Southern American English Explained

Southern American English
Also Known As:Southern U.S. English
Region:Southern United States
Familycolor:Indo-European
Fam2:Germanic
Fam3:West Germanic
Fam4:Ingvaeonic
Fam5:Anglo–Frisian
Fam6:Anglic
Fam7:English
Fam8:North American English
Fam9:American English
Ancestor:Old English
Ancestor2:Middle English
Ancestor3:Early Modern English
Ancestor4:Older Southern American English, Appalachian English
Notice:IPA
Glotto:sout3302
Glottorefname:Southern American English
Glottofoot:no
Script:Latin (English alphabet)

Southern American English or Southern U.S. English is a regional dialect or collection of dialects of American English spoken throughout the Southern United States, though concentrated increasingly in more rural areas, and spoken primarily by White Southerners. In terms of accent, its most innovative forms include southern varieties of Appalachian English and certain varieties of Texan English. Popularly known in the United States as a Southern accent or simply Southern,[1] [2] Southern American English now comprises the largest American regional accent group by number of speakers.[3] Formal, much more recent terms within American linguistics include "Southern White Vernacular English" and "Rural White Southern English".

History

A diversity of earlier Southern dialects once existed: a consequence of the mix of English speakers from the British Isles (including largely English and Scots-Irish immigrants) who migrated to the American South in the 17th and 18th centuries, with particular 19th-century elements also borrowed from the London upper class and enslaved African-Americans. By the 19th century, this included distinct dialects in eastern Virginia, the greater Lowcountry area surrounding Charleston, the Appalachian upcountry region, the Black Belt plantation region, and secluded Atlantic coastal and island communities.

Following the American Civil War, as the South's economy and migration patterns fundamentally transformed, so did Southern dialect trends. Over the next few decades, Southerners moved increasingly to Appalachian mill towns, to Texan farms, or out of the South entirely. The main result, further intensified by later upheavals such as the Great Depression, the Dust Bowl and perhaps World War II, is that a newer and more unified form of Southern American English consolidated, beginning around the last quarter of the 19th century, radiating outward from Texas and Appalachia through all the traditional Southern States until around World War II. This newer Southern dialect largely superseded the older and more diverse local Southern dialects, though it became quickly stigmatized in American popular culture. As a result, since around the 1950s and 1960s, the notable features of this newer Southern accent have been in a gradual decline, particularly among younger and more urban Southerners, though less so among rural white Southerners.

Geography

Despite the slow decline of the modern Southern accent, it is still documented as widespread as of the 2006 Atlas of North American English. Specifically, the Atlas definitively documents a Southern accent in Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina (except Charleston), Georgia (though not among some speakers from Atlanta), Alabama, Mississippi, Tennessee, Kentucky, Arkansas, Louisiana (where it co-occurs with Cajun and a New Orleans accents), southern West Virginia, the Jacksonville area of northern Florida, the Springfield area of southern Missouri, and much of Texas. Other 21st-century scholarship further includes within the dialect region southern Maryland, eastern and southern Oklahoma, central West Virginia, the rest of northern Florida and southern Missouri, and southeastern New Mexico.[4] [5]

The Atlas additionally documents a South Midland accent as sharing key features with the Southern accent, though to a weaker extent; such features extend across all of Texas, Oklahoma, and West Virginia as well as throughout eastern and central Kansas, southern Missouri, southern Indiana, southern Ohio, and possibly southern Illinois.[4] African-American accents across the United States have many common points with Southern accents due to the strong historical ties of African Americans to the South.

Social perceptions

In the United States, there is a general negative stigma surrounding the Southern dialect. Non–Southern Americans tend to associate a Southern accent with lower social and economic status, cognitive and verbal slowness, lack of education, ignorance, bigotry, or religious or political conservatism, using common labels like "hick", "hillbilly", or "redneck accent".[6] Meanwhile, Southerners themselves tend to have mixed judgments of their accent, some similarly negative but others positively associating it with a laid-back, plain, or humble attitude. The accent is also associated nationwide with the military, NASCAR, and country music. Furthermore, non–Southern American country singers typically imitate a Southern accent in their music.[6] The sum of negative associations nationwide, however, is the main presumable cause of a gradual decline of Southern accent features, since the middle of the 20th century onwards, particularly among younger and more urban residents of the South.

In a study of children's attitudes about accents published in 2012, Tennessee children from five to six were indifferent about the qualities of persons with different accents, but children from Chicago were not. Chicago children from five to six (speakers of Northern American English) were much more likely to attach positive traits to Northern speakers than Southern ones. The study's results suggest that social perceptions of Southern English are taught by parents to children and exist for no biological reason.[7]

In 2014, the US Department of Energy at the Oak Ridge National Laboratory in Tennessee offered a voluntary "Southern accent reduction" class so that employees could be "remembered for what they said rather than their accents". The course offered accent neutralization through code-switching. The class was canceled because of the resulting controversy and complaints from Southern employees, who were offended by the class since it stigmatized Southern accents.[8]

Modern phonology

A list of typical Southern vowels[9] ! English diaphoneme! Southern phoneme! Example words
Pure vowels (monophthongs)
pronounced as /[æ~æɛ̯æ̯~æjə̯]/act, pal, trap
pronounced as /[æjə̯~eə̯]/ham, land, yeah
pronounced as /[ɑ]/blah, lava, father,
bother, lot, top
pronounced as /[ɑɒ̯~ɑ]/ (older: pronounced as /[ɔo̯~ɑɒ̯]/)off, loss, dog,
all, bought, saw
pronounced as /[ə]/about, syrup, arena
pronounced as /[ɛ~ɛjə̯]/dress, met, bread
pronounced as /[ɪ~ɪjə̯~iə̯]/pen, gem, tent,
pin, hit, tip
pronounced as /[i̞i̯~ɪi̯]/beam, chic, fleet
pronounced as /[ɜ]/bus, flood, what
pronounced as /[ʊ̈~ʏ]/book, put, should
pronounced as /[ʊu̯~ʉ̞u̯~ɵu̯~ʊ̈y̯~ʏy̯]/food, glue, new
Diphthongs
pronounced as /[aː~aɛ̯]/ride, shine, try
(pronounced as /[aɛ̯~aɪ̯~ɐi̯]/)bright, dice, psych
pronounced as /[æɒ̯~ɛjɔ̯]/now, ouch, scout
pronounced as /[ɛi̯~æ̠i̯]/lake, paid, rein
pronounced as /[oi̯]/boy, choice, moist
pronounced as /[əʊ̯~əʊ̯̈~əʏ̯]/goat, road, most
pronounced as /[ɔu̯]/goal, bold, show
R-colored vowels
rhotic Southern dialects

pronounced as /[ɒɹ~ɑɹ]/
non-rhotic Southern dialects: pronounced as /[ɒ~ɑ]/

barn, car, park
rhotic: pronounced as /[eɹ~ɛ(j)əɹ]/
non-rhotic: pronounced as /[ɛ(j)ə̯]/		bare, bear, there
pronounced as /[ɚ~ɐɹ]/ (older: pronounced as /[ɜ]/)burn, first, herd
rhotic: pronounced as /[ɚ]/
non-rhotic: pronounced as /[ə]/ 		better, martyr, doctor
rhotic: pronounced as /[i(j)əɹ]/
non-rhotic: pronounced as /[iə̯]/		fear, peer, tier
rhotic: pronounced as /[ɔɹ~o(u̯)ɹ]/
non-rhotic: pronounced as /[ɔə̯]/		horse, born, north
rhotic: pronounced as /[o(u̯)ɹ]/
non-rhotic: pronounced as /[o(u̯)ə̯]/		hoarse, force, pork
rhotic: pronounced as /[uɹ~əɹ]/
non-rhotic: pronounced as /[uə̯]/		poor, sure, tour
rhotic: pronounced as /[juɹ~jɚ]/
non-rhotic: pronounced as /[juə̯]/		cure, Europe, pure

Most of the Southern United States underwent several major sound changes from the beginning to the middle of the 20th century, during which a more unified, region-wide sound system developed, markedly different from the sound systems of the 19th-century Southern dialects.

The South as a present-day dialect region generally includes all of the pronunciation features below, which are popularly recognized in the United States as making up a "Southern accent". The following phonological phenomena focus on the developing sound system of the 20th-century Southern dialects of the United States that altogether largely (though certainly not entirely) superseded the older Southern regional patterns. However, there is still variation in Southern speech regarding potential differences based on factors like a speaker's exact sub-region, age, ethnicity, etc.

the vowel phonemes pronounced as //ɛ// and pronounced as //ɪ// now merge before nasal consonants, so that pen and pin, for instance, or hem and him, are pronounced the same, as pin or him, respectively. The merger, which is roughly towards the sound pronounced as /[ɪ]/, is still unreported among some vestigial varieties of the older South, and other geographically Southern U.S. varieties that have eluded the Southern Vowel Shift, such as the Yat dialect of New Orleans or the anomalous dialect of Savannah, Georgia.

The "dropping" of the r sound after vowels was historically widespread in the South, particularly in former plantation areas. This phenomenon, non-rhoticity, was considered prestigious before World War II, after which the social perception in the South reversed. Now, full rhoticity (sometimes called r-fulness), in which most or all r sounds are pronounced, is dominant throughout most of the South, and even "hyper-rhoticity" (articulation of a very distinctive pronounced as //r// sound), particularly among younger and female white Southerners. The sound quality of the Southern r is the "bunch-tongued r", produced by strongly constricting the root or the midsection of the tongue, or both. The only major exceptions are among African-American Southern English speakers and among some south Louisiana and Cajun speakers, who are variably non-rhotic.

Inland South and Texas

See main article: Appalachian English and Texan English. William Labov et al. identify the "Inland South" as a large linguistic sub-region of the South located mostly in southern Appalachia (specifically naming the cities of Greenville, South Carolina, Asheville, North Carolina, Knoxville and Chattanooga, Tennessee, and Birmingham and Linden, Alabama), inland from both the Gulf and Atlantic Coasts, and the originating region of the Southern Vowel Shift. The Inland South, along with the "Texas South" (an urban core of central Texas: Dallas, Lubbock, Odessa, and San Antonio) are considered the two major locations in which the Southern regional sound system is the most highly developed, and therefore the core areas of the current-day South as a dialect region.

The accents of Texas are diverse, for example with important Spanish influences on its vocabulary;[10] however, much of the state is still an unambiguous region of modern rhotic Southern speech, strongest in the cities of Dallas, Lubbock, Odessa, and San Antonio, which all firmly demonstrate the first stage of the Southern Shift, if not also further stages of the shift. Texan cities that are noticeably "non-Southern" dialectally are Abilene and Austin; only marginally Southern are Houston, El Paso, and Corpus Christi. In western and northern Texas, the cot–caught merger is very close to completed.

Distinct phonologies

Some sub-regions of the South, and perhaps even a majority of the biggest cities, are showing a gradual shift away from the Southern accent (toward a more Midland or General American accent) since the second half of the 20th century to the present. Such well-studied cities include Houston, Texas, and Raleigh, North Carolina; in Raleigh, for example, this retreat from the accent appears to have begun around 1950.[11] Other sub-regions are unique in that their inhabitants have never spoken with the Southern regional accent, instead having their distinct accents.

Atlanta, Charleston, and Savannah

The Atlas of North American English identified Atlanta, Georgia, as a dialectal "island of non-Southern speech", Charleston, South Carolina, likewise as "not markedly Southern in character", and the traditional local accent of Savannah, Georgia, as "giving way to regional [Midland] patterns", despite these being three prominent Southern cities. The dialect features of Atlanta are best described today as sporadic from speaker to speaker, with such variation increased due to a huge movement of non-Southerners into the area during the 1990s. Modern-day Charleston speakers have leveled in the direction of a more generalized Midland accent (and speakers in other Southern cities too like Greenville, Richmond, and Norfolk), away from the city's now-defunct, traditional Charleston accent, whose features were "diametrically opposed to the Southern Shift... and differ in many other respects from the main body of Southern dialects". The Savannah accent is also becoming more Midland-like. The following vowel sounds of Atlanta, Charleston, and Savannah have been unaffected by typical Southern phenomena like the Southern drawl and Southern Vowel Shift:

Today, the accents of Atlanta, Charleston, and Savannah are most similar to Midland regional accents or at least Southeastern super-regional accents. In all three cities, some speakers (though most consistently documented in Charleston and least consistently in Savannah) demonstrate the Southeastern fronting of pronounced as //oʊ// and the status of the pin–pen merger is highly variable. Non-rhoticity (r-dropping) is now rare in these cities, yet still documented in some speakers.

Cajun

See main article: Cajun English. Most of southern Louisiana constitutes Acadiana, a cultural region dominated for hundreds of years by monolingual speakers of Cajun French, which combines elements of Acadian French with other French and Spanish words. Today, this French dialect is spoken by many older Cajun ethnic group members and is said to be dying out. A related language, Louisiana Creole French, also exists. Since the early 1900s, Cajuns additionally began to develop their vernacular dialect of English, which retains some influences and words from French, such as "cher" (dear) or "nonc" (uncle). This dialect fell out of fashion after World War II but experienced a renewal among primarily male speakers born since the 1970s, who have been the most attracted by, and the biggest attractors of, a successful Cajun cultural renaissance. The accent includes:

Cajun English is not subject to the Southern Vowel Shift.

New Orleans

See main article: New Orleans English. A separate historical English dialect from the above Cajun one, spoken only by those raised in the Greater New Orleans area, is traditionally non-rhotic and noticeably shares more pronunciation commonalities with a New York accent than with other Southern accents, due to commercial ties and cultural migration between the two cities. Since at least the 1980s, this local New Orleans dialect has popularly been called "Yat", from the common local greeting "Where you at?". Some features that the New York accent shares with the Yat accent include:

Yat also lacks the typical vowel changes of the Southern Shift and the pin–pen merger that is commonly heard elsewhere throughout the South. Yat is associated with the working and lower-middle classes, and a spectrum of speech patterns with fewer notable Yat features is often heard among those of higher socioeconomic status; such New Orleans affluence is associated with the New Orleans Uptown and the Garden District, whose speech patterns are sometimes considered distinct from the lower-class Yat dialect.[13]

Older phonologies

See main article: Older Southern American English. Before becoming a phonologically unified dialect region, the South was once home to an array of much more diverse accents at the local level. Features of the deeper interior Appalachian South largely became the basis for the newer Southern regional dialect; thus, older Southern American English primarily refers to the English spoken outside of Appalachia: the coastal and former plantation areas of the South, best documented before the Civil War, on the decline during the early 1900s, and non-existent in speakers born since the civil rights movement.

Little unified these older Southern dialects since they never formed a single homogeneous dialect region to begin with. Some older Southern accents were rhotic (most strongly in Appalachia and west of the Mississippi), while the majority were non-rhotic (most strongly in plantation areas); however, wide variation existed. Some older Southern accents showed (or approximated) Stage 1 of the Southern Vowel Shift - namely, the glide weakening of pronounced as //aɪ// - however, it is virtually unreported before the very late 1800s. In general, the older Southern dialects lacked the Mary–marry–merry, cot–caught, horse–hoarse, wine–whine, full–fool, fill–feel, and do–dew mergers, all of which are now common to, or encroaching on, all varieties of present-day Southern American English. Older Southern sound systems included those local to the:

Grammar

These grammatical features are characteristic of both older and newer Southern American English.

I done told you before.

I only done what you done told me.

I seen her first.

I knowed you for a fool soon as I seen you.

I been livin' here darn near my whole life.

He's fixin' to eat.

They're fixing to go for a hike.

It is not clear where the term comes from and when it was first used. According to dialect dictionaries, fixin' to is associated with Southern speech, most often defined as being a synonym of preparing to or intending to. Some linguists, e.g. Marvin K. Ching, regard it as being a quasimodal rather than a verb followed by an infinitive.[15] It is a term used by all social groups, although more frequently by people with a lower social status than by members of the educated upper classes. Furthermore, it is more common in the speech of younger people than in that of older people. Like much of the Southern dialect, the term is also more prevalent in rural areas than in urban areas.

I'm fixin' to paint me a picture.

He's gonna catch him a big one.

This here's mine and that there is yours.

It's one lady who lives in town.

It is nothing more to say.Standard English would prefer "existential there", as in "There's one lady who lives in town". This construction is used to say that something exists (rather than saying where it is located).[16] The construction can be found in Middle English as in Marlowe's Edward II: "Cousin, it is no dealing with him now".[16]

Ever'where's the same these days.

I liketa died.[18]

He liketa got hit by a car.

Liketa is presumably a conjunction of "like to" or "like to have" coming from Appalachian English. It is most often seen as a synonym for almost. Accordingly, the phrase I like't'a died would be I almost died in Standard English. With this meaning, liketa can be seen as a verb modifier for actions that are on the verge of happening.[19] Furthermore, it is more often used in an exaggerated or violent figurative sense rather than a literal sense.[17]

He's not here. / He isn't here.

I've not been there. / I haven't been there.[21]

Multiple modals

Standard English has a strict word order. In the case of modal auxiliaries, standard English is restricted to a single modal per verb phrase. However, some Southern speakers use double or more modals in a row (might could, might should, might would, used to could, etc.--also called "modal stacking") and sometimes even triple modals that involve oughta (like might should oughta)

The origin of multiple modals is controversial; some say it is a development of Modern English, while others trace them back to Middle English and others to Scots-Irish settlers. There are different opinions on which class preferably uses the term. for example, finds that educated people try to avoid multiple modals, whereas suggests the opposite. In some Southern regions, multiple modals are quite widespread and not particularly stigmatized.[22] Possible multiple modals are:[23]

may could might could might supposed to
may can might oughta mighta used to
may will might can might woulda had oughta
may should might should oughta could
may supposed to might would better can
may need to might better should oughta
may used to might had better used to could
can might musta coulda
could might would better
As the table shows, there are only possible combinations of an epistemic modal followed by deontic modals in multiple modal constructions. Deontic modals express permissibility with a range from obligated to forbidden and are mostly used as markers of politeness in requests whereas epistemic modals refer to probabilities from certain to impossible. Multiple modals combine these two modalities.

Conditional syntax and evidentiality

People from the South often make use of conditional or evidential syntaxes as shown below (italicized in the examples):

Conditional syntax in requests:

I guess you could step out and git some toothpicks and a carton of Camel cigarettes if you a mind to.

If you be good enough to take it, I believe I could stand me a taste.

Conditional syntax in suggestions:

I wouldn't look for 'em to show up if I was you.

I'd think that whiskey would be a trifle hot.Conditional syntax creates a distance between the speaker's claim and the hearer. It serves to soften obligations or suggestions, make criticisms less personal, and to overall express politeness, respect, or courtesy.

Southerners also often use "evidential" predicates such as think, reckon, believe, guess, have the feeling, etc.:

You already said that once, I believe.

I wouldn't want to guess, but I have the feeling we'll know soon enough.

You reckon we oughta get help?

I don't believe I've ever known one.

Evidential predicates indicate an uncertainty of the knowledge asserted in the sentence. According to, evidential predicates nearly always hedge the assertions and allow the respondents to hedge theirs. They protect speakers from the social embarrassment that appears, in case the assertion turns out to be wrong. As is the case with conditional syntax, evidential predicates can also be used to soften criticisms and to afford courtesy or respect.

Vocabulary

In the United States, the following vocabulary is mostly unique to, or best associated with, Southern U.S. English:[24]

Unique words can occur as Southern nonstandard past-tense forms of verbs, particularly in the Southern highlands and Piney Woods, as in yesterday they riz up, come outside, drawed, and drownded, as well as participle forms like they have took it, rode it, blowed it up, and swimmed away.[33] Drug is traditionally both the past tense and participle form of the verb drag.[33]

Y'all

Y'all is a second-person plural pronoun and the usual Southern plural form of the word you.[37] It is originally a contractionyou allwhich is used less frequently. This term was popularized in modern Southern dialects and was rarely used in older Southern dialects.[38]

"I've got y'all's assignments here." pronounced as //jɔlz//

"That book is yernses." pronounced as //ˈjɜrnzəz//

Southern Louisiana

See main article: Cajun English and New Orleans English. Southern Louisiana English especially is known for some unique vocabulary: long sandwiches are often called poor boys or po' boys, woodlice/roly-polies called doodle bugs, the end of a bread loaf called a nose, pedestrian islands and median strips alike called neutral ground,[24] and sidewalks called banquettes.[39]

Relationship to African-American English

See main article: African-American Vernacular English. Discussion of "Southern dialect" in the United States sometimes focuses on those English varieties spoken by white Southerners; However, because "Southern" is a geographic term, "Southern dialect" may also encompass dialects developed among other social or ethnic groups in the South. The most prominent of these dialects is African-American Vernacular English (AAVE), a fairly unified variety of English spoken by working and middle-class African-Americans throughout the United States. AAVE exhibits a relationship with both older and newer Southern dialects, though there is not yet a broad consensus on the exact nature of this relationship.

The historical context of race and slavery in the United States is a central factor in the development of AAVE. From the 16th to 19th centuries, many Africans speaking a diversity of West African languages were captured, brought to the United States, and sold into slavery. Over many generations, these Africans and their African-American descendants picked up English to communicate with their white enslavers and the white servants that they sometimes worked alongside, and they also used English as a bridge language to communicate with each other in the absence of another common language. There were also some African Americans living as free people in the United States, though the majority lived outside of the South due to Southern state laws which enabled white enslavers to "recapture" anyone not perceived as white and force them into slavery.

Following the American Civil War – and the subsequent national abolition of explicitly racial slavery in the 19th century – many newly freed African Americans and their families remained in the United States. Some stayed in the South, while others moved to join communities of African-American free people living outside of the South. Soon, racial segregation laws followed by decades of cultural, sociological, economic, and technological changes such as WWII and the increasing prevalence of mass media further complicated the relationship between AAVE and all other English dialects.

Modern AAVE retains similarities to older speech patterns spoken among white Southerners. Many features suggest that it largely developed from nonstandard dialects of colonial English as spoken by white Southern planters and British indentured servants, plus a more minor influence from the creoles and pidgins spoken by Black Caribbeans.[40] There is also evidence of some influence of West African languages on the vocabulary and grammar of AAVE.

It is uncertain to what extent current white Southern English borrowed elements from early AAVE, and vice versa. Like many white accents of English once spoken in Southern plantation areas - namely, the Lowcountry, the Virginia Piedmont, Tidewater, and the lower Mississippi Valley - the modern-day AAVE accent is mostly non-rhotic (or "r-dropping"). The presence of non-rhoticity in both AAVE and old Southern English is not merely coincidence, though, again, which dialect influenced which is unknown. It is better documented, however, that white Southerners borrowed some morphological processes from Black Southerners.

Many grammatical features were used alike by white speakers of old Southern English and early AAVE, more so than by contemporary speakers of the same two varieties. Even so, contemporary speakers of both continue to share these unique grammatical features: "existential it", the word y'all, double negatives, was to mean were, deletion of had and have, them to mean those, the term fixin' to, stressing the first syllable of words like hotel or guitar, and many others. Both dialects also continue to share these same pronunciation features: pronounced as //ɪ// tensing, pronounced as //ʌ// raising, upgliding pronounced as //ɔ//, the pin–pen merger, and the most defining sound of the current Southern accent (though rarely documented in older Southern accents): the glide weakening of pronounced as //aɪ//. However, while this glide weakening has triggered among white Southerners a complicated "Southern Vowel Shift", African-American speakers in the South and elsewhere are "not participating or barely participating" in much of this shift. AAVE speakers also do not front the vowel starting positions of pronounced as //oʊ// and pronounced as //u//, thus aligning these characteristics more with the speech of 19th-century white Southerners than 20th-century white Southerners.

Another possible influence on the divergence of AAVE and white Southern American English (i.e., the disappearance of older Southern American English) is that historical and contemporary civil rights struggles have over time caused the two racial groups "to stigmatize linguistic variables associated with the other group". This may explain some of the differences outlined above, including why most traditionally non-rhotic white Southern accents have shifted to become intensely rhotic.

See also

Sources

External links

Notes and References

  1. Web site: Southern. 2014. Dictionary.com. Dictionary.com, based on Random House, Inc.. [See definition 7.].
  2. Web site: Southern. 2014. Merriam-Webster. Merriam-Webster, Inc.. [See under the "noun" heading.].
  3. Web site: Do You Speak American: What Lies Ahead. 2007-08-15. PBS. https://web.archive.org/web/20070703010201/https://www.pbs.org/speak/ahead/. 2007-07-03. live .
  4. Book: https://www.degruyter.com/document/doi/10.1515/9783110208405.1.87/html. 10.1515/9783110208405.1.87 . Rural Southern white accents . The Americas and the Caribbean . 2008 . Thomas . Erik R. . 285 . 978-3-11-019636-8 .
  5. Brumbaugh, Susan; Koops, Christian (2017). "Vowel Variation in Albuquerque, New Mexico". Publication of the American Dialect Society, 102(1), 31-57. p.34.
  6. Fought, John G. (2005). "American Varieties: R-ful Southern". Do You Speak American? MacNeil/Lehrer Productions.
  7. Katherine D. Kinzler & Jasmine M. DeJesus (2012): Northern = smart and Southern = nice: The development of accent attitudes in the United States, The Quarterly Journal of Experimental Psychology, .
  8. Web site: Employer to Southern workers: You sound dumb and we can fix that. Schappel. Christian. HR Morning. August 2014. https://web.archive.org/web/20201001140402/https://www.hrmorning.com/articles/employer-to-southern-workers-you-sound-dumb-and-we-can-fix-that/. October 1, 2020. live.
  9. Web site: Accents of English from Around the World. Heggarty, Paul . etal . University of Edinburgh. 2013.
  10. https://www.pbs.org/speak/seatosea/americanvarieties/texan/ American Varieties: Texan English
  11. Dodsworth, Robin (2013) "Retreat from the Southern Vowel Shift in Raleigh, NC: Social Factors", University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics: Vol. 19: Iss. 2, Article 5.
  12. Web site: The Rise of Canadian Raising of /au/ in New Orleans English . Carmichael . Katie . January 2020 . 2023-04-26 . pubs.aip.org.
  13. Alvarez, Louis (director) . 1985 . Yeah You Rite! . Short documentary film . USA . Center for New American Media .
  14. Metcalf, Allan A. (2000). How We Talk: American Regional English Today. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt. p. 37.
  15. Ching, Marvin K. L. "How Fixed Is Fixin' to?" American Speech, 62.4 (1987): 332-345.
  16. http://www.odlt.org/definitionsOut/existential_it.html "Existential it."
  17. Web site: Liketa | Yale Grammatical Diversity Project: English in North America. 2018. Yale Grammatical Diversity Project (ygdp.yale.edu). Yale University. https://web.archive.org/web/20230404174847/https://ygdp.yale.edu/phenomena/liketa. April 4, 2023. live.
  18. Bailey, Guy, and Jan Tillery. "The Persistence of Southern American English." Journal of English Linguistics, 24.4 (1996): 308-321. .
  19. Wolfram, Walt; Schilling-Estes, Natalie (2015). American English: Dialects and Variation. Malden: Blackwell Publishing. pp. 48, 380.
  20. Regional Note from The Free Dictionary
  21. Wolfram, Walt; Reaser, Jeffrey (2014). Talkin' Tar Heel: How Our Voices Tell the Story of North Carolina. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press. pp. 94-95.
  22. Wolfram, Walt; Schilling-Estes, Natalie (2015). American English: Dialects and Variation. Malden: Blackwell Publishing. p. 379.
  23. Di Paolo, Marianna. "Double Modals as Single Lexical Items." American Speech, 64.3 (1989): 195-224.
  24. Vaux, Bert and Scott Golder. 2003. The Harvard Dialect Survey. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Linguistics Department.
  25. Book: https://oxfordre.com/linguistics/view/10.1093/acrefore/9780199384655.001.0001/acrefore-9780199384655-e-925 . 10.1093/acrefore/9780199384655.013.925 . English in the U.S. South . Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Linguistics . 2022 . Hazen . Kirk . 978-0-19-938465-5 .
  26. "Buggy". The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language, Fifth Edition. 2017. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt Publishing Company.
  27. "Carry". The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language, Fifth Edition. 2017. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt Publishing Company.
  28. "Cut". The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language, Fifth Edition. 2017. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt Publishing Company.
  29. Dictionary.com. Dictionary.com Unabridged, based on the Random House Dictionary. Random House, Inc. 2017.
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  32. "Reckon". The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language, Fifth Edition. 2017. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt Publishing Company.
  33. Algeo, John (ed.) (2001). The Cambridge History of the English Language, Volume 3; Volume 6. Cambridge University Press. pp. 275-277.
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  35. "Ugly". The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language, Fifth Edition. 2017. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt Publishing Company.
  36. "Varmint". The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language, Fifth Edition. 2017. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt Publishing Company.
  37. Web site: Harvard Dialect Survey - word use: a group of two or more people.. https://web.archive.org/web/20070525113400/https://cfprod01.imt.uwm.edu/Dept/FLL/linguistics/dialect/staticmaps/q_50.html. May 25, 2007. dead.
  38. Devlin, Thomas Moore (2019). "The Rise Of Y'all And The Quest For A Second-Person Plural Pronoun". Babbel. Lesson Nine GmbH.
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  40. Book: McWhorter, John H.. John McWhorter

    . Word on the Street: Debunking the Myth of a "Pure" Standard English. John McWhorter. Basic Books. 2001. 152. 9780738204468.

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