitian Creole: banda dance associated with them involves sexual-style thrusting, and those possessed by these lwa typically make sexual innuendos.
Most Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa are associated with specific Roman Catholic saints. These links are reliant on "analogies between their respective functions"; Azaka, the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa of agriculture, is for instance associated with Saint Isidore the farmer. Similarly, because he is understood as the "key" to the spirit world, Papa Legba is typically associated with Saint Peter, who is visually depicted holding keys in traditional Roman Catholic imagery. The Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa of love and luxury, Èzili Freda, is associated with Mater Dolorosa. Danbala the serpent is often equated with Saint Patrick, who is traditionally depicted with snakes, or with Moses, whose staff turned into serpents. The Marasa, or sacred twins, are typically equated with the twin saints Cosmos and Damian.
Scholars like Desmangles have argued that Vodouists originally adopted the Roman Catholic saints to conceal Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa worship when the latter was illegal during the colonial period. Observing Vodou in the latter part of the 20th century, Donald J. Cosentino argued that by that point, the use of Roman Catholic saints reflected the genuine devotional expression of many Vodouists. The scholar Marc A. Christophe concurred, stating that most modern Vodouists genuinely see the saints and Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa as one, reflecting Vodou's "all-inclusive and harmonizing characteristics". Many Vodouists possess chromolithographic prints of the saints, while images of these Christian figures can also be found on temple walls, and on the Haitian; Haitian Creole: drapo flags used in Vodou ritual. Vodouists also often adopt and reinterpret biblical stories and theorise about the nature of Jesus of Nazareth.
Vodou holds that Bondye created humanity in its image, fashioning humans from water and clay. It teaches the existence of a soul, usually called the Haitian; Haitian Creole: nanm, or sometimes the Haitian; Haitian Creole: espri, which is divided in two parts. One of these is the Haitian; Haitian Creole: ti bonnanj ("little good angel"), understood as the conscience that allows an individual to engage in self-reflection and self-criticism. The other part is the Haitian; Haitian Creole: gwo bonnanj ("big good angel") and this constitutes the psyche, source of memory, intelligence, and personhood. Both parts are believed to reside within an individual's head, although the Haitian; Haitian Creole: gwo bonnanj is thought capable of leaving the head and travelling while a person sleeps.
Vodouists believe that every individual is connected to a specific Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa, regarded as their Haitian; Haitian Creole: mèt tèt (master of the head). They believe that this Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa informs the individual's personality. Vodou holds that the identity of a person's tutelary Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa can be identified through divination or by consulting Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa when they possess other humans. Some of the religion's priests and priestesses are deemed to have "the gift of eyes", capable of seeing the identity of a person's tutelary Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa.
Vodou holds that Bondye has preordained the time of everyone's death, but does not teach the existence of an afterlife realm akin to the Christian ideas of heaven and hell. Instead, a common belief is that at bodily death, the Haitian; Haitian Creole: gwo bonnanj join the Ginen, or ancestral spirits, while the Haitian; Haitian Creole: ti bonnanj proceeds to face judgement before Bondye. This idea of judgement is more common in urban areas, having been influenced by Roman Catholicism, while in the Haitian mountains it is more common for Vodouists to believe that the Haitian; Haitian Creole: ti bonnanj dissolves into the navel of the earth nine days after death. The land of the Ginen is often identified as being located beneath the sea, under the earth, or above the sky. Some Vodouists believe that the Haitian; Haitian Creole: gwo bonnanj stays in the land of the Ginen for a year and a day before being absorbed into the Gede family. However, Vodouists usually distinguish the spirits of the dead from the Gede proper, for the latter are Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa. Vodou also teaches that the dead continue to participate in human affairs, with these spirits often complaining that they suffer from hunger, cold, and damp, and thus requiring sacrifices from the living.
See also: Haitian Vodou and sexual orientation.
Vodou ethical standards correspond to its sense of cosmological order, with a belief in the interdependence of things playing a role in Vodou approaches to ethical issues. Serving the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa is central to Vodou and its moral codes reflect the reciprocal relationship that practitioners have with these spirits; for Vodouists, virtue is maintained by ensuring a responsible relationship with the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa. Vodou also promotes a belief in destiny, although individuals are still deemed to have freedom of choice. This view of destiny has been interpreted as encouraging a fatalistic outlook, something that the religion's critics, especially from Christian backgrounds, have argued has discouraged Vodouists from improving their society. This has been extended into an argument that Vodou is responsible for Haiti's poverty, a view that in turn has been accused of being rooted in European colonial prejudices towards Africans.
Although Vodou permeates every aspect of its adherent's lives, it offers no prescriptive code of ethics. Rather than being rule-based, Vodou morality is deemed contextual to the situation, with no clear binary division between good and evil. Vodou reflects people's everyday concerns, focusing on techniques for mitigating illness and misfortune; doing what one needs to in order to survive is considered a high ethic. Among Vodouists, a moral person is regarded as someone who lives in tune with their character and that of their tutelary Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa. In general, acts that reinforce Bondye's power are deemed good; those that undermine it are seen as bad. Haitian; Haitian Creole: Maji, meaning the use of supernatural powers for self-serving and malevolent ends, are usually thought bad. The term is quite flexible; it is usually used to denigrate other Vodouists, although some practitioners have used it as a self-descriptor in reference to Petwo rites.
The extended family is of importance in Haitian society, with Vodou reinforcing family ties, and emphasising respect for the elderly. Although there are accounts of male Vodou priests mistreating their female followers, in the religion women can also lay claim to moral authority as social and spiritual leaders. Vodou is also considered sympathetic to gay people, with many gay and bisexual individuals holding status as Vodou priests and priestesses, and some groups having largely gay congregations. Some Vodouists state that the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa determined their sexual orientation, turning them homosexual, while the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa Èzili is seen as the patron of Haitian; Haitian Creole: masisi (gay men).
The anthropologist Alfred Métraux described Vodou as "a practical and utilitarian religion". Its practices largely revolve around interactions with the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa, and incorporate song, drumming, dance, prayer, possession, and animal sacrifice. Practitioners gather together for Haitian; Haitian Creole: sèvices (services) in which they commune with the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa. Ceremonies for a particular Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa often coincide with the feast day of the Roman Catholic saint which that Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa is associated with. The mastery of ritual forms is considered imperative in Vodou. The purpose of ritual is to Haitian; Haitian Creole: echofe ("heat things up"), thus bringing about change, whether that be to remove barriers or to facilitate healing.
Secrecy is important in Vodou. It is an initiatory tradition, operating through a system of graded induction or initiation. When an individual agrees to serve a Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa, it is deemed a lifelong commitment.Vodou has a strong oral culture, and its teachings are primarily disseminated through oral transmission, although many practitioners began to use texts after they appeared in the mid-20th century. The terminology used in Vodou ritual is called Haitian; Haitian Creole: langaj. Unlike in Santería and Candomblé, which employ Yoruba as a liturgical language not understood by most practitioners, in Vodou the liturgies are predominantly in Haitian Creole, the everyday language of most Vodouists.
Male priests are referred to as an Haitian; Haitian Creole: [[Oungan|oungan]], alternatively spelled Haitian; Haitian Creole: houngan or Haitian; Haitian Creole: hungan, or a Haitian; Haitian Creole: prèt Vodou ("Vodou priest"). Priestesses are termed Haitian; Haitian Creole: [[Manbo (Vodou)|manbo]], alternatively spelled Haitian; Haitian Creole: mambo. Haitian; Haitian Creole: Oungan numerically dominate in rural Haiti, while there is a more equitable balance of priests and priestesses in urban areas. The Haitian; Haitian Creole: oungan and Haitian; Haitian Creole: manbo are tasked with organising liturgies, preparing initiations, offering consultations with clients using divination, and preparing remedies for the sick. There is no priestly hierarchy, with Haitian; Haitian Creole: oungan and Haitian; Haitian Creole: manbo being largely self-sufficient. In many cases, the role is hereditary. Historical evidence suggests that the role of the Haitian; Haitian Creole: oungan and Haitian; Haitian Creole: manbo intensified over the course of the 20th century. As a result, "temple Vodou" is now more common in rural areas of Haiti than it was in historical periods.
Vodou teaches that the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa call an individual to become an Haitian; Haitian Creole: oungan or Haitian; Haitian Creole: manbo, and if the latter refuses then misfortune may befall them. A prospective Haitian; Haitian Creole: oungan or Haitian; Haitian Creole: manbo must normally rise through the other roles in a Vodou congregation before undergoing an apprenticeship with a pre-existing Haitian; Haitian Creole: oungan or Haitian; Haitian Creole: manbo lasting several months or years. After this apprenticeship, they undergo an initiation ceremony, the details of which are kept secret from non-initiates. Other Haitian; Haitian Creole: oungan and Haitian; Haitian Creole: manbo do not undergo any apprenticeship, but claim that they have gained their training directly from the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa. Their authenticity is often challenged, and they are referred to as Haitian; Haitian Creole: hungan-macoutte, a term bearing some disparaging connotations. Becoming an Haitian; Haitian Creole: oungan or Haitian; Haitian Creole: manbo is expensive, often requiring the purchase of ritual paraphernalia and land on which to build a temple. To finance this, many save up for a long time.
Vodouists believe that the Haitian; Haitian Creole: oungan's role is modelled on the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa Loco; in Vodou mythology, he was the first Haitian; Haitian Creole: oungan and his consort Ayizan the first Haitian; Haitian Creole: manbo. The Haitian; Haitian Creole: oungan and Haitian; Haitian Creole: manbo are expected to display the power of second sight, something regarded as a gift from Bondye that can be revealed to the individual through visions or dreams. Many priests and priestesses are often attributed fantastical powers in stories told about them, and may bolster their status with claims to have received revelations from the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa, sometimes via visits to the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa's own abode.
There is often bitter competition between different Haitian; Haitian Creole: oungan and Haitian; Haitian Creole: manbo. Their main income derives from healing the sick, supplemented with payments received for overseeing initiations and selling talismans and amulets. In many cases, Haitian; Haitian Creole: oungan and Haitian; Haitian Creole: manbo become wealthier than their clients. Haitian; Haitian Creole: Oungan and Haitian; Haitian Creole: manbo are generally powerful and well-respected members of Haitian society. Being an Haitian; Haitian Creole: oungan or Haitian; Haitian Creole: manbo provides an individual with both social status and material profit, although the fame and reputation of individual priests and priestesses can vary widely. Respected Vodou priests and priestesses are often literate in a society where semi-literacy and illiteracy are common. They can recite from printed texts and write letters for illiterate members of their community.Owing to their prominence in a community, the Haitian; Haitian Creole: oungan and Haitian; Haitian Creole: manbo can effectively become political leaders, or otherwise exert an influence on local politics.
A Vodou temple is called an Haitian; Haitian Creole: [[Hounfour|ounfò]], varyingly spelled Haitian; Haitian Creole: hounfò, Haitian; Haitian Creole: hounfort, or Haitian; Haitian Creole: humfo. An alternative term is Haitian; Haitian Creole: gangan, although the connotations of this term vary regionally in Haiti. Most communal Vodou activities centre around this Haitian; Haitian Creole: ounfò, forming what is called "temple Vodou". The size and shape of Haitian; Haitian Creole: ounfòs vary, from basic shacks to more lavish structures, the latter being more common in Port-au-Prince. Their designs are dependent on the resources and tastes of the Haitian; Haitian Creole: oungan or Haitian; Haitian Creole: manbo running them. Each Haitian; Haitian Creole: ounfò is autonomous, and often has its own unique customs.
The main ceremonial room in the Haitian; Haitian Creole: ounfò is the Haitian; Haitian Creole: peristil, understood as a microcosmic representation of the cosmos. In the Haitian; Haitian Creole: peristil, brightly painted posts hold up the roof; the central post is the Haitian; Haitian Creole: poto mitan, which is used as a pivot during ritual dances and the pillar through which the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa enter the room during ceremonies. It is around this central post that offerings, including both Haitian; Haitian Creole: vèvè patterns and animal sacrifices, are made. However, in the Haitian diaspora many Vodouists perform their rites in basements, where no Haitian; Haitian Creole: poto mitan are available. The Haitian; Haitian Creole: peristil typically has an earthen floor, allowing libations to the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa to drain directly into the soil; where this is not possible, libations are poured into an enamel basin. Some Haitian; Haitian Creole: peristil include seating around the walls.
Adjacent rooms in the Haitian; Haitian Creole: ounfò include the Haitian; Haitian Creole: caye-mystéres, also known as the Haitian; Haitian Creole: bagi, Haitian; Haitian Creole: badji, or Haitian; Haitian Creole: sobadji. This is where stonework altars, known as Haitian; Haitian Creole: pè, stand against the wall or are arranged in tiers. Also present may be a sink dedicated to the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa Danbala-Wedo. The Haitian; Haitian Creole: caye-mystéres is also used to store clothing that will be worn by those possessed by the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa during rituals. If space is available, the Haitian; Haitian Creole: ounfò may also have a room set aside for the patron Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa of that temple. Many Haitian; Haitian Creole: ounfòs have a room known as the Haitian; Haitian Creole: djévo in which the initiate is confined during their initiatory ceremony. Every Haitian; Haitian Creole: ounfò usually has a room or corner of a room devoted to Erzuli Freda. Some Haitian; Haitian Creole: ounfò will also have additional rooms in which the Haitian; Haitian Creole: oungan or Haitian; Haitian Creole: manbo lives.
The area around the Haitian; Haitian Creole: ounfò often contains objects dedicated to particular Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa, such as a pool of water for Danbala, a black cross for Baron Samedi, and a Haitian; Haitian Creole: pince (iron bar) embedded in a brazier for Criminel. Sacred trees, known as Haitian; Haitian Creole: arbres-reposoirs, sometimes mark the Haitian; Haitian Creole: ounfò's external boundary. Hanging from these trees can be found Haitian; Haitian Creole: macounte straw sacks, strips of material, and animal skulls. Various animals, particularly birds but also some mammal species such as goats, are sometimes kept within the perimeter of the Haitian; Haitian Creole: ounfò for use as sacrifices.
Forming a spiritual community of practitioners, the Haitian; Haitian Creole: ounfò's congregation are known as the Haitian; Haitian Creole: pititt-caye (children of the house). They worship under the authority of an Haitian; Haitian Creole: oungan or Haitian; Haitian Creole: manbo, below whom is ranked the Haitian; Haitian Creole: ounsi, individuals who make a lifetime commitment to serving the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa. Members of either sex can join the Haitian; Haitian Creole: ounsi, although most are female. The Haitian; Haitian Creole: ounsi's duties include cleaning the Haitian; Haitian Creole: peristil, sacrificing animals, and taking part in the dances at which they must be prepared to be possessed by a Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa. The Haitian; Haitian Creole: oungan and Haitian; Haitian Creole: manbo conduct initiatory ceremonies whereby people become Haitian; Haitian Creole: ounsi, oversee their training, and act as their counsellor, healer, and protector. In turn, the Haitian; Haitian Creole: ounsi are expected to be obedient to their Haitian; Haitian Creole: oungan or Haitian; Haitian Creole: manbo.
One of the Haitian; Haitian Creole: ounsi becomes the Haitian; Haitian Creole: hungenikon or Haitian; Haitian Creole: reine-chanterelle, the mistress of the choir. They are responsible for overseeing the liturgical singing and shaking the Haitian; Haitian Creole: chacha rattle which dictates the rhythm during ceremonies. They are aided by the Haitian; Haitian Creole: hungenikon-la-place, Haitian; Haitian Creole: commandant general de la place, or quartermaster, who is charged with overseeing offerings and keeping order during the rites. Another figure is Haitian; Haitian Creole: le confiance (the confidant), the Haitian; Haitian Creole: ounsi who oversees the Haitian; Haitian Creole: ounfò's administrative functions. Congregants often form a Haitian; Haitian Creole: sosyete soutyen (French: société soutien, support society), through which subscriptions are paid to help maintain the Haitian; Haitian Creole: ounfò and organize the major religious feasts.
In rural areas especially, a congregation may consist of an extended family. Here, the priest will often be the patriarch of that family. Families, particularly in rural areas, often believe that through their Haitian; Haitian Creole: zansèt (ancestors) they are tied to a Haitian; Haitian Creole: premye mèt bitasyon (original founder); their descent from this figure is seen as giving them their inheritance both of the land and of familial spirits.In other examples, particularly in urban areas, an Haitian; Haitian Creole: ounfò can act as an initiatory family. A priest becomes the Haitian; Haitian Creole: papa ("father") while the priestess becomes the Haitian; Haitian Creole: manman ("mother") to the initiate; the initiate becomes their initiator's Haitian; Haitian Creole: pitit (spiritual child). Those who share an initiator refer to themselves as "brother" and "sister."Individuals may join a particular Haitian; Haitian Creole: ounfò because it exists in their locality or because their family are already members. Alternatively, it may be that the Haitian; Haitian Creole: ounfò places particular focus on a Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa whom they are devoted to, or that they are impressed by the Haitian; Haitian Creole: oungan or Haitian; Haitian Creole: manbo who runs the Haitian; Haitian Creole: ounfò in question, perhaps having been treated by them.
Vodou is hierarchical and includes a series of initiations. There are typically four levels of initiation, the fourth of which makes someone an Haitian; Haitian Creole: oungan or Haitian; Haitian Creole: manbo. There is much variation in what these initiation ceremonies entail, and the details are kept secret. Each initiatory stage is associated with a state of mind called a Haitian; Haitian Creole: konesan (French: conaissance or knowledge). Successive initiations are required to move through the various Haitian; Haitian Creole: konesans, and it is in these Haitian; Haitian Creole: konesans that priestly power is believed to reside.
The first initiation rite is the Haitian; Haitian Creole: kanzo; this term also describes the initiate themselves. Initiation is generally expensive, complex, and requires significant preparation. Prospective initiates are for instance required to memorise many songs and learn the characteristics of various Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa. Vodouists believe the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa may encourage an individual towards initiation, bringing misfortune upon them if they refuse.
Initiation will often be preceded by bathing in special preparations. The first part of the initiation rite is known as the Haitian; Haitian Creole: kouche or Haitian; Haitian Creole: huño, and is marked by salutations and offerings to the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa. It begins with the Haitian; Haitian Creole: chire ayizan, a ceremony in which palm leaves are frayed and then worn by the initiate. Sometimes the Haitian; Haitian Creole: bat ge or Haitian; Haitian Creole: batter guerre ("beating war") is performed instead, designed to beat away the old. During the rite, the initiate comes to be regarded as the child of a particular Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa, their Haitian; Haitian Creole: mèt tèt.
This is followed by a period of seclusion within the Haitian; Haitian Creole: djèvo known as the Haitian; Haitian Creole: kouche. A deliberately uncomfortable experience, it involves the initiate sleeping on a mat on the floor, often with a stone for a pillow. They wear a white tunic, and a specific salt-free diet is followed. It includes a Haitian; Haitian Creole: lav tèt ("head washing") to prepare the initiate for having the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa enter and reside in their head. Voudoists believe that one of the two parts of the human soul, the Haitian; Haitian Creole: gwo bonnanj, is removed from the initiate's head, thus making space for the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa to enter and reside there.
The initiation ceremony requires the preparation of Haitian; Haitian Creole: pot tèts (head pots), usually white porcelain cups with a lid in which a range of items are placed, including hair, food, herbs, and oils. These are regarded as a home for the spirits. After the period of seclusion in the Haitian; Haitian Creole: djèvo, the new initiate is brought out and presented to the congregation; they are now referred to as Haitian; Haitian Creole: ounsi lave tèt. When the new initiate is presented to the rest of the community, they carry their Haitian; Haitian Creole: pot tèt on their head, before placing it on the altar. The final stage of the process involves the initiate being given an Haitian; Haitian Creole: ason rattle. The initiation process is seen to have ended when the new initiate is first possessed by a Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa. Initiation is seen as creating a bond between a devotee and their tutelary Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa, and the former will often take on a new name that alludes to the name of this Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa.
The creation of sacred works is important in Vodou. Votive objects used in Haiti are typically made from industrial materials, including iron, plastic, sequins, china, tinsel, and plaster.An altar, or Haitian; Haitian Creole: pè, will often contain images (typically lithographs) of Roman Catholic saints. Since developing in the mid-19th century, chromolithography has also had an impact on Vodou imagery, facilitating the widespread availability of images of the Roman Catholic saints who are equated with the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa. Various Vodouists have made use of varied available materials in constructing their shrines. Cosentino encountered a shrine in Port-au-Prince where Baron Samedi was represented by a plastic statue of Santa Claus wearing a black sombrero, and in another by a statue of Star Wars-character Darth Vader. In Port-au-Prince, it is common for Vodouists to include human skulls on their altar for the Gede. In Haitian; Haitian Creole: ounfòs where both Rada and Petwo deities are worshipped, their altars are kept separate.
Various spaces other than the temple are used for Vodou ritual. Cemeteries are seen as places where spirits reside, making them suitable for certain rituals, especially to approach the spirits of the dead. In rural Haiti, cemeteries are often family owned and play a key role in family rituals. Crossroads are also ritual locations, selected as they are believed to be points of access to the spirit world. Other spaces used for Vodou rituals include Christian churches, rivers, the sea, fields, and markets.
Certain trees are regarded as having spirits resident in them and are used as natural altars. Different species of tree are associated with different Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa; Oyu, for example, is linked with mango trees, and Danbala with bougainvillea. Selected trees in Haiti have had metal items affixed to them, serving as shrines to Ogou, who is associated with both iron and the roads. Spaces for ritual also appear in the homes of many Vodouists. These may vary from complex altars to more simple variants including only images of saints alongside candles and a rosary. Many practitioners will also have an altar devoted to their ancestors in their home, to which they direct offerings.
Drawings known as Haitian; Haitian Creole: [[vèvè]] are sketched onto the floor of the Haitian; Haitian Creole: peristil using cornmeal, ash, coffee grounds, or powdered eggshells; these are central to Vodou ritual. Usually arranged symmetrically around the Haitian; Haitian Creole: poto-mitan, these designs sometimes incorporate letters; their purpose is to summon Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa. Inside the Haitian; Haitian Creole: peristil, practitioners also unfurl ceremonial flags known as Haitian; Haitian Creole: [[drapo]] (flags) at the start of a ceremony. Often made of silk or velvet and decorated with shiny objects such as sequins, the Haitian; Haitian Creole: drapo often feature either the Haitian; Haitian Creole: vèvè of specific Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa they are dedicated to or depictions of the associated Roman Catholic saint. These Haitian; Haitian Creole: drapo are understood as points of entry through which the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa can enter the Haitian; Haitian Creole: peristil.
A Haitian; Haitian Creole: batèms (baptism) is a ritual used to make an object a vessel for the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa. Objects consecrated for ritual use are believed to contain a spiritual essence or power called Haitian; Haitian Creole: nanm. The Haitian; Haitian Creole: ason is a sacred rattle used in summoning the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa, especially for Rada rites. It consists of an empty, dried gourd covered in beads and snake vertebra. Prior to being used in ritual it requires consecration. It is a symbol of the priesthood; assuming the duties of a Haitian; Haitian Creole: manbo or Haitian; Haitian Creole: oungan is referred to as "taking the Haitian; Haitian Creole: ason." For Petwo rites a different rattle, the Haitian; Haitian Creole: tcha-tcha, is favored. Another type of sacred object are the "thunder stones", often prehistoric axe-heads, which are associated with specific Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa and kept in oil to preserve their power.
Feeding the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa is of great importance, with offering rites often termed Haitian; Haitian Creole: manje lwa ("feeding the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa"). Offering food and drink to the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa is Vodou's most common ritual, conducted both communally and in the home. The choice of food and drink offered varies depending on the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa in question, with different Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa believed to favor different foodstuffs. Danbala for instance requires white foods, especially eggs, while Legba's offerings, whether meat, tubers, or vegetables, need to be grilled on a fire. The Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa of the Ogu and Nago nations prefer raw rum or clairin, while the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa Ayizan avoids alcohol. Certain foods are also offered in the belief that they are intrinsically virtuous, such as grilled maize, peanuts, and cassava.
A Haitian; Haitian Creole: manje sèk (dry meal) is an offering of grains, fruit, and vegetables that often precedes a simple ceremony; it takes its name from the absence of blood. Animal sacrifices are often favored at annual feasts that an Haitian; Haitian Creole: oungan or Haitian; Haitian Creole: manbo organizes for their congregation. Species used for sacrifice include chickens, goats, and bulls, with pigs often favored for Petwo Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa. The animal may be washed, dressed in the color of the specific Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa, and marked with food or water. Often, the animal's throat will be cut and the blood collected in a calabash. Chickens are often killed by the pulling off of their heads; their limbs may be broken beforehand. In the case of Agwé, a Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa of the sea, a white sheep may be sailed out to Trois Ilets and thrown overboard as a sacrifice.
Once killed, the animal may be butchered and organs removed, sometimes cooked, and placed on the altar or Haitian; Haitian Creole: vèvè. Here, it sometimes sites within a Haitian; Haitian Creole: kwi, a calabash shell bowl. Vodouists believe that the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa consume the essence of the food. Food is typically offered when it is cool, and is left for a while before humans may eat it. Offerings not consumed by the celebrants are often buried or left at a crossroads. Libations might be poured into the ground.
Vodou's nocturnal gatherings are often referred to as the Haitian; Haitian Creole: dans ("dance"), reflecting the prominent role that dancing has in such ceremonies. Their purpose is to invite a Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa to enter the ritual space and possess one of the worshippers, through whom they can communicate with the congregation. The success of this procedure is predicated on mastering the different ritual actions and on getting the aesthetic right to please the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa. The proceedings can last for the entirety of the night.
On arriving, the congregation typically disperse along the perimeter of the Haitian; Haitian Creole: peristil. The ritual often begins with Roman Catholic prayers and hymns; these are often led by a figure known as the Haitian; Haitian Creole: prèt savann, although not all Haitian; Haitian Creole: ounfò have anyone in this role. This is followed by the shaking of the Haitian; Haitian Creole: ason rattle to summon the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa. Two Haitian Creole songs, the Priyè Deyò ("Outside Prayers"), may then be sung, lasting from 45 minutes to an hour. The main Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa are then saluted, individually, in a specific order. Legba always comes first, as he is believed to open the way for the others. Each Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa may be offered either three or seven songs, which are specific to them. The rites employed to call down the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa vary depending on the Haitian; Haitian Creole: nanchon in question. During large-scale ceremonies, the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa are invited to appear through the drawing of Haitian; Haitian Creole: vèvè on the ground using cornmeal. Also used to call down the spirits is a process of drumming, singing, prayers, and dances. Libations and offerings of food are made to the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa, which includes animal sacrifices.The order and protocol for welcoming the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa is referred to as Haitian; Haitian Creole: regleman.
A symbol of the religion, the drum is perhaps the most sacred item in Vodou. Vodouists believe that ritual drums contain an etheric force, the Haitian; Haitian Creole: nanm, and a spirit called Haitian; Haitian Creole: ountò. Specific ceremonies accompany the construction of a drum so that it is considered suitable for ritual use. In the Haitian; Haitian Creole: bay manje tanbou ("feeding of the drum") ritual, offerings are given to the drum itself. Reflecting its status, when Vodouists enter the Haitian; Haitian Creole: peristil they customarily bow before the drums. Different types of drum are used, sometimes reserved for rituals devoted to specific Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa; Petwo rites for instance involve two types of drum, whereas Rada rituals require three. Ritual drummers are called Haitian; Haitian Creole: tanbouryes, and becoming one requires a lengthy apprenticeship. The drumming style, choice of rhythm, and composition of the orchestra differs depending on which nation of Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa are being invoked. The drum rhythms typically generate a Haitian; Haitian Creole: kase ("break"), which the master drummer will initiate to oppose the main rhythm being played by the rest of the drummers. This is seen as having a destabilizing effect on the dancers and helping to facilitate their possession.
Drumming is typically accompanied by singing, usually in Haitian Creole, although sometimes in Fon or Yoruba. These songs are often structured around a call and response, with a soloist singing a line and the chorus responding with either the same line or an abbreviated version. The soloist is the Haitian; Haitian Creole: oundjenikon, who maintains the rhythm with a rattle. Lyrically simple and repetitive, these songs are invocations to summon a Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa. Dancing also plays a major role in ritual, utilising the rhythm of the drummers. The dances are simple, lacking complex choreography, and usually involve the dancers moving counterclockwise around the Haitian; Haitian Creole: poto mitan. Specific dance movements can indicate the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa or their Haitian; Haitian Creole: nanchon being summoned; dances for Agwe for instance imitate swimming motions. Vodouists believe that the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa renew themselves through the vitality of the dancers.
Spirit possession is important, being central to many Vodou rituals. The person being possessed is called the Haitian; Haitian Creole: chwal (horse); the act of possession is termed "mounting a horse". Vodou teaches that both male and female Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa can possess either men or women. Although children are often present at these ceremonies, they are rarely possessed as it is considered too dangerous. Some individuals attending the dance will put a certain item, often wax, in their hair or headgear to prevent possession. While the specific drums and songs used are designed to encourage a specific Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa to possess someone, sometimes an unexpected Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa appears and takes possession instead.
The possession trance is termed the Haitian; Haitian Creole: kriz lwa. Vodouists believe that the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa enters the head of the Haitian; Haitian Creole: chwal and displaces their Haitian; Haitian Creole: gwo bon anj, making the Haitian; Haitian Creole: chwal tremble and convulse. As their consciousness has been removed from their head during the possession, Vodouists believe that the Haitian; Haitian Creole: chwal will have no memory of the incident. The length of the possession varies, often lasting a few hours but sometimes several days. Sometimes a succession of Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa possess the same individual, one after the other. Possession may end with the Haitian; Haitian Creole: chwal collapsing in a semi-conscious state, being left physically exhausted.
Once the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa possesses an individual, the congregation greet it with a burst of song and dance. The Haitian; Haitian Creole: chwal will typically bow before the officiating priest or priestess and prostrate before the Haitian; Haitian Creole: poto mitan. The Haitian; Haitian Creole: chwal is often escorted into an adjacent room where they are dressed in clothing associated with the possessing Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa. Alternatively, the clothes are brought out and they are dressed in the Haitian; Haitian Creole: peristil itself. These costumes and props help the Haitian; Haitian Creole: chwal take on the appearance of the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa; many Haitian; Haitian Creole: ounfò have a large wooden phallus used by those possessed by Gede Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa, for instance. Once the Haitian; Haitian Creole: chwal has been dressed, congregants kiss the floor before them.
The Haitian; Haitian Creole: chwal adopts the behavior of the possessing Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa; their performance can be very theatrical. Those believing themselves possessed by the serpent Danbala, for instance, often slither on the floor, dart out their tongue, and climb the posts of the Haitian; Haitian Creole: peristil. Those possessed by Zaka, Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa of agriculture, will dress as a peasant in a straw hat with a clay pipe and will often speak in a rustic accent. The Haitian; Haitian Creole: chwal will often join in with the dances, eat or drink. Sometimes the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa, through the Haitian; Haitian Creole: chwal, will engage in financial transactions with members of the congregation, for instance by selling them food that has been given as an offering or lending them money.
Possession facilitates direct communication between Vodouists and the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa; through the Haitian; Haitian Creole: chwal, the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa communicates with their devotees, offering counsel, chastisement, blessings, warnings about the future, and healing. Haitian; Haitian Creole: Lwa possession has a healing function, with the possessed individual expected to reveal possible cures to the ailments of those assembled. Clothing that the Haitian; Haitian Creole: chwal touches is regarded as bringing luck. The Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa may also offer advice to the individual they are possessing; because the latter is not believed to retain any memory of the events, it is expected that other members of the congregation will pass along the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa's message. In some instances, practitioners have reported being possessed at other times of ordinary life, such as when someone is in the middle of the market, or when they are asleep.
A common form of divination employed by Haitian; Haitian Creole: oungan and Haitian; Haitian Creole: manbo is to invoke a Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa into a pitcher, where it will then be asked questions. Other forms of divination used by Vodouists include the casting of shells, cartomancy, studying leaves, coffee grounds or cinders in a glass, or looking into a candle flame. A form of divination associated especially with Petwo Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa is the use of a Haitian; Haitian Creole: [[gembo]] shell, sometimes with a mirror attached to one side and affixed at both ends to string. The string is twirled and the directions of the shell used to interpret the responses of the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa.
Healing plays an important role in Vodou. A client will approach a Haitian; Haitian Creole: manbo or Haitian; Haitian Creole: oungan complaining of illness or misfortune and the latter will use divination to determine the cause and select a remedy. Haitian; Haitian Creole: Manbo and Haitian; Haitian Creole: oungan typically have a wide knowledge of plants and their medicinal uses. When collecting plants they are expected to show them respect, for instance by leaving coins in payment for removing leaves.
To heal, Vodou specialists often prescribe baths, consisting of water infused with various ingredients, or produce powders for a specific purpose, such as to attract good luck or aid seduction. Alternatively, they may create a material object infused with spirits or medicines, a wanga, although these can also be devoted to harmful purposes. Haitian; Haitian Creole: Manbo and Haitian; Haitian Creole: oungan often provide talismans, called a Haitian; Haitian Creole: pwen (point), Haitian; Haitian Creole: travay (work), Haitian; Haitian Creole: travay maji (magic work), Haitian; Haitian Creole: pakèt or Haitian; Haitian Creole: pakèt kongo. The latter term highlights the potential influence of the Bakongo minkisi on these Haitian ritual creations.
In Haiti, Haitian; Haitian Creole: oungan or Haitian; Haitian Creole: manbo may advise their clients to seek assistance from medical professionals, while the latter may also send their patients to see an Haitian; Haitian Creole: oungan or Haitian; Haitian Creole: manbo. Although in the late 20th century there were concerns that the Haitian reliance on Haitian; Haitian Creole: oungan and Haitian; Haitian Creole: manbo was contributing to the spread of HIV/AIDS, by the early 21st century, various NGOs and other groups were working on bringing Vodou officiants into the broader campaign against the virus. In Haiti, there are also Haitian; Haitian Creole: doktè fèy ("herb doctors"; "leaf doctors") who offer herbal remedies for ailments but deal in fewer problems than Haitian; Haitian Creole: oungan and Haitian; Haitian Creole: manbo.
Vodou teaches that supernatural factors cause or exacerbate many problems. It holds that humans can cause supernatural harm to others, either unintentionally or deliberately, in the latter case exerting power over a person through possession of hair or nail clippings belonging to them. Vodouists also often believe that supernatural harm can be caused by other entities. The Haitian; Haitian Creole: lougawou is a human, usually female, who transforms into an animal and drains blood from sleeping victims, while members of the Bizango secret society are feared for their reputed ability to transform into dogs, in which form they walk the streets at night.
An individual who turns to the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa to harm others is a Haitian; Haitian Creole: choché, or a Haitian; Haitian Creole: bòkò, although this latter term can also refer to an Haitian; Haitian Creole: oungan generally. They are described as someone who Haitian; Haitian Creole: sert des deux mains ("serves with both hands"), or is Haitian; Haitian Creole: travaillant des deux mains ("working with both hands"). As the good Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa have rejected them as unworthy, Haitian; Haitian Creole: bòko are believed to work with Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa achte ("bought Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa"), spirits that will work for anyone who pays them, and often members of the Petwo Haitian; Haitian Creole: nanchon. According to Haitian popular belief, Haitian; Haitian Creole: bòkò engage in Haitian; Haitian Creole: anvwamò ("expeditions"), setting the dead against an individual to cause the latter's sudden illness and death, and utilise Haitian; Haitian Creole: baka, malevolent spirits sometimes in animal form. In Haiti, there is much suspicion and censure toward those suspected of being Haitian; Haitian Creole: bòkò. The curses of the Haitian; Haitian Creole: bòkò are believed to be countered by the Haitian; Haitian Creole: oungan and Haitian; Haitian Creole: manbo, who can revert the curse through an exorcism that incorporates invocations of protective Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa, massages, and baths. In Haiti, some Haitian; Haitian Creole: oungan and Haitian; Haitian Creole: manbo have been accused of working with a Haitian; Haitian Creole: bòkò, arranging for the latter to curse individuals so that they can financially profit from removing these curses.
Vodou features complex funerary customs. Following an individual's death, the Haitian; Haitian Creole: desounen ritual frees the Haitian; Haitian Creole: gwo bonnanj from their body and disconnects them from their tutelary Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa. The corpse is then bathed in a herbal infusion by an individual termed the Haitian; Haitian Creole: benyè, who gives the dead person messages to take with them. A wake, the Haitian; Haitian Creole: veye, follows. The body is then buried in the cemetery, often according to Roman Catholic custom.
In northern Haiti, an additional rite takes place at the Haitian; Haitian Creole: ounfò on the day of the funeral, the Haitian; Haitian Creole: kase kanari (breaking of the clay pot). In this, a jar is washed in substances including kleren, placed within a trench dug into the Haitian; Haitian Creole: peristil floor, and smashed. The trench is then refilled. The night after the funeral, the Haitian; Haitian Creole: [[novena]] takes place at the home of the deceased, involving Roman Catholic prayers; a mass for them is held a year after death. Vodouists fear the dead's ability to harm the living; it is believed that the deceased may for instance punish their living relatives if the latter fail to appropriately mourn them.
Many Vodouists believe that a practitioner's spirit dwells in the land of Ginen, located at the bottom of a lake or river, for a year and a day. A year and a day after death, the Haitian; Haitian Creole: wete mò nan dlo ("extracting the dead from the waters of the abyss") ritual may take place, in which the deceased's Haitian; Haitian Creole: gwo bonnanj is reclaimed from the realm of the dead and placed into a clay jar or bottle called the Haitian; Haitian Creole: govi. Now ensconced in the world of the living, the Haitian; Haitian Creole: gwo bonnanj of this ancestor is deemed capable of assisting its descendants and guiding them with its wisdom. Practitioners sometimes believe that failing to conduct this ritual can result in misfortune, illness, and death for the family of the deceased. Offerings then given to this spirit of the dead are termed Haitian; Haitian Creole: manje mò. The notion of a spirit being encased in a vessel and then used for workings likely derives from Bakongo influences, and has similarities with the Bakongo-derived Palo religion from Cuba.
Another belief about the dead, that of Haitian; Haitian Creole: [[Zombies|zonbis]], is one of the most sensationalized aspects of Haitian religion. Haitian; Haitian Creole: Zonbi are often regarded as the Haitian; Haitian Creole: gwo bonnanj of the recently deceased that have been captured and forced to work for their master. The Haitian; Haitian Creole: gwo bonnanj may then be kept inside a bottle or other vessel. The practice is often linked to Haitian; Haitian Creole: Chanpwèl (secret societies), which are suspected of murdering the individual they wish to turn into a Haitian; Haitian Creole: zonbi. To achieve this, they may obtain the bones of a deceased person, especially their skull, sometimes by bribing cemetery workers; the skull will often be baptised, given food, and set a particular task to specialise in, such as healing a specific malady. Those intending to take a Haitian; Haitian Creole: gwo bonnanj as a Haitian; Haitian Creole: zonbi may have to borrow or buy them from Baron Samedi.
An alternative idea in Haitian lore is that it is the body that is turned into a Haitian; Haitian Creole: zonbi, in which case a Haitian; Haitian Creole: bòkò has seized an individual's Haitian; Haitian Creole: ti bonnanj and left the body as an empty vessel that can be manipulated. The reality of this phenomenon is contested, although the anthropologist Wade Davis argued that this was based on a real practice whereby Bizango societies used poisons to make certain individuals more pliant. Haitians generally do not fear Haitian; Haitian Creole: zonbis, but rather fear becoming one themselves. The figure of the Haitian; Haitian Creole: zonbi has also been interpreted as a metaphor for the enslavement central to Haitian history.
On the saints' days of the Roman Catholic calendar, Vodouists often hold "birthday parties" for the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa associated with the saint whose day it is. These are marked with special altars for the celebrated Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa, as well as the preparation of their preferred food. Devotions to the Gede are particularly common around the days of the dead, All Saints (1 November) and All Souls (2 November), with celebrations largely taking place in the cemeteries of Port-au-Prince. At this festival, those devoted to the Gede dress in black and purple, with funeral frock coats, black veils, and top hats, all linking to the Gede's associations with death.
The build-up to Easter sees Rara bands, largely consisting of peasants and the urban poor, process through the streets singing and dancing. Each Rara band is considered to be under the patronage of a particular Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa, holding a contract with them that typically lasts seven years. Performing Rara is regarded as a service to the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa, and some Rara leaders claim that a Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa instructed them to form their band. An Haitian; Haitian Creole: oungan will typically be part of the Rara band and will oversee their religious obligations, for instance performing rituals during their procession, or providing members with a Haitian; Haitian Creole: benyen protective bath before they perform. They may also attempt to curse or poison rival Rara bands.
Pilgrimage is part of Haitian religious culture. In late July, Vodouist pilgrims visit Plaine du Nord near Bwa Caiman, where according to legend the Haitian Revolution began. There, sacrifices are made and pilgrims immerse themselves in the Haitian; Haitian Creole: twou (mud pits). The pilgrims often mass before the Church of Saint Jacques, with Saint Jacques perceived as being the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa Ogou. Another pilgrimage site is Saint d'Eau, a mountain associated with the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa Èzili Dantò. Pilgrims visit a site outside the town of Ville-Bonheur where Èzili is claimed to have once appeared; there, they bathe under waterfalls. Haitian pilgrims commonly wear coloured ropes around their head or waist; a tradition that may derive from a Bakongo custom, kanga ("to tie"), during which sacred objects were bound with rope.
In 1492, Christopher Columbus' expedition established a Spanish colony on Hispaniola. A growing European presence decimated the island's indigenous population, which was probably Taíno, both through introduced diseases and exploitation as laborers. The European colonists then turned to imported West African slaves as a new source of labor; Africans first arrived on Hispaniola circa 1512. Most of the enslaved were prisoners of war. Some were probably priests of traditional religions, helping to transport their rites to the Americas. Others were probably Muslim, although Islam exerted little influence on Vodou, while some probably practiced traditional religions that had already absorbed Roman Catholic iconographic influences.
By the late 16th century, French colonists were settling in western Hispaniola; Spain recognized French sovereignty over that part of the island, which became Saint-Domingue, in a series of treaties signed in 1697. Moving away from its previous subsistence economy, in the 18th century Saint-Domingue refocused its economy around the mass export of indigo, coffee, sugar, and cocoa to Europe. To work the plantations, the French colonists placed a renewed emphasis on importing enslaved Africans; whereas there were twice as many Africans as Europeans in the colony in 1681, by 1790 there were eleven times as many Africans as Europeans. Ultimately, Saint-Domingue became the colony with the largest number of slaves in the Caribbean.
Roman Catholicism was the official religion of Saint-Domingue. The Code Noir issued by King Louis XIV in 1685 forbade the open practice of African religions on the colony. This Code compelled slave-owners to have their slaves baptised and instructed as Roman Catholics; the fact that the process of enslavement led to these Africans becoming Christian was a key way in which the slave-owners sought to morally legitimate their actions. However, many slave-owners took little interest in having their slaves instructed in Roman Catholic teaching; they often did not want their slaves to spend time celebrating saints' days rather than laboring and were also concerned that black congregations could provide scope to foment revolt.
Enslavement destroyed the social fabric of African traditional religions, which were typically rooted in ethnic and family membership. Although certain cultural assumptions about the nature of the universe would have been widely shared among the enslaved Africans, they came from diverse linguistic and ethno-cultural backgrounds and had to forge common cultural practices on Hispaniola. Gradually over the course of the 18th century, Vodou emerged as "a composite of various African ethnic traditions", merging diverse practices into a more cohesive form.
African religions had to be practiced secretly, with Roman Catholic iconography and rituals probably used to conceal the true identity of the deities venerated. This resulted in a system of correspondences between African spirits and Roman Catholic saints. Afro-Haitians adopted other aspects of French colonial culture; Vodou drew influence from European grimoires, commedia performances, and Freemasonry, with Masonic lodges having been established across Saint-Domingue in the 18th century. Vodou rituals took place in secret, usually at night; one such rite was described during the 1790s by a white man, Médéric Louis Élie Moreau de Saint-Méry.Some enslaved Afro-Haitians escaped to form Maroon groups, which often practiced Vodou.
In Haitian lore, Vodou is often presented as having played a vital role in the Haitian Revolution, although scholars debate the extent to which this is true. According to legend, a Vodou ritual took place in Bois-Caïman on 14 August 1791 at which the participants swore to overthrow the slave owners before massacring local whites and sparking the Revolution. Although a popular tale in Haitian folklore, it has no historical evidence to support it. Moreover, two of the revolution's early leaders, Boukman and Francois Mackandal, were reputed to be powerful Haitian; Haitian Creole: oungans. Amid growing rebellion, the French Emperor Napoleon Bonaparte ordered troops into the colony in 1801, but in 1803 the French conceded defeat and the rebel leader Jean-Jacques Dessalines proclaimed Saint-Domingue to be a new republic named Haiti.
The Revolution broke up the large land-ownings and created a society of small subsistence farmers. Haitians largely began living in Haitian; Haitian Creole: lakous, or extended family compounds, which enabled the preservation of African-derived Creole religions. These Haitian; Haitian Creole: lakous often had their own Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa rasin (root Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa), being intertwined with concepts of land and kinship. Many Roman Catholic missionaries had been killed in the Revolution, and after its victory Dessalines declared himself head of the Church in Haiti. Protesting these actions, the Roman Catholic Church cut ties with Haiti in 1805; this allowed Vodou to predominate in the country. Many churches left abandoned were adopted for Vodou rites, continuing the syncretization between the two systems. At this point, with no new arrivals from Africa, Vodou began to stabilise, transforming from "a widely-scattered series of local cults" into "a religion". The Roman Catholic Church re-established its formal presence in Haiti in 1860.
Haiti's first three presidents sought to suppress Vodou, using police to break-up rituals which they feared as a source of rebellion. In 1847, Faustin Soulouque became president; he was sympathetic to Vodou and allowed it to be practiced more openly. In the Bizoton Affair of 1863, several Vodou practitioners were accused of ritually killing a child before eating it. Historical sources suggest that they may have been tortured prior to confessing to the crime, at which they were executed. The affair received much attention.
The United States occupied Haiti between 1915 and 1934, although it faced armed resistance from Haitian peasants, many of them Vodouists. American occupation encouraged international interest in Vodou, something catered for in the sensationalist writings of Faustin Wirkus, William Seabrook, and John Craige, as well as in Vodou-themed shows for tourists. The period also saw the growing influence of the Roman Catholic Church, and in 1941 the Church backed Operation Nettoyage (Operation Cleanup), a government campaign to expunge Vodou, during which many Haitian; Haitian Creole: ounfòs were destroyed. Violent responses from Vodouists led President Élie Lescot to abandon the Operation.
During the occupation, the Haitian; Haitian Creole: indigénisme (indigenist) movement developed among Haiti's middle classes, later transmogrifying into the international Négritude movement. These encouraged a more positive assessment of Vodou and peasant culture, a trend supported by the appearance of professional ethnological research on the topic from the 1930s onward. Church influence in Haiti was curtailed by François Duvalier, the country's president from 1957 to 1971. Although he restored Catholicism as the state religion, Duvalier was widely perceived as a champion of Vodou, calling it "the supreme factor of Haitian unity". He utilized it for his own purposes, encouraging rumors about his own supernatural powers, and selecting Haitian; Haitian Creole: oungans as his French: chefs-de-sections (rural section chiefs).
After Duvalier's son and successor, Jean-Claude, was overthrown in 1986, there were attacks on Vodouists perceived to have supported the Duvaliers, partly motivated by Protestant anti-Vodou campaigns; practitioners called this violence the Dechoukaj ('uprooting'). Two groups, the Zantray and Bode Nasyonal, were formed to defend the rights of Vodouists and hold rallies. Haiti's 1987 constitution enshrined freedom of religion, after which President Jean-Bertrand Aristide granted Vodou official recognition in 2003, thus allowing Vodouists to officiate at civil ceremonies such as weddings and funerals.
The latter half of the 20th century saw the substantial growth of evangelical Protestantism in Haiti, generating tensions with Vodouists. These Protestants regard Vodou as Satanic, and unlike the Roman Catholic authorities have generally refused to compromise with its practitioners. The 2010 Haiti earthquake fuelled conversion from Vodou to Protestantism, with many Protestants claiming that the earthquake was punishment for the sins of the Haitian population, including their practice of Vodou. Mob attacks on Vodouists followed in the wake of the earthquake, and again following the 2010 cholera outbreak.
The first three decades of the 20th century saw growing Haitian migration to eastern Cuba, introducing Vodou to the island. From 1957, many Haitians emigrated to escape Duvalier, taking Vodou with them. In the U.S., Vodou has attracted non-Haitians, especially African Americans and Caribbean migrants, and has syncretized with other religions like Santería and Spiritism. During the latter half of the 20th century, those seeking to revive Louisiana Voodoo initiated practices that brought the religion closer to Haitian Vodou or Santería than it had been early in that century.
Vodou is the majority religion of Haiti, for most Haitians practice both Vodou and Roman Catholicism. An often used joke about Haiti holds that the island's population is 85% Roman Catholic, 15% Protestant, and 100% Vodou. Even some of those who reject Vodou acknowledge its close associations with Haitian identity.
It is difficult to determine how many Haitians practice Vodou, largely because the country has never had an accurate census and many Vodouists will not openly admit they practice the religion. Among the country's middle and upper-classes, for instance, many individuals publicly decry Vodou yet privately practice it. Estimates have nevertheless been made; one suggested that 80% of Haitians practice Vodou, while in 1992, Desmangles put the number of Haitian practitioners at six million. Not all take part in the religion regularly, but many will turn to Vodou priests and priestesses when in times of need.
Vodouists learn about the religion by taking part in its rituals, with children learning by observing adults. Vodou does not focus on proselytizing; according to Brown, it has "no pretensions to the universal." It has nevertheless spread beyond Haiti, including to other Caribbean countries like the Dominican Republic, Cuba, and Puerto Rico, as well as to France and the United States. Major Haitian; Haitian Creole: ounfòs exist in U.S. cities such as Miami, New York City, Washington, DC, Boston, and Oakland, California.
Various scholars describe Vodou as one of the world's most maligned and misunderstood religions. Throughout Haitian history, Christians have often presented Vodou as Satanic, while in broader Anglophone and Francophone society it has been widely associated with sorcery, witchcraft, and black magic. In U.S. popular culture, for instance, Haitian Vodou is usually portrayed as destructive and malevolent, attitudes often linked with anti-black racism. Non-practitioners have often depicted Vodou in literature, theater, and film; in many cases, such as the films White Zombie (1932) and London Voodoo (2004), these promote sensationalist views of the religion. The lack of any central Vodou authority has hindered efforts to combat these negative representations.
Humanity's relationship with the Haitian; Haitian Creole: lwa has been a recurring theme in Haitian art, and the Vodou pantheon was a major topic for the mid-20th century artists of the "Haitian Renaissance." In the late 1950s, art collectors began to take an interest in Vodou ritual paraphernalia and by the 1970s an established market for this material had emerged. Exhibits of Vodou ritual material have been displayed abroad; the Fowler Museum's exhibit on "Sacred Arts of Haitian Vodou" for instance traveled the U.S. for three years in the 1990s. Vodou has appeared in Haitian literature, and has also influenced Haitian music, as with the rasin band Boukman Eksperyans, while theatre troupes have performed simulated Vodou rituals for audiences outside Haiti. Documentaries focusing on Vodou have appeared—such as Maya Deren's 1985 film Divine Horsemen[1] or Anne Lescot and Laurence Magloire's 2002 work Of Men and Gods—which have in turn encouraged some viewers to take a practical interest in the religion.