| Honorific Prefix: | Sir |
| Banastre Tarleton | |
| Birth Place: | Liverpool, Lancashire, England |
| Death Place: | Leintwardine, Herefordshire, England |
| Allegiance: | Great Britain (1775-1801) United Kingdom (1801-1812) |
| Serviceyears: | 1775 - 1812 |
| Rank: | General |
| Branch: | British Army |
| Commands: | British Legion |
| Unit: | 1st Dragoon Guards |
| Battles: |
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| Awards: | Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the Bath Baronet |
| Relations: | Mary Robinson |
Sir Banastre Tarleton, 1st Baronet (21 August 175415 January 1833) was a British general and politician. He is best known as the lieutenant colonel leading the British Legion at the end of the American Revolutionary War. He later served in Portugal and held commands in Ireland and England.
During most of his service in North America, he led the British Legion, a provincial unit organised in New York in 1778. After returning to Great Britain in 1781 at the age of 27, Tarleton was elected to Parliament as a member for Liverpool. He served as a prominent Whig politician for 20 years. He was interested in military matters and opposed abolition of the slave trade.
Banastre Tarleton was the third of seven children born to merchant John Tarleton (1718 - 1773) and his wife. His father had prospered in the West Indian sugar trade and also managed several slaving vessels. Tarleton’s & Backhouse became one of the largest import-export companies in Britain. The family had trade interests throughout America and dealt in many cargoes, including slaves.[2]
Tarleton was educated at Oxford, attending University College. He was further educated at Middle Temple, London, which, at that time, served as a college for the education of lawyers. In 1773 at the age of 19, he inherited £5,000 on his father's death. He squandered almost all of it in less than a year on gambling and women, mostly at the Cocoa Tree club in London.
In 1775 he purchased a commission as a cavalry officer (cornet) in the 1st Dragoon Guards (effective from 2 May 1775). He proved to be a gifted horseman and leader of troops. Owing to his abilities, he worked his way up through the ranks to lieutenant colonel without having to purchase any further commissions.
In December 1775, at the age of 21, the volunteer-soldier Banastre Tarleton sailed from Cork to North America, where the American War of Independence (1775–83) had broken out. Tarleton sailed with Lord Cornwallis as part of an expedition to capture the southern city of Charleston, South Carolina.[3] After that expedition failed, at the Battle of Sullivan's Island (28 June 1776), Tarleton went north to join the main British Army under command of General William Howe, in New York.
Under the command of Colonel William Harcourt, Tarleton, as a cornet, was part of a scouting party sent to gather intelligence on the movements of General Charles Lee, in New Jersey. On 13 December 1776, Tarleton surrounded a house in Basking Ridge, and forced Lee, still in dressing gown, to surrender, as he threatened to burn down the house. General Lee was taken to New York as a prisoner of war. He later was used in an exchange of prisoners.
In the course of the colonial war in North America, Cornet Tarleton's campaign service during 1776 earned him the position of brigade major at the end of the year; he was twenty-two years old. He was promoted to captain on 13 June 1778. Major Tarleton was at the Battle of Brandywine and at other battles in the campaigns of 1777 and 1778. One such battle, in 1778, was an attack upon a communications outpost on Signal Hill in Easttown Township, Chester County, Pennsylvania, which was guarded by troops commanded by Capt. Henry Lee III, of the Continental Army, who repulsed the British attack.
After becoming commander of the British Legion, a force of American Loyalist cavalry and light infantry, Tarleton went to South Carolina at the beginning of 1780. There, the Legion supported Sir Henry Clinton in the siege operations that culminated in the British capture of Charleston. The siege and capture of the city were part of the British strategy in the southern military theatre meant to restore royal authority over the southern colonies of British North America.
See main article: Battle of Waxhaws.
On 29 May 1780, Colonel Tarleton, with a force of 149 mounted soldiers, overtook a detachment of 350 to 380 Virginia Continentals, led by Colonel Abraham Buford. Buford rejected Tarleton's invitation to surrender on essentially the same terms as the Charles Town garrison. The Continentals continued marching, not preparing for battle until they heard their rear guard in action. Only after sustaining many casualties did Buford order the American soldiers to surrender. Nonetheless, Tarleton's forces ignored the white flag and massacred the soldiers of Buford's detachment; 113 American soldiers were killed, 203 were captured, and 150 were severely wounded. The British army casualties were 5 soldiers killed and 12 soldiers wounded.[4] From the perspective of the British Army, the affair of the massacre is known as the Battle of Waxhaw Creek. In that time, the American rebels used the phrase "Tarleton's quarter" (shooting after surrender) as meaning "no quarter offered".
Forty years later, Robert Brownfield, a surgeon’s mate in the Second South Carolina Regimentat the time of the battle, wrote an account. He said that Colonel Buford raised the white flag of surrender to the British Legion, "expecting the usual treatment sanctioned by civilized warfare"; yet, while Buford called for quarter, Colonel Tarleton's horse was shot with a musket ball, felling horse and man. On seeing that, the Loyalist cavalrymen believed that the Virginia Continentals had shot their commander – while they asked him for mercy. Enraged, the Loyalist troops attacked the Virginians and "commenced a scene of indiscriminate carnage never surpassed by the ruthless atrocities of the most barbarous savages"; in the aftermath, the British Legion soldiers killed wounded American soldiers where they lay.
Tarleton's account, published in 1787, said that his horse had been shot from under him, and that his soldiers, thinking him dead, engaged in "a vindictive asperity not easily restrained".
Regardless of the extent to which they were true or false, the reports of British atrocities motivated Whig-leaning colonials to support the American Revolution.[5] On 7 October 1780, at the Battle of Kings Mountain, South Carolina, soldiers of the Continental Army, having heard of the slaughter at Waxhaw Creek, killed American Loyalists who had surrendered after a sniper killed their British commanding officer, Maj. Patrick Ferguson.[6]
In South Carolina, to deny resupply of food and horses, cause attrition and reduce reconnoitering, Tarleton's British Legion were harried by Francis Marion, an American militia commander who practiced guerrilla warfare against the British. Throughout the campaigns, Tarleton was unable to capture him or thwart his operations. Marion's local popularity among anti-British South Carolinians ensured continual aid and comfort for the American cause. In contrast, Colonel Tarleton alienated the colonial citizens with arbitrary confiscations of cattle and food stocks.[7]
Tarleton materially helped Cornwallis to win the Battle of Camden in August 1780. On 22 August, he was promoted to major in the 79th Regiment of Foot (Royal Liverpool Volunteers). He defeated Thomas Sumter at Fishing Creek, aka "Catawba Fords", but was less successful when he encountered the same general at Blackstock's Farm in November 1780.
On 17 January 1781, Tarleton's forces were virtually destroyed by American Brigadier General Daniel Morgan at the Battle of Cowpens. Tarleton and about 200 men escaped the battlefield.[8]
Lieutenant Colonel William Washington commanded the rebel cavalry;[9] to deprive the rebels of leadership he was targeted by the British commander and two of his men. Tarleton was stopped by Washington himself, who attacked him with his sabre, calling out, "Where is now the boasting Tarleton?"[10] A cornet of the 17th, Thomas Patterson, rode up to strike Washington but was shot and killed by Washington's orderly trumpeter.
Washington survived this assault and in the process wounded Tarleton's right hand with a sabre blow, while Tarleton creased Washington's knee with a pistol shot that also wounded his horse. Washington pursued Tarleton for sixteen miles, but gave up the chase when he came to the plantation of Adam Goudylock near Thicketty Creek. Tarleton was able to escape capture by forcing Goudylock to serve as a guide.[11]
He was successful in a skirmish at Torrence's Tavern while the British crossed the Catawba River (Cowan's Ford Skirmish, 1 February 1781) and took part in the Battle of Guilford Courthouse in March 1781. With his men, Tarleton marched with Cornwallis into Virginia. There he carried out a series of small expeditions while in Virginia. Among them was a raid on Charlottesville, where the state government had relocated following the British occupation of the capital at Richmond. He was trying to capture Governor Thomas Jefferson and members of the Virginia General Assembly. The raid was partially foiled by the ride of Jack Jouett, with Jefferson and all but seven of the legislators escaping over the mountains. Tarleton destroyed arms and munitions and succeeded in dispersing the Assembly.
Tarleton was brevetted to lieutenant-colonel in the 79th Foot on 26 June 1781. After other missions, Cornwallis instructed Tarleton to hold Gloucester Point, during the Siege of Yorktown. On 4 October 1781, the French Lauzun's Legion and the British cavalry, commanded by Tarleton, skirmished at Gloucester Point. Tarleton was unhorsed, and Lauzun's Legion drove the British within their lines before being ordered to withdraw by the Marquis de Choisy.[12] [13] [14] The Legion suffered three Hussars killed with two officers and eleven Hussars wounded.[15] Fifty British were killed or wounded, including Tarleton.[16] The British surrendered Gloucester Point to the French and Americans after the surrender at Yorktown in October 1781. He returned to Britain on parole, finished with this war at the age of 27.
Banastre Tarleton returned to England a hero: a triumphant veteran wounded in his country’s service. On his arrival “[in] Liverpool in 1782 after legendary exploits in the American war of independence, the church bells rang out and he was feted by admirers.”Knight expands on this:
Tarleton sat for portraits by three leading artists in London: Reynolds, Gainsborough, and Cosway. Contrary to claims of Tarleton’s vanity, he did not pay to have them painted.
Tarleton’s brother commissioned Sir Joshua Reynolds’ well-known painting of Banastre for their mother. “Colonel Tarleton” is regarded as one of the finest examples of Reynolds' work and portraiture in general. The full-length painting, at 236 × 145.5 cm (92.9 x 57.3 inches) is too tall to fit in many homes. Like Tarleton’s mark on the history of the war, the painting is larger than life. The National Gallery describes it:
The pose disguises Tarleton’s mutilated right hand, of which he lost two fingers to a musket ball at the Battle of Guilford Court House.[17] The flags are unidentified. The Reynolds painting was shown at the Royal Academy later in the year.
Thomas Gainsborough’s equestrian portrait of Tarleton, an even larger canvas, was also exhibited in 1782. John Tarleton wrote to their mother in evident pride, “The picture of my Brother at Gainsborough's will not measure with the frame less than 12 feet 6 inches."
The portrait by the third artist, Richard Cosway, is on quite a different scale. During the late Georgian and Regency periods, Cosway became a sought-after miniaturist as well as receiving commissions for his full-sized portraits. He was the only artist ever appointed official painter to the Prince of Wales. Miniatures were the wallet photos of their era, meeting the need for images which could be transported easily, and it is for these which Cosway is most famous today. His miniature of Banastre Tarleton[18] is in a private collection and a photograph of it is copyrighted.
Some good quality engravings of Tarleton exist, having met the popular interest in him. Most commonly, they were based on the Reynolds painting. Others likely arise from the Gainsborough. Some are inaccurate, perhaps imagined by the engraver. A few were coloured to show him in a red uniform, presumably to meet the expectations of some readers.
Engravings were the basis for illustrations of Tarleton in books and magazines. Others were made for transfer printing on earthenware. There are examples of jugs with his likeness in museums on both sides of the Atlantic.
As a well-known person, politician, and member of the princely social circle, Tarleton was satirized. A caricature of him appeared in several Gilray prints, both as one of the group and as the main subject. L'Assemblée Nationale includes a figure in a Tarleton helmet.
The war wasn’t over after the capitulation at Yorktown, though most of the fighting was finished. Yet the war of words amongst soldiers and politicians was already under way. The London Morning Chronicle printed an anonymous letter castigating Tarleton on 9 August 1782. Lieutenant Roderick MacKenzie was probably the author. MacKenzie had been a junior officer of the 71st Regiment of Foot (Fraser’s Highlanders). He was wounded and captured at the Battle of Cowpens for which he blamed Tarleton. Agniel wrote “If one takes exception to the premise that Lieutenant MacKenzie loathed his commanding officer, it is entirely feasible to substitute any other verb which means roughly the same thing.” Babits noted “Lieutenant Roderick MacKenzie and others had clear bias and slanted their accounts to suit their own purposes...MacKenzie hated Banastre Tarleton…” Buchanan said Mackenzie “bore considerable personal animosity against Tarleton”.
Subsequent letters extended Mackenzie’s criticism to Cornwallis and Clinton, and continued to attack Tarleton for years. As the events of 1781, the year of the defeat at Cowpens and the surrender at Yorktown, were picked apart, the principal actors responded. Clinton’s account was first. He held that “none of the misfortunes of the very unfortunate campaign of 1781 can, with the smallest degree of justice, be imputed to me.” Cornwallis rebutted Clinton’s claims the same year. They continued to trade shots for years after the treaty was signed, attempting to prove themselves blameless for the loss of thirteen of the provinces in North America. Tarleton became a focus of the controversy due to the loss of the light infantry at Cowpens. However, according to Scotti, the criticism of Tarleton “was fuelled by resentment and jealousy.”
Tarleton defended himself in response to their publications and Mackenzie’s vendetta. The eventual result was Tarleton’s 1787 book, History of the Campaigns of 1780 and 1781 in the Southern Provinces of North America. Mackenzie followed by compiling his letters into a book, and explicitly criticised Tarleton’s account almost line by line. The Cornwallis Correspondence also included responses. Major George Hanger (Lord Coleraine) published a rebuttal to Mackenzie in his “Address to the Army”.
Of all the British documentation about the war, Tarleton’s History of the Campaigns of 1780 and 1781 in the Southern Provinces of North America has remained a resource for historians. The book questions decisions made by Cornwallis.
Tarleton continued to serve in the British Army and was promoted to colonel on 22 November 1790, to major-general on 4 October 1794 and to lieutenant-general on 1 January 1801. Whilst on service in Portugal, Tarleton succeeded William Henry Vane, 3rd Earl of Darlington as colonel of the Princess of Wales's Fencible Dragoons in 1799.[19] Tarleton was appointed colonel of the 21st Light Dragoons on 24 July 1802. He was brevetted to general on 1 January 1812. He had hoped to be appointed to command British forces in the Peninsular War, but the position was instead given to Wellington. He held a military command in Ireland and another in England.
Tarleton had lost two fingers from a musket ball received in his right hand during the Battle of Guilford Courthouse in North Carolina,[1] but "his crippled hand was to prove an electoral asset" back home.[20] The condition of his hand is disguised in the pose of his 1782 portrait (shown in this article) by Sir Joshua Reynolds.
Tarleton first stood as a Whig candidate for Liverpool in the 1784 general election. He was narrowly defeated by Richard Pennant as the second MP of this borough constituency. In the 1790 general election Pennant was ahead in the poll, but withdrew in favour of Tarleton.[21] With the exception of a single year, Tarleton was re-elected to the House of Commons until 1812. Throughout his tenure in Parliament, he generally voted with the Parliamentary opposition. He was also a supporter of Charles James Fox despite their opposing views on the British role in the American War of Independence.
Tarleton was known for speaking on military matters as well as opposing abolition of the slave trade. Thorne wrote "most of his speeches in his first two sessions in the House assailed the 'mistaken philanthropy' of abolishing the slave trade, which Liverpool Members were instructed to oppose."
He was appointed governor of Berwick and Holy Island in 1808.
On 23 January 1816, he was made a baronet;[22] and in 1820 a Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the Bath (GCB).
Tarleton had a 15-year relationship with the actress and writer Mary Robinson, known as Perdita, the character she played to much acclaim. She was an ex-mistress of the Prince of Wales (future King George IV). Tarleton and Robinson had no children; in 1783 Robinson had a miscarriage. She was important to his parliamentary career, writing many of his speeches.
Tarleton ultimately married Susan Bertie, the young, illegitimate and wealthy daughter of the 4th Duke of Ancaster in 1798. Tarleton had no children with Bertie. Tarleton did however, father an illegitimate daughter in 1797, prior to his marriage. The child was named Banina Georgina[23] (1797–1818), her mother being named simply as Kolina.[24]
Tarleton died in January 1833, at Leintwardine, Herefordshire.
During the American War of Independence, Tarleton made popular a leather helmet with antique style applications and a fur plume (woolen for lower ranks) protruding far into the upper front side. It was based on the Continental European dragoon helmet that became popular in several other armies before it fell out of fashion.[25] Sir Joshua Reynolds' portrait of Tarleton shows him wearing the helmet; it was worn by all ranks in the British Legion. Royal Horse Artillery troops wore the helmet until the end of the Napoleonic Wars, as did light dragoon regiments from about 1796 to 1812.[26]
In 2006, four Patriot regimental colours captured by Tarleton in 1779 and 1780 were auctioned by Sotheby's in New York City.[27] The flags sold for US$17.3 million at auction on Flag Day in the United States on 14 June 2006.[28] [29]
These battleflags are the last American Revolutionary War colours known to remain in British hands and the last such colours to remain in private hands anywhere. Banastre Tarleton bequeathed the trophies to his nephew Thomas Tarleton. They had remained in the family for nearly 250 years.
Lot 1[30] was the colour of the 2nd Continental Light Dragoons (Sheldon’s Dragoons), captured by the British Legion at Pound Ridge on 2 July 1779. It is the earliest surviving American flag of any kind with thirteen horizontal red and white stripes. Including its silver metallic fringe, the silk flag is 35 1/8 inches (hoist) x 38 ¾ inches (fly). In the centre, there is a square of red silk bordered in gold and black. On it is a painted badge of a winged dark storm cloud from which ten gold and orange thunderbolts are emanating. Below that is the motto “PAT:A CONCITA FULM:NT NATI.”(roughly translated, “When their country calls, her sons answer in tones of thunder.”)
Lot 2[31] was the complete stand of three regimental colours of the 3rd Virginia Detachment. The British Legion, commanded by Tarleton, captured them at the Battle of Waxhaws on 29 May 1780. They are the only remaining intact stand of colours from the Revolution. The 50¼ inches (hoist) x 45 3/8 inches (fly) regimental flag is the oldest surviving American flag having a canton of five-pointed stars. It is of gold silk painted with a beaver felling a palmetto tree. Below that is the motto “Perseverando”. At the upper hoist is a blue silk canton with thirteen stars. It is very similar to No. 7 described in the 1778 inventory "A Return of ye New Standards & Division Colours for ye Army of ye United States of America In Possession of Major Jonathan Gostelowe, Comy. Mily. Stores."[32]
Numerous tales about Tarleton exist, mostly to show him in a bad light. Verified facts are included in the biographical information above. Widespread but dubious stories are discussed here.
Banastre Tarleton was not engaged in the slave trade. As a child in Liverpool, he benefited from his father’s mercantile business, which included chartering ships, some of which carried slaves. But, as an adult, he did not join the business.
Tarleton is not listed by the Centre for the Study of the Legacies of British Slavery,[36] which is based at University College London, nor by the Slave Voyages database,[37] begun at Emory University, now hosted at Rice University. Furthermore, unlike many of the Patriots he fought, Banastre Tarleton never owned slaves.
Nevertheless, after his election to Parliament in 1790, Tarleton often spoke against the abolition of the slave trade: "most of his speeches in his first two sessions in the House assailed the 'mistaken philanthropy' of abolishing the slave trade, which Liverpool Members were instructed to oppose."
The British Legion is occasionally referred to as “Tarleton’s Raiders“ in modern American sources. However, during its service in the American War of Independence, the British Legion was most often called Tarleton’s Legion. Lawrence Babits wrote of the unit’s formation:Modern historians also use that name. For example, in Cavalry of the American Revolution, Jim Piecuch says “Dockerty’s statement provides clear evidence of Americans switching sides in the South and Continentals enlisting in Tarleton’s Legion.” In the same book, Scott Miskimon wrote “Before the Americans could bridle a single horse, Tarleton’s Legion charged…”
Thomas Raddall, the prolific writer on historical subjects, said of the British Legion:
Only after the American Civil War was the British Legion sometimes called “Tarleton’s Raiders“ by analogy with some Confederate units of that war. Knight explained:
In the United States, Banastre Tarleton is often disparaged as “Bloody Tarleton” or “Bloody Ban” in modern histories. But this label wasn’t used by his contemporaries. Scotti searched fruitlessly for examples of “Bloody Tarleton” before the twentieth century. He concluded “with some degree of certainty” that Robert Bass was an early writer to use the term. John Pancake varied it to “Bloody Ban” in 1985. Later, Scotti elaborated:
Knight agreed with that origin, saying[38] and
Several writers have said that, after the surrender, Tarleton was the sole British senior officer not invited to dinner with any American officers. Where a source is given, it is the 1860 book of George Washington Parke Custis, a step-grandson of General Washington. Custis wrote “Colonel Tarleton…was left out in the invitations to headquarters.” He bases this on an alleged meeting between Tarleton and Lieutenant Colonel John Laurens about military etiquette. Scotti searched many sources, in particular the writing of Laurens and the Marquis de La Fayette, to whom Custis claimed Tarleton first complained. He found no indication that any such meeting took place and considers the incident to be apocryphal. Supporting Scotti's conclusion, a 1978 book about the end of the war, “The Campaign That Won America: The Story of Yorktown”, authored by Burke Davis,[39] mentions only that “all the ranking British and German officers were invited”.
Attribution
. Lewis. Namier. Lewis Namier. John. Brooke. John Brooke (British historian). The History of Parliament: the House of Commons 1754-1790. 1964. Oxford University Press. New York City.