Somali clans explained

Somali clans (Somali: Qabaa'ilka Soomaalida; Arabic: القبائل الصومالية|translit=''al-Qabāyỉl al-Sūmālīā'') are patrilineal kinship groups based on agnatic descent of the Somali people.[1] [2] [3] Tradition and folklore connects the origin of the Somali population by language and way of life, and societal organisations, by customs, and by a feeling of belonging to a broader family among individuals from the Arabian Peninsula.[4] [5] [6]

The Somali people are a Muslim ethnoreligious group native to the Horn of Africa.[7] Predominantly of Cushitic ancestry, they are segmented into clan groupings which are important kinship units that play a central part in Somali culture and politics. Clan families are patrilineal and are divided into clans, primary lineages or subclans, and dia-paying kinship groups. The clan symbolise the utmost kinship level. It possesses territorial properties and is commonly governed by a Sultan. Primary lineages are directly derived from the clans, and are exogamous political entities with no officially appointed leader. They constitute the division level that an individual typically indicates he or she is affiliated with, with the founding forefather reckoned to between six and ten generations.[8] [9]

The Somali people are mainly divided among five patrilineal clans, the Hawiye, Darod, Rahanweyn, Dir, and Isaaq.[10] The average person is able to trace his/her ancestry generations back. Somali clans in contemporary times have an established official structure in the country's political system, acknowledged by a mathematical formula for equitably distributing seats between the clans in the Federal Parliament of Somalia.[11] [12] [13]

Somali clans were founded by various patriarchs who came to Africa following the emergence of Islam, and they are linked to the propagation of the religion in the Somali Peninsula. The traditions of descent from noble forefathers from Quraysh set the Somalis further apart from other neighbouring ethnic groups.[14] [15] [16] [17]

Structure

The Somali people historically inhabit a region that extends from the Indian Ocean to the elevated terrains of eastern Ethiopia, and from the Gulf of Aden to the northern regions of Kenya. They represent the most extensive demographic group within the Horn of Africa. From an ethnological perspective, Somalis are classified as a segmentary society. This classification indicates that they are subdivided into numerous segments or lineages predicated upon genealogical proximity to a shared ancestor. Layered in all aspects of life, the clan is both a tool for identification and a way of life. Clans define the relationship between people and all actors in Somalia. [18] [19]

The principal organizing tenet of the Somali clan system is the concept of patrilineal descent, referred to locally as 'Abtirsi' (Iitt. 'the counting of fathers').[20] [21] This notion encapsulates a minimal yet collectively recognized framework for understanding the structure and hierarchy of genealogical relationships among Somalis, ranging from the four primary clan families to their respective sub-lineages, which represent the most basic acknowledged units.

The Somali concept of ‘Abtirsi’ refers to a systematically organized lineage-based registry or list of paternal ancestors among Somalis.[22] This lineage starts with the individual’s father and extends to include the grandfather, great-grandfather, and so forth, ultimately culminating at the patriarch of the broader clan-family from which the individual is descended.[23] Although it is feasible to trace lineage beyond this juncture, the patriarch of the clan family, typically an Islamic sheikh denoting the importance of Islam, usually represents the terminus of such genealogical lines. Occasionally, this genealogy may also incorporate 'uterine' connections, which are grouped descendants of the male progenitor through a female spouse, thereby indicating the alliances formed by the descendants of that male ancestor by virtue of a shared mother. The Somali clan system is structured hierarchically, with five primary tiers of divisions (tol) identified, commencing from the top: the clan-family; the clans; the sub-clans; the lineages; and the sub-lineages or dia-paying groups.[24] Within the latter category, additional levels may be delineated. Over time, the parameters of inclusion undergo alterations, whereby sub-lineages may evolve into lineages. This is attributable to the fluctuations in the growth and decline of lineages and clans. As time progresses and demographic changes transpire, new units may emerge (diverge) from pre-existing ones, while earlier entities are condensed, a process that involves concentrating attention exclusively on prominent individuals within one's genealogical framework often referred to as 'Telescoping'.
The terms 'clan-family', 'clan', 'sub-clan', or 'lineage' lack universally recognized equivalents in the Somali language. They are predominantly 'emic' formal designations. Consequently, this may give rise to a growing degree of ambiguity regarding the intermediate segmentation for external observers. Among Somalis, the term for clan is frequently denoted by the Arabic word 'Qabiil'. Thus, some individuals may perceive the endeavor of constructing a comprehensive Somali genealogy as misdirected or fruitless. Conversely, others may find themselves motivated to contemplate the intricacies of clan-line classification or to investigate historical and contemporary relationships among clans, clan names, and their intermingling and amalgamation as influenced by historical and socio-political dynamics.
The clan represents the highest degree of familial affiliation. It holds territorial properties and is typically overseen by a Sultan. Clans possess ancestral lands, which are associated with the migratory patterns of the Somali populace throughout their historical narrative. Each clan is administered by its designated leader and supported by its council of elders, with land being communally owned and overseen.[25] Various Somali clans utilise distinct titles for their leaders, including Sultan, Emir, Imam,[26] Ugaas, and Garaad.[27] Clan leadership may be hereditary, or leaders may be elected by the council of elders composed of representatives from diverse clan lineages. The leaders of these clans fulfill both religious and political responsibilities. Although a historically ingrained socio-cognitive 'schema' exists among many Somalis concerning lineage, which delineates the various clan groups and 'tribes' that occupied specific territories and held (historical) claims therein, constructing an accurate genealogical tree would be unfeasible due to several factors, including the aformentioned 'telescoping.'

Somalis maintain a traditional attachment to territories where their kin are presumed to be more populous. To this day, the majority of Somalis still depend on patrilineal clan relatives for assistance and identification. The degree of assistance rendered by one's clan is contingent upon the level of segmentation. At the more advanced levels of segmentation, particularly at the clan-family tier, there is no longer a guarantee of cohesion or collective action in particular instances. In contemporary Somalia, the clan system exists in tandem with modern forms of societal and political organization. The reconfiguration and reassignment of responsibilities from traditional leaders to the judiciary, such as customary norms and laws, have altered the status and role of leaders within their communities. The Somali clan system is often referred to as an obstacle to the state building efforts in Somalia.[28] The reasoning is aptly captured in this famous Somali proverb:

Certain clans are traditionally classed as noble clans, referring to their pastoral lifestyle in contrast to the sedentary "Sab".[29] The noble clans are the Dir, Darod, Hawiye and Isaaq.[30] [31] Out of these clans, Dir and Hawiye are regarded as descended from Samaale, the likely source of the ethnonym Somali (soomaali).[32] Darod and Isaaq have separate agnatic (paternal) traditions of descent from Abdirahman bin Isma'il al-Jabarti (Sheikh Darod) and Ishaaq bin Ahmed (Sheikh Ishaaq) respectively.[33] Sheikh Darod and Sheikh Ishaaq are asserted to have married women from the Dir clan, thus establishing matrilateral ties with the Samaale main stem. "Sab" is a term used to refer to the agricultural clans such as the Rahanweyn, in contrast to "Samaale".[34] Both Samaale and Sab are the children of the father "Hiil" who is the common ancestor of all Somali clans.[35] [36]

Kinship

The traditional political unit among the Somali people has been kinships.[37] Dia-paying groups are groupings of a few small lineages, each consisting of a few hundred to a few thousand members. They trace their foundation to between four and eight generations. Members are socially contracted to support each other in jural and political duties, including paying or receiving dia or blood compensation (mag in Somali).[38] Compensation is obligatory in regards to actions committed by or against a dia-paying group, including blood-compensation in the event of damage, injury or death.[39] [40]

Social stratification

See main article: Somali aristocratic and court titles and Slavery in Somalia. Within traditional Somali society (as in other ethnic groups of the Horn of Africa and the wider region), there has been social stratification.[41] [42] [43] According to the historian Donald Levine, these comprised high-ranking clans, low-ranking clans, caste groups, and slaves.[44] This rigid hierarchy and concepts of lineal purity contrast with the relative egalitarianism in clan leadership and political control.

Nobles constituted the upper tier and were known as bilis. They consist of individuals of ethnic Somali ancestral origin, and have been endogamous.[45]

The lower tier was designated as Sab, and was distinguished by its heterogeneous constitution and agropastoral lifestyle as well as some linguistic and cultural differences. A third Somali caste strata was made up of artisanal groups, which were endogamous and hereditary.[46] Among the caste groups, the Midgan were traditionally hunters and circumcision performers.[47] [48] The Tumal (also spelled Tomal) were smiths and leatherworkers, and the Yibir (also spelled Yebir) were the tanners and magicians.[49] [50]

According to the anthropologist Virginia Luling, the artisanal caste groups of the north closely resembled their higher caste kinsmen, being generally Caucasoid like other ethnic Somalis.[51] Although ethnically indistinguishable from each other, state Mohamed Eno and Abdi Kusow, upper castes have stigmatized the lower ones.[52]

Outside of the Somali caste system were slaves of Bantu origin and physiognomy.[53] Their distinct physical features and occupations differentiated them from Somalis and positioned them as inferior within the social hierarchy.[54] [55]

Law

See also: Xeer.

The customary justice system of Somalis, known as xeer, holds a significant position among the Somali clans, serving as a crucial mechanism for resolving conflicts. Somali clans are organized according to a patriarchal clan-based framework, which is further segmented into sub-clans, lineages, and mag groupings. These groupings are united through familial bonds or contractual agreements. Xeer justice primarily centers around the latter groupings, given their smaller size. Within these units, every member is held accountable for the actions of others and thus shares a portion of any imposed punishment. Under this system, only the victim or their immediate family has the authority to initiate criminal proceedings through xeer mediation. xeer relies on clan elders who utilize precedent, Sharia law, and mutual verbal agreements between clans to settle disputes and provide resolutions.[56] [57]

Marriage

Among Somali clans, in order to strengthen alliance ties, marriage is often to another ethnic Somali from a different clan. According to I. M. Lewis, of 89 marriages initiated by men of the Dhulbahante clan, 55 (62%) were therefore with women of Dhulbahante subclans other than those of their husbands; 30 (33.7%) were with women of adjacent clans of other clan families (Isaaq, 28; Hawiye, 3); and 3 (4.3%) were with women of other clans of the Darod clan family (Majerteen 2, Ogaden 1).[58] Such exogamy is always followed by the dia-paying group and usually adhered to by the primary lineage, whereas marriage to lineal kin falls within the prohibited range.[59] These traditional strictures against consanguineous marriage ruled out the patrilateral first cousin marriages that are favored by Arab Bedouins and specially approved by Islam. These marriages were practiced to a limited degree by certain northern Somali subclans. In areas inhabited by diverse clans, such as the southern Mogadishu area, endogamous marriages also served as a means of ensuring clan solidarity in uncertain socio-political circumstances.[60] This inclination was further spurred on by intensified contact with Arab society in the Gulf, wherein first cousin marriage was preferred. Although politically expedient, such endogamous marriage created tension with the traditional principles within Somali culture.[61]

In 1975, the most prominent government reforms regarding family law in a Muslim country were set in motion in the Somali Democratic Republic, which put women and men, including husbands and wives, on complete equal footing.[62] The 1975 Somali Family Law gave men and women equal division of property between the husband and wife upon divorce and the exclusive right to control by each spouse over his or her personal property.[63]

FGM is almost universal in Somalia, and many women undergo infibulation, the most extreme form of female genital mutilation.[64] According to a 2005 WHO estimate, about 97.9% of Somalia's women and girls underwent FGM. This was at the time the world's highest prevalence rate of the procedure.[65]

Major clans

Isaaq

See also: Isaaq and Ishaaq bin Ahmed. The Isaaq (also Ishaq, Isaac) (Somali: Reer Sheekh Isxaaq; Arabic: اسحاق) are a major Somali clan family.[66] It is one of the largest Somali clan families in the Horn of Africa, with a large and densely populated traditional territory. The Isaaq people claim in a traditional legend to have descended from Sheikh Ishaaq bin Ahmed, an Islamic scholar who traveled to Somaliland in the 12th or 13th century and married two women; one from the local Dir clan. and the other from the neighboring Harari people.[67] He is said to have sired eight sons who are the common ancestors of the clans of the Isaaq clan-family. He remained in Maydh until his death.[68] Somali genealogical tradition places the origin of the Isaaq tribe in the 12th or 13th century with the arrival of Ishaaq Bin Ahmed (Sheikh Ishaaq) from Arabia.[69] [70] Sheikh Ishaaq purportedly settled in the coastal town of Maydh in modern-day northeastern Somaliland. Hence, Sheikh Ishaaq married two local women in Somaliland, which left him with eight sons.[71] The Isaaq are typically grouped under the Dir.[72]

Darod

See also: Darod and Abdirahman bin Isma'il al-Jabarti. The Darod (Somali: Daarood, Arabic: دارود) are a Somali clan. The forefather of this clan is Sheikh Abdirahman bin Isma'il al-Jabarti, more commonly known as Daud or Darod.[73] According to early Islamic books and Somali tradition, Aqeel Abu Talib ibn Abd al-Muttalib Al-Qurashi descendant Abdirahman bin Isma'il al-Jabarti (Darod), a son of the Sufi Sheikh Isma'il al-Jabarti of the Qadiriyyah order, fled his homeland in the Arabian Peninsula after an argument with his uncle.[74] [75] During the 10th or 11th century CE,[76] Abdirahman is believed to have then settled in modern-day Sanaag just across the Red Sea and married Dobira, the daughter of the Dir clan chief. This union is said to have given rise to the Darod clan family.[77] Thus, it established matrilateral ties with the Samaale main stem. [78] Darod is the son of the famous Arabian Sheikh, Ismail bin Ibrahim Al-Jabarti, who is buried in the Zabid District of Yemen.[79] [80] [81]

Hawiye

See also: Hawiye and Ahmed Bin Abdulrahman Bin Uthman. The Hawiye (Somali: Hawiye; Arabic: بنو هوية) are one of the principal and largest of the Somali clans,[82] tracing their lineage back to Sheikh Ahmed Bin Abdulrahman Bin Uthman, also known as Sheikh Hawiye, the eponymous figure of the clan.[83] [84] [85] They are considered the earliest documented clan to have settled in the Somali peninsula, as noted in the 12th century by Al-Idrisi, occupying the regions spanning from Ras Hafun to Merca, which served as their capital.[86] Sheikh Hawiye, also known as Ahmed based on oral traditions and Arabic hagiologies, is renowned as a revered saint and religious figure who bore the epithet "Hawi al 'Uluum", meaning the conservator of knowledge, denoting his mastery of Islamic knowledge. Through the passage of time, this appellation was condensed to just "Hawiyah" or "Hawiye" and subsequently evolved into the ethnonym of his progeny. The genealogy of Sheikh Hawiye, as delineated in these oral narratives, Arabic hagiologies, and indigenous manuscripts, can be traced as follows: Ahmed (Hawiye) Bin Abdulrahman (Irir) Bin Uthman (Samaale) Bin Muhammed Bin Hanbal Bin Mahdi Bin Ahmed Bin Mohammed Bin Aqeel Bin Abu Talib. [87] [88] [89] [90] The tomb of Shiekh Hawiye can be found in Qundhuro, situated within the Haraghe region, which served as his primary residence for the later years of his life as a revered Sheikh who dedicated himself to the propagation of the teachings of Islam. Alongside Shiekh Hawiye rests his eldest son, Karanle, in a burial site. The Hawiye furthered the spread of Islam in the Horn of Africa.[91]

Dir

See also: Dir (clan). The Dir (Somali: Dir) are one of the largest and most prominent Somali clans in the Horn of Africa.[92] [93] [94] They are descended from Hawiye's brother Aji, whose actual name is documented in oral traditions and further supported by Al Idrus's work "History of Somalia" as Ismail. Dir, also known as Abu-Bakr, is regarded as the father-in-law of Darod, the progenitor of the Darod clan as well as Sheikh Isaaq.[95]

See also

References

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  43. Beatrice Akua-Sakyiwah (2016), Education as Cultural Capital and its Effect on the Transitional Issues Faced by Migrant Women in the Diaspora, Journal of International Migration and Integration, Volume 17, Number 4, pages 1125–1142, Quote: "This caste stratification is a daily reality in Somali society".
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  59. Book: I. M. Lewis . Blood and Bone: The Call of Kinship in Somali Society . The Red Sea Press . 1994 . 978-0-932415-93-6 . 51 . The primary lineage is normally, and the dia-paying group always, exogamous, because these units are already so strongly united that marriage within them is considered to threaten their cohesion..
  60. Book: I. M. Lewis . Blood and Bone: The Call of Kinship in Somali Society . The Red Sea Press . 1994 . 978-0-932415-93-6 . 51 . in areas formerly characterized by clan heterogeneity, with people of different clans living together harmoniously and inter-marrying, marriage outside one's own clan became the exception rather than, as formerly, the rule. Indeed, in the devastated capital, Mogadishu, women who had married outside their own clan found themselves at a serious disadvantage, they and their children being disowned and left unprotected by both sets of kin. Insecurity required maximum clan solidarity, including now clan endogamy rather than exogamy..
  61. Book: I. M. Lewis . Blood and Bone: The Call of Kinship in Somali Society . The Red Sea Press . 1994 . 978-0-932415-93-6 . 51 . This new trend was further encouraged by the intensified contact with the Arab society, and its preference for cousin marriage, through the experience of labour migration in the Gulf. The tension between this politically expedient practice and traditional cultural precepts was reflected in the popular view that such endogamous marriage amounted to a kind of incest akin to the mating of animals..
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  67. I.M. Lewis, A Modern History of the Somali, fourth edition (Oxford: James Currey, 2002), pp. 31 & 42
  68. Book: Adam, Hussein M. . Somalia and the World: Proceedings of the International Symposium Held in Mogadishu on the Tenth Anniversary of the Somali Revolution, October 15–21, 1979 . 1980 . Halgan . en.
  69. Book: Berns McGown, Rima . Muslims in the diaspora . 1999 . . 27–28.
  70. Book: Lewis, I. M. . A Modern History of the Somali . 2002 . James Currey . Fourth . Oxford . 22.
  71. Book: Gori, Alessandro . Studi sulla letteratura agiografica islamica somala in lingua araba . 2003 . Dipartimento di linguistica, Università di Firenze . 88-901340-0-3 . Firenze . 72 . it . Studies on Somali Islamic hagiographic literature in Arabic . 55104439 . 15 October 2021 . https://web.archive.org/web/20211104135644/https://www.worldcat.org/title/studi-sulla-letteratura-agiografica-islamica-somala-in-lingua-araba/oclc/55104439 . 4 November 2021 . live.
  72. Book: Lossi, Marcel . The Failure System - The Role of External Actors in the Somali State Collapse . November 2011 . GRIN Verlag . 978-3-656-06172-4 . 8 . en.
  73. Book: Lewis . Ioan M . A Pastoral Democracy: A Study of Pastoralism and Politics Among the Northern Somali of the Horn of Africa . 1999 . James Currey Publishers . 9780852552803 . 12 . 18 September 2019.
  74. Rima Berns McGown, Muslims in the diaspora, (University of Toronto Press: 1999), pp.27–28
  75. Web site: Islam in Somali History Fact and Fiction revisited, the Arab Factor . dead . https://web.archive.org/web/20110919030624/http://maanhadal.com/articles/Islam_in_Somali_History.html . 19 September 2011 . 6 April 2018 . maanhadal.com.
  76. I.M. Lewis, A Modern History of the Somali, fourth edition (Oxford: James Currey, 2002), p. 22
  77. Book: Somaliland Society . The Somaliland Journal, Volume 1, Issues 1–3 . The Society . 1954 . 85 . 2016-09-27 . https://web.archive.org/web/20240522134938/https://books.google.com/books?id=8hsOAQAAMAAJ . 2024-05-22 . live.
  78. Lewis, A pastoral democracy, pp. 11–13.
  79. Book: Donner . Fred M. . The Early Islamic Conquests . 2014-07-14 . Princeton University Press . 9781400847877 . 2020-05-24 . https://web.archive.org/web/20230326164823/https://books.google.com/books?id=l5__AwAAQBAJ . 2023-03-26 . live.
  80. Web site: Yemen: C/laahi Yuusuf oo Booqday Qabrigii Ismaaciil Jabarti... . live . https://web.archive.org/web/20201203052021/http://somalitalk.com/2009/feb/28feb909.html . 3 December 2020 . 6 April 2018 . somalitalk.com.
  81. Martin . E.G. . 1974 . Mahdism and Holy Wars in Ethiopia Before 1600 . Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies . 4 . 110 . 0308-8421.
  82. Book: Alasow, Omar . Violations of the Rules Applicable in Non-International Armed Conflicts and Their Possible Causes . 2010 . 32 . 2022-04-16 . https://web.archive.org/web/20230123064015/https://i.postimg.cc/qR55wNrr/Screenshot-20220416-201918-Samsung-Internet.png . 2023-01-23 . live.
  83. https://miro.medium.com/v2/resize:fit:1100/format:webp/1*cga-7fEGYEVAnszNb28kvg.png Hawiyah, meaning the Conservator of Sciences, his name is Ahmad ibn Irir, (Whose name is Abd al-Rahman) ibn Samaal, (Whose name is Uthman) bin Muhammad ibn Hanbal Bin Mahdi bin Ahmed bin Muhammad bin Aqeel bin Abi Talib. This (Muhammad) is the one to whom the Darod, whose actual name is Daud, tribes trace their lineage to.
  84. Book: محمود, زيلعي، عبد الرحمن شيخ . الصومال عروبتها وحضارتها الإسلامية . 2018 . قنديل للطباعة والنشر والتوزيع، . 978-9948-39-903-2 . ar.
  85. Book: الشريف عيدروس النضيري العلوي . بغية الآمال في تاريخ الصومال للشريف عيدروس . 1954 . Arabic.
  86. Book: Fage . J. D. . The Cambridge history of Africa: Fage, J. D . Oliver . Roland . Oliver . Roland Anthony . Clark . John Desmond . Gray . Richard . Flint . John E. . Roberts . A. D. . Sanderson . G. N. . Crowder . Michael . Cambridge University Press . 1975 . 9780521209816 . 137 . 2020-11-05 . https://web.archive.org/web/20240522135829/https://books.google.com/books?id=GWjxR61xAe0C&q=hawiya+still+form+one+of+the+most+important+tribes+of+the+somal&pg=PA137#v=snippet&q=hawiya%20still%20form%20one%20of%20the%20most%20important%20tribes%20of%20the%20somal&f=false . 2024-05-22 . live.
  87. Book: السيد, سالم، حمدى . الصومال: قديما وحديثا . 1965 . وزارة الاستعلامات . ar.
  88. Web site: Somaliprodigy . 2024-04-18 . Etymology and Genesis of the Hawiye . 2024-06-21 . Medium . en.
  89. Book: italiana, Società geografica . Bollettino della Società geografica italiana . 1893 . Stab. di Giuseppe Civelli . it.
  90. Book: Colucci, Massimo . Principi di diritto consuetudinario della Somalia italiana meridionale: i gruppi sociali, la proprietà con dieci tavole dimostrative, sotto gli auspici del governo della Somalia italiana . 1924 . Soc. an. editrice "La Voce" . it.
  91. Book: AICMAR Bulletin An Evangelical Christian Journal of Contemporary Mission and Research in Africa . 2003 . 21 . 2021-11-17 . https://web.archive.org/web/20240522135949/https://books.google.com/books?id=hMXYAAAAMAAJ&dq=Axmed+Guray&pg=PA21-IA2 . 2024-05-22 . live.
  92. Book: Fage . J. D. . The Cambridge History of Africa . Oliver . Roland . Oliver . Roland Anthony . Clark . John Desmond . Gray . Richard . Flint . John E. . Roberts . A. D. . Sanderson . G. N. . Crowder . Michael . 1975 . Cambridge University Press . 978-0-521-20981-6 . en.
  93. Web site: Ambroso . Guido . March 2002 . Clanship, Conflict and Refugees: An Introduction to Somalis in the Horn of Africa . 7 February 2017 . 6.
  94. Book: Hayward . R.J. . Voice and Power . Lewis . I.M. . 2005-08-17 . Routledge . 9781135751753 . 242 . en.
  95. Book: Mukhtar, Mohamed Haji . Historical Dictionary of Somalia . 2003-02-25 . Scarecrow Press . 9780810866041 . 71 . en.

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