| Group: | Indian Singaporeans |
| Population: | 362,274 9.0% of Singapore resident population (2020)[1] |
Indian Singaporeans are Singaporeans of Indian or of general South Asian ancestry. They constitute approximately 9.0% of the country's residents, making them the third largest ancestry and ethnic group in Singapore.[1]
While contact with ancient India left a deep impact on Singapore's indigenous Malay culture, the mass settlement of Indians on the island began with the founding of modern Singapore by the British Empire in 1819. Initially, the Indian population was transient, mainly comprising young men who came as workers and soldiers. By the mid-20th century, a settled community had emerged, with a more balanced gender ratio and a better spread of age groups.
Indian Singaporeans are linguistically and religiously diverse, with ethnic Tamils forming a plurality – although there are significant amounts of Singaporeans of South Asian descent that do not identify with the former, most notably the Sikhs. The Indo–Singaporean culture has endured and evolved over 200 years. By the late 20th century, it had grown distinct from contemporary South Asian cultures, with Indian Singaporean elements becoming diffused within a broader Singaporean culture that includes other ethnic groups.
Prominent individuals of South Asian descent have long made a mark in Singapore as leaders of various fields in national life. Indian Singaporeans are also collectively well represented, in areas such as politics, education, diplomacy the law and sports, among others.
See main article: Race in Singapore.
The Singapore Department of Statistics broadly defines Indians as a race (or ethnic group), comprising "persons of Indian, Pakistani, Bangladeshi or Sri Lankan origin such as Tamils, Telugus, Malayalis, Punjabis, Bengalis, Sinhalese etc."[2] [3]
Indians 'in Singapore' may be further defined in terms of nationality and residency status. Most ethnic Indians are Singapore residents, known in local parlance as 'Singaporean Indians', or 'local Indians'. They are usually the locally-born and nativised second, third, fourth or even fifth generation descendants of settlers from the Indian subcontinent, many with little to no connection left with the latter. In addition, there are also many ethnic Indian immigrant workers in Singapore. Foreign citizens of the Republic of India are called 'Indian nationals', or even 'Indian Indians'.[4] Foreign Indians may be distinguished in terms of residency status.
Well educated professionals or entrepreneurs with a high earning capacity may be granted renewable Employment Passes. These entitle the holder's spouse, children and parents to Dependents Passes. Students may enter on Students Passes. Pass holders may apply for Permanent Residence, which lets them live in Singapore on a long term-basis on a five-year renewal term. As part of Singaporean nationality law, they are also eligible to apply for Singapore Citizenship although acceptance have been stringent since the 2010s. In contrast, unskilled foreign workers enter Singapore with Work Permits. They are rarely allowed to stay in Singapore for more than two years and are never allowed to bring dependents with them. Nor are they eligible to apply for either Permanent Residence or Citizenship.
Demographic statistics are generally restricted to 'Singapore residents', defined as both Singapore citizens and Permanent Residents. Many of the statistics about Indians in Singapore in this article are restricted to this group. Scholars have noted "(o)fficial figures for workers on temporary contracts are difficult to obtain because the Ministry of Manpower in Singapore considers the information sensitive."[5] Consequently, there is limited information about short-term or 'non-resident' Indians in Singapore. Note that use of the term 'non-resident' Indian should not be confused with the concept of the Non Resident Indian or NRI, which the government of the Republic of India uses to describe its citizens living abroad. In Singapore, an NRI may be statistically non-resident (in the case of work permit or pass holders) or he/she may be considered a Singapore resident (in the case of permanent residents).
See main article: Indian languages in Singapore. Indian Singaporean are grouped according to their respective ethnolinguistic backgrounds in the Indian subcontinent or 'dialect group'. Most Indians in Singapore have ancestral links to Southern India and Sri Lanka, with substantial groups from Northern India and Western India accounting for most of the remainder. These are generally the descendants of both free and indentured settlers from India during the 19th and early half of the 20th century.
In 2010, the Singapore census categorised 237,473 Singaporeans and 110,646 permanent residents into a number of 'dialect' groups. However, these groups included Sikhs, who are a religious rather than linguistic group. Virtually all of the Sikhs are Punjabi, which was also captured as a separate 'dialect' category (comprising mainly Hindu Punjabis). Given their small absolute and relative numbers, the following table adapts the 2010 census data by combining the 'Sikh' (12,952) and 'Punjabi' (5,672) category under 'Punjabi'.
The percentages in the table refer to the proportion of each language group within the larger Resident Indian community in Singapore.
poly 84 182 84 187 86 187 87 187 87 189 86 191 85 194 83 197 83 200 85 202 87 204 85 206 85 208 84 210 86 210 86 212 84 214 84 216 86 218 89 217 90 220 93 224 94 225 97 222 100 222 102 226 104 228 109 225 115 224 121 214 125 209 129 206 131 200 132 193 135 190 139 189 143 191 145 196 147 202 147 204 152 203 154 203 158 205 160 206 160 204 162 204 165 211 169 217 172 219 174 223 174 226 176 228 177 225 178 221 180 223 182 221 184 224 184 227 187 230 187 229 190 227 191 225 190 223 190 221 190 218 188 215 188 211 186 207 184 202 184 196 188 190 191 183 190 178 190 173 193 173 198 173 204 175 204 172 202 171 199 171 198 165 197 162 195 159 192 156 192 151 188 150 183 149 181 146 179 145 174 145 170 143 168 142 164 141 162 143 160 145 158 147 159 149 158 152 156 154 152 156 148 154 141 152 135 149 132 148 128 147 125 145 124 140 122 135 120 130 118 130 114 134 112 131 111 130 108 131 108 129 108 128 107 128 104 129 102 130 102 132 100 133 100 135 98 140 99 142 100 146 98 146 97 144 95 143 94 144 94 146 92 147 91 149 93 151 95 153 95 155 94 156 93 159 92 162 92 165 93 165 93 167 92 169 88 169 86 171 84 172 84 173 85 174 85 177 86 177 84 181 Punjabpoly 55 235 55 239 57 243 57 246 58 248 59 251 61 253 61 255 63 257 62 259 61 261 60 264 59 267 55 269 54 271 56 273 59 272 61 275 62 277 63 281 64 284 67 286 69 287 73 287 75 288 77 286 82 286 82 280 93 281 98 282 102 280 105 278 109 281 112 279 112 271 108 264 106 258 100 258 98 256 98 248 97 245 90 243 88 241 87 237 94 225 89 220 89 218 86 218 76 218 69 223 62 225 60 227 Sindhpoly 75 289 75 292 78 292 79 294 83 298 87 301 93 304 98 304 104 302 107 301 105 304 103 308 94 311 92 312 90 309 88 309 90 314 93 318 96 320 103 327 108 333 115 337 119 336 125 333 132 329 134 325 133 319 130 318 132 317 134 316 133 310 136 312 137 316 138 320 139 322 139 328 140 330 143 333 143 341 143 345 145 346 148 345 150 343 150 338 149 335 155 339 157 336 157 333 150 329 159 322 157 320 154 322 154 316 155 314 154 311 157 310 154 308 154 307 157 305 156 301 154 296 153 293 149 291 146 287 144 286 145 284 145 282 142 284 141 281 141 279 140 277 138 278 135 276 133 278 131 275 128 274 120 274 114 274 113 274 113 280 110 282 105 278 101 282 97 282 83 281 83 286 78 286 Gujaratpoly 163 417 166 424 171 431 174 428 174 423 172 419 169 418 164 416 Goapoly 124 434 136 434 147 437 154 443 160 452 168 468 177 490 183 505 183 519 184 542 129 541 117 481 119 447 121 435 Lakshadweeppoly 182 463 188 473 195 487 200 499 203 507 203 511 207 521 216 531 216 524 216 519 214 516 215 513 217 510 214 507 215 504 216 500 215 498 213 497 212 500 209 496 209 492 206 487 206 485 206 483 203 483 201 480 204 478 197 475 193 472 190 471 190 468 188 465 Keralapoly 253 505 258 506 262 509 266 515 271 524 274 530 278 537 281 544 281 555 278 559 273 563 267 566 262 567 259 566 255 559 253 554 252 545 252 539 250 533 251 529 252 529 252 522 254 521 254 519 250 517 253 518 255 516 254 514 255 512 255 508 252 508 Sri_Lankapoly 252 449 254 450 256 453 255 456 254 460 254 462 253 464 251 468 250 472 249 472 247 472 247 474 247 476 249 476 249 482 248 483 250 483 250 486 248 487 248 490 250 490 250 493 252 493 252 499 246 499 246 497 244 499 244 503 240 508 240 513 245 513 247 516 245 515 236 515 230 521 230 527 225 531 221 532 217 532 216 527 216 519 215 515 217 510 215 506 216 501 215 497 213 497 212 499 209 496 209 492 206 487 206 483 203 482 202 480 204 478 208 482 211 482 213 477 214 477 220 477 223 474 222 472 219 471 219 470 221 469 220 466 219 465 219 462 221 462 221 459 224 457 227 458 228 460 230 460 230 456 234 454 237 456 240 457 241 453 241 451 244 451 246 454 248 454 249 452 251 450 250 449 Tamil_Nadupoly 247 472 247 476 250 476 250 472 Puducherrypoly 248 487 248 490 251 490 251 486 Puducherrypoly 211 412 212 415 213 418 211 418 211 421 213 423 214 428 214 429 210 429 210 428 208 429 208 431 209 432 209 436 210 436 210 439 213 439 213 437 215 437 216 439 216 442 213 442 211 440 210 440 210 445 212 446 212 444 215 445 216 444 217 446 219 446 222 444 224 446 225 449 227 450 227 452 229 452 229 455 227 458 228 459 228 460 230 460 230 456 233 454 235 454 239 457 241 451 244 451 247 454 251 448 254 448 253 442 251 436 251 429 249 422 251 416 255 411 258 411 258 414 261 414 262 411 263 407 265 404 267 404 274 404 276 402 278 401 278 396 276 396 277 394 278 392 282 389 283 388 287 386 290 383 292 381 293 378 295 376 298 375 302 370 307 362 310 358 308 357 305 360 302 361 301 364 299 364 296 363 293 362 290 359 289 358 287 360 285 360 285 362 283 363 281 365 280 365 280 367 281 367 281 369 279 369 279 368 278 368 276 371 276 372 275 367 274 367 273 368 273 374 271 373 270 374 269 375 266 376 266 378 265 379 263 382 260 384 257 384 255 383 255 386 253 388 250 389 248 392 246 395 244 396 242 397 241 398 238 400 234 401 231 403 230 405 229 407 228 409 225 409 223 410 222 411 218 411 217 412 214 411 Andhra_Pradeshpoly 217 347 217 352 216 354 214 353 213 356 212 357 212 359 214 360 214 362 213 364 210 365 210 367 211 369 212 371 213 374 213 376 212 377 211 379 215 379 215 381 214 384 212 385 212 388 214 391 214 393 216 398 216 401 214 403 213 404 218 405 217 407 218 411 223 410 227 409 229 405 232 402 239 398 245 395 249 390 253 388 255 386 255 383 257 383 257 384 261 383 264 380 265 377 261 377 258 377 257 374 254 371 254 373 252 370 248 366 245 365 243 366 241 362 239 358 241 355 239 353 236 351 233 350 231 352 230 350 227 349 227 352 225 351 223 348 222 347 219 347 218 346 Telanganapoly 333 234 334 237 336 241 337 245 338 246 337 249 335 252 335 256 337 259 339 259 339 262 336 261 336 265 337 269 337 272 338 275 337 278 337 280 336 281 336 286 334 285 333 288 330 288 319 296 316 293 313 295 312 298 317 300 320 303 325 303 324 305 323 307 328 312 328 315 330 317 332 319 333 320 334 320 338 323 347 316 347 322 350 323 353 321 358 321 363 321 369 318 373 316 374 320 378 314 382 316 383 308 385 309 385 315 387 314 388 312 386 306 389 305 390 311 392 309 393 308 397 319 398 325 400 323 402 332 404 334 404 325 409 327 409 323 407 323 407 314 404 306 401 297 399 289 394 290 393 297 393 302 387 295 385 294 385 287 387 283 393 282 396 275 397 271 399 271 398 269 395 267 393 266 368 266 364 265 363 263 363 258 361 254 359 251 358 249 361 247 360 245 360 243 356 242 353 240 349 241 346 238 344 236 343 235 340 235 340 236 337 236 337 235 Bengalrect 288 406 401 433 India
| + Population Profile of Singapore Indian Dialect Groups (Residential population; Singaporeans and permanent residents)[8] | ||||||
| Ethno-linguistic background | Ancestral origin | 2010 census | Percentage | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Tamil | Tamil Nadu Sri Lanka Puducherry | align=right | 188,591 | align=right | 54.18% | |
| Malayali | Kerala Lakshadweep | align=right | 26,348 | align=right | 7.57% | |
| Punjabi | Punjab | align=right | 18,624 | align=right | 5.35% | |
| Gujarati | Gujarat | align=right | 4,124 | align=right | 1.18% | |
| Sindhi | Sindh | align=right | 3,971 | align=right | 1.14% | |
| Sinhalese | Sri Lanka | align=right | 3,140 | align=right | 0.90% | |
| Telugu Bengali Hindustani Indo-Portuguese (Kristang) Parsi Other or Mixed[9] | Andhra Pradesh Telangana Bengal Goa Various | align=right | 103,321 | align=right | 29.68% | |
| align=right | 348,119 | align=right | 100% |
The Singaporean Indian demographic is characterised by an ethnic Tamil majority (54.18%) and a large number of smaller groups. Ethnic Tamils in Singapore include the descendants of Tamil settlers from India and Sri Lanka (sometimes referred to as 'Ceylonese'). Ethnic Malayalees, tracing their heritage to Kerala in southern India, form the second largest community, making up 7.57% of the local Indian population. Tamils and Malayalees are the two main South Indian ethnolinguistic communities in Singapore, forming two-thirds of the Indian population. Meanwhile, the three main North Indian ethnolinguistic groups in Singapore (the Punjabi, Gujarati, and Sindhi communities) constitute 7.67% of the Singaporean Indian populace. The remaining 29.68% is composed of many smaller groups with ancestry from both southern India (such as the Telugus) and northern India (such as the Hindustanis, the Malay colloquial term for Hindi-speaking Indians), or ethnically mixed Singaporeans with paternal Indian ancestry.
See main article: History of Singaporean Indians.
See main article: Greater India. Ancient India exerted a profound influence over Southeast Asia through trade, religious missions, wars and other forms of contact. Pre-colonial Singapore was part of 'Indianised Kingdoms' like Srivijaya and the Majapahit, which formed part of a cultural region known as Greater India.[10]
Prior to the spread of Islam, Singapore and the rest of the Malay world, was Hindu-Buddhist. One of the most extensive and enduring Indian influence in Malay culture is the vast number of Indian loan words in the Malay language.
Indian influence is also seen in symbols and mythology associated with ancient Singapore. The Sejarah Melayu or Malay Annals describe the Indian prince who founded Singapore – Sang Nila Utama – as being a descendant of Alexander the Great and an Indian Princess.[11] Meanwhile, the royal and sacred associations of Fort Canning Hill, the seat of ancient rulers, are related to the Hindu Mount Meru concept.[12]
Archaeological digs have unearthed Hindu-Buddhist artefacts from the pre-colonial period. In 1822, John Crawfurd documented the ruins of a Hindu or Buddhist temple on Fort Canning Hill.[13] Singapore's two most important pre-colonial artefacts are the Singapore Stone, which is inscribed with an Indic script and a gold armlet bearing the motif of a Hindu 'kala' head.[14]
Following the Portuguese colonisation of Malacca (Malaysia) in 1511, the Portuguese government encouraged their explorers to bring their married Indian women who were converted already to Roman Catholic Christianity, under a policy set by Afonso de Albuquerque, then Viceroy of India. These people were Goan Catholics (Konkani Catholics) and Bombay East Indians (Catholics of Marathi descent). Kuparis who were of mixed Samvedic Brahmin, Goan and Portuguese descent also arrived. Sinhalese and their children from Portuguese that include Portuguese Burghers from Portuguese Ceylon also came later. Their children already intermarried with Malay population, losing their ethnic identities. Indian contact was rekindled from 1819 to World War II, when both India and Singapore were under British colonial rule. Unlike earlier forms of contact, this led to mass migration and, eventually, the formation of a large, settled and distinct population. By 1824, Singapore's first census counted 756 Indian residents, or about 7% of the total population.[15] In 1826, official figures give a total population of 13,750, of which 1,021 are Indians – 244 from Bengal and 777 from the Coromandel Coast, most of whom were males.[16]
Initially, Indian immigrants were predominantly adult men who came from India to find work, serve military duties or prison sentences for several years before returning home. There was a constant flow of Indians in and out of the city, keeping the local community fairly transient.[17] [18] A minority of Indians were also wealthy merchants who settled in Singapore and built local commercial and social institutions. Best known amongst them was Naraina Pillai, the earliest Indian community leader and the island's first building contractor. In 1827, he also founded the Sri Mariamman Temple, Singapore oldest Hindu place of worship.
The influx of Indians in the half century after 1819 led to a brief period when Indians, for the only time, overtook the Malays to become the second largest ethnic group. In 1860, they formed 16% of the population.[19] However, their number then fell from 13,000 that year to 12,000 in 1880, or 8.7% of the population.[20] Following this, Indians slowly began to settle permanently in greater numbers and the relative size of the community in colonial Singapore became stable, fluctuating between 7.7% and 9.4%.
Scholars have characterised the Indian community in colonial times as being diverse and highly stratified along class lines. According to Dr Rajesh Rai, the social hierarchy comprised four main groups: the educated professional elite (over 0.5% of the Indian community), mercantile groups (under 10%), the white collar middle class (5–7%) and the uneducated labourers (over 80%).[21]
Economic class and job functions were also aligned with the ethnic origins of immigrants. For example, Sri Lankan Tamils and Malayalees formed the core of the English educated upper middle class. Mercantile families tended to be Sindhi, Gujarati, and Tamil Muslim. South Indian upper caste Hindus tended to perform traditional skilled jobs, such as moneylenders (Chettiars) and priests (Brahmins). Sikhs were often policemen or private security guards. Most of these migrants were voluntary migrants who entered and left Singapore freely on their own resources. Unskilled coolies tended to be landless Tamil peasants from the Shudra caste as well as Adi Dravidas or 'Untouchables'. These were often indentured labourers who were brought through various labour recruitment systems to work on rubber plantations in Malaya. Many later came to work in Singapore once free of their bonds. Another group which was less than free was the military. The first Indians in Singapore were 120 sepoys in the Bengal Native Infantry and a 'bazaar contingent' of washermen, servants and others who came with Stamford Raffles on his first visit in 1819. Throughout the colonial period, military personnel came from all over India. Most returned home after their service without settling in Singapore.[22] [23]
Finally, there were the convicts. In the 19th century, the British shipped Indian convicts to Singapore to relieve overcrowded Indian jails. These men (and some women) were used as labour to build public buildings and roads in Singapore. Like the sepoys, they came from all parts of India. While some returned to India, several settled in Singapore after serving their sentences.[24] [25] [26]
From the 19th century, Hindu reform movements emerged in India as part of a broader cultural modernisation. These movements sought to promote what they saw as a more authentic form of Hinduism while addressing social abuses, such as the Hindu caste system. These movements spread to overseas Indian communities, including Singapore. Groups like the Ramakrishna Mission, Arya Samaj and Sree Narayana Mission were active conduits of this reform movement. Traditional religious practices, especially among lower caste Hindus, centred around various rural folk traditions, esoteric rituals and superstitions. In contrast, the new movement appealed to better educated urban Hindus, by conducting religious education classes for children and adults, and interpreting the values, concepts and principals behind the religion for lay people. These groups also encouraged a more direct relationship with God, unmediated by Brahmin priests and rituals, through individual devotion (stemming from the Bhakti movement), chanting Bhajans, or hymns, as well as through yoga. Charitable service was also promoted. The Ramakrishna Mission in Singapore set up a home for boys from troubled homes, while the Sree Narayana Mission set up a home of the destitute elderly.
Another social reform movement was the Self-Respect Movement, which emerged in Tamil Nadu in the 1920s to liberate Dravidian people, and especially Adi Dravidas and lower caste Tamils from what was seen as Brahmin oppression. This movement sought inspiration from Tamil history and culture. In Singapore, groups like the Tamil Reform Association were inspired by this movement. They imported publications from India that promoted the movement, and they also hosted visiting leaders of the Self-Respect Movement from Tamil Nadu when they visited Singapore. The Singapore groups focussed on moral, social and religious reform. For example, they campaigned against caste distinctions and alcohol abuse. These groups also promoted the use of the Tamil language, and the development of Tamil literature in Singapore, through the establishment of Tamil newspapers and schools. They were also involved in the union activism, especially in those work sectors dominated by Tamils. Tamil-educated journalists and teachers were at the forefront of this movement. Leaders like Thamizhavel G. Sarangapani were especially instrumental in championing the rights of Tamils and Indians, by encouraging Indians to register for Singapore citizenship in the 1950s and by campaigning to make Tamil one of Singapore's official languages.[27]
See main article: 1915 Singapore Mutiny.
The 1915 Singapore Mutiny, also known as the 1915 Sepoy Mutiny, was an incident concerning 850 Indian Army soldiers who mutinied against their British superiors on 15 February 1915 in Singapore, as part of the 1915 Ghadar Conspiracy (not to be mistaken for the Indian Mutiny of 1857). The predominantly Muslim soldiers mutinied because they believed they were being sent to fight against Islamic Ottoman Empire as part of the Middle Eastern theatre of World War I. This mutiny lasted nearly seven days, and resulted in the deaths of 47 soldiers and civilians at the hands of the mutineers, who were subsequently arrested and court-martialled; those who were found guilty of capital crimes were executed by the Singapore Volunteer Corps. In general, the mutiny was restricted to Muslim soldiers, and did not involve the wider Indian population in Singapore. While the mutiny was a significant event in Singaporean history, and one of the most important ones specifically involving the Indian diaspora, it was somewhat distinct from the mainstream development of nationalist sentiments among the Indian population in Singapore, which emerged most prominently around the time of the Second World War.
See also: Indian National Army in Singapore.
Nationalist movements in India established branch organisations in Singapore to draw on local Indian support for Indian independence. The Indian Independence League was a political organisation operated from the 1920s to the 1940s to organise those living outside of India to remove the British from India. Founded in 1928 by Indian nationalists Subhas Chandra Bose and Jawaharlal Nehru, the organisation was active in Singapore and Malaya following Japan's successful Malayan Campaign in the Second World War.
The Indian National Army (INA) was an armed force formed by Indian nationalists in 1942 in Southeast Asia, also during World War II. Their aim was to overthrow the British Raj in colonial India, with Japanese assistance. Many Indian soldiers and civilians were recruited in Singapore and Malaya to join the INA during the Japanese occupation. Many of them died fighting alongside the Japanese against the British in Burma during the war.
Indian nationalist sentiments in Singapore and Malaya were paralleled by the rise of Chinese nationalism amongst the overseas Chinese in these territories. As these colonies progressed towards independence, Indians and Chinese in Malaya organised themselves along the lines of ethnic political parties. For instance, the Indian Association in Singapore, today a social and recreational club, was one of a network of such clubs in early 20th century Malaya which came together to form what would become the Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC), the current ethnic Indian party within Malaysia's ruling Barisan National coalition government.Unlike Malaysia's delicate ethno-demographic balance, Singapore had a large Chinese majority. This rendered ethnic-based politics less viable, and tended to support class-based politics instead. For example, several Indian professionals supported the more conservative pro-British parties, as they had been beneficiaries of the colonial system. In contrast, the ruling People's Action Party (PAP) espoused an ideology of social democracy which gained the support of Indian union workers. S. Rajaratnam was one of the founding members of the PAP, and he worked to define and champion its vision of a multi-racial country, in contrast to the Malaysian model.
More left-leaning Indian leaders and intellectuals, such as C.V. Devan Nair and James Puthucheary initially supported more radically left-wing groups. They had been imprisoned by the British for their radical union activism. Later, some of these men join the more moderate wing of the PAP. Devan Nair went on to build the modern trades union movement in Singapore, the National Trades Union Congress. Consequently, Indians in Singapore tended to align themselves, both individually and as groups, with parties advocating specific political or economic ideologies, rather than along purely racial lines. This basic difference between the Indian communities of Singapore and Malaysia has endured to the present day.
Scholars have identified two phases in the development of the Indian community after Singaporean independence in 1965.[28] The first phase, from 1965 to the early 1990s, saw a decline in the proportion of the community from 9% in 1957 to a low of 6.4% in 1980. One reason was the withdrawal of British military forces in the early 1970s, which led to the repatriation of many Indian base workers. Another factor was the retirement of older men, who chose to return to families in India. Meanwhile, post-1965 immigration restrictions ended new migration from India. Furthermore, there was a rise in the emigration of Indian Singaporeans to the West in the late 1980s. During this time, the Indian population continued to grow in absolute terms due to natural increase. Even as it grew proportionally smaller, the community also became more settled, with several new generations born locally. A historical novel titled 'Sembawang: A Novel' explores this notion as well traces the lives of Indian migrants who lived in an Indian enclave outside the HM Naval Base in the 1960s.[29]
From the 1960s to 1980s, the People's Action Party government tried to cultivate a shared national identity and to end the historical tendency of Singaporeans to identify with the national – and often nationalistic – politics of their ancestral homelands. While different ethnic groups were allowed and sometimes encouraged to retain their cultural identities, they were also pushed to integrate socially, politically and economically across ethnic lines. The government pursued policies to integrate the races in public housing estates and national schools. Young men underwent two years of compulsory national service in ethnically mixed military or police camps. Traditional family businesses were superseded by government agencies or foreign multi-national corporations, which hired multi-ethnic workforces on the basis of meritocratic ability rather than kinship or ethnicity. Consequently, "the cultivation of a Singaporean identity has been largely successful in converting Indian migrants into Indian-Singaporeans." In general, Indian social patterns and political activities became aligned and integrated within the national mainstream from the 1960s.
Although the Singapore government championed public policies and a political discourse of racial integration and national identity, it came to recognise that important differences in the socio-economic profiles of the three main races continued to endure in the post-colonial period. Initially, it had set up Mendaki, a quasi-autonomous Malay community self-help group to promote educational advancement within that community to address underperformance by Malay students. In the 1980s, this approach – which was initially seen as an exceptional measure taken in the case of the Malay community – became entwined with the rhetoric of Asian values, which saw the promotion of a greater consciousness and pride in each citizen's own ethnic heritage, as a bulwark against the supposedly negative influence of Western culture. Consequently, the government established the Singapore Indian Development Association (SINDA) in 1991 to address the educational and social problems of the Indian community. Shortly after, a similar body was set up for the majority Chinese community.
Apart from ethnic self-help groups like SINDA (which remain controversial in Singapore), the government has in the main pursued policies emphasising racial integration and national identity. It is against this backdrop that immigration policies were liberalised in the 1990s, leading to an influx of foreigners in Singapore, particularly Indian nationals. This led to a new phase in the history of the Indian community in Singapore.
A second phase began in the early 1990s, when immigration policies were liberalised to attract foreign professionals to boost the size and skills of the local workforce. The government was keen to draw in well educated migrants from Asian countries who, it was hoped, would be both keen and able to settle permanently. This also addressed the problem of Singapore's extremely low fertility rates. In addition to these professionals, unskilled foreign workers were recruited as low cost manual labour for construction sites and the cleaning sector, albeit without the prospect of permanent settlement. As a result of these policies, the Indian population grew faster than other groups. The proportion of Indian citizens and permanent residents rose from 6.4% in 1980 to 9.23% in 2010. This was mainly due to rapid growth in the number of Indian nationals who acquired Singapore citizenship or permanent residency.
For some years now, the Department of Statistics has stopped providing ethnic data about the short-term or 'non-resident' foreign citizens living in Singapore (i.e. those without Singapore Permanent Residence). As of end June 2007, there were 1,005,500 such persons, or 21.5% of the total population.[30] This group includes two-year work permit holders as well as those holding renewable Employment, Dependant and Student Passes.[31] In 2005, Dr Rajesh Rai from the National University of Singapore has observed that "independent surveys approximate the number of South Asians on work permits to be… approximately 90,000–100,000." In November 2007, a cabinet minister said "more than 20,000 Indian professionals had set up home" in Singapore, although it is unclear if this referred only to Employment Pass holders, or if it included Permanent Residents, Student Pass and/or Dependant Pass holders.[32] Based on these figures, the number of short-term or 'non-resident' Indians in Singapore in 2007 is likely to be in the region of 100,000. As such, the proportion of Indians in the total population is likely to range from 9% to 10% (suggesting 89,000 to 135,000 'non-resident' Indians).
The advance release figures from Singapore's 2010 Census show, for the first time, the number of ethnic Indian Singapore citizens, and ethnic Indian Singapore Permanent Residents, separately – instead of combining the two. As of 2010, there were 237,473 Indian Singapore citizens, or 7.35% of the citizen population. There were 110,646 Indian PRs, or 20.45% of the PR population. In total, ethnic Indians formed 348,119, or 9.23% of the 'resident' population of citizens and PRs.
Several in-depth studies have been conducted and published in the recent years on the Indian communities in Singapore such as Rajesh Rai's, Indians in Singapore, 1819–1945: Diaspora in the Colonial Port City, Anitha Devi Pillai's, From Kerala to Singapore: Voices from the Singapore Malayalee Community,[33] Mathew Mathews, The Singapore Ethnic Mosaic,[34] S A Nathanji's Singapore: Nation Building and Indians' Legacy amongst others.[34]
Alongside other ethnic groups, Indians from all social backgrounds have achieved significant advances in their educational levels, income, life expectancy and other social indicators. Singapore's extraordinary economic growth from the 1960s to 1990s lifted many out of poverty and created a broad middle class. In the process, many Indians experienced upward social mobility for the first time. Despite this progress, Indians remain somewhat stratified in terms of class relative to other ethnic groups. With the influx of highly qualified Indian Permanent Residents, the socio-economic indicators of the Indian community have improved, arguably masking the under-achievement of some Indians. In 2005, both the average and median monthly income for Indian Residents (S$3,660 and $2,480 respectively) exceeded those for all Residents (S$3,500 and S$2,410 respectively). In the same year, 25% of Indian Residents had a university degree as their highest qualification attained. In contrast the national average was only 17%.[35]
Other educations statistics are less positive. In 2004, 73% of Indians among the Primary One cohort were admitted to a post-secondary institution, compared with 86% for the Chinese, and 75% for the Malays.[36] In the same year, 73.7% of Indian students received 5 or more passes in the Singaporean GCE 'O' Level examinations, compared with 86.5% of Chinese students and 59.3% of Malays.[36] Given their performance in the 'O' level examinations, it would appear Indians would have been under represented among students who sat for the 'A' level examination. However, those Indians who did reach the 'A' level and sat for this exam marginally outperformed the national average. 93% of Indians received 2 'A' and 2 'AO' level passes, compared with 92.6% among Chinese students, and 92.3% nationally.[36] The socio-economic problems, and especially educational under-performance, facing Singapore Indians is addressed by the community through Singapore Indian Development Association (SINDA), the national self-help group for the Indian community.
Singapore has the following international schools for expatriate Indians:
See main article: Languages of Singapore and Indian languages in Singapore.
The official languages of Singapore are English, Malay, Chinese (Mandarin) and Tamil.[37] The national language of Singapore is Malay for historical reasons,[37] and it is used in the national anthem, "Majulah Singapura".
Persons of ethnic Tamil ancestry form about 58% of Singapore's Indian residents. Minority Indian groups include Malayalees, Telugu, Punjabis, Sindhis, Gujaratis, Sinhalese, and Hindi-speaking people, among others.[38] In terms of actual daily language use, 39% of Indian residents speak mainly English at home, and a similar number use Tamil. The remainder speak either Malay (11%) or other languages, including other Indian languages and Kristang (11%).There are about 3000 families which speak Marathi at home.
3.1% of all Singapore residents speak mainly Tamil at home and it is one of the country's four official languages.[39] Tamil is taught as a second language in most public schools. Tamil content (produced locally or abroad) is available on free-to-air and cable television as well as radio channels, and in libraries, cinemas, theatres and bookshops. Tamil is used in temples, mosques and churches catering to the community. Some business and non-profit groups, especially those in the Little India neighbourhood, use Tamil on a daily basis.
Many Indian loan words are found in Malay, and, to a lesser extent, in English. The influence of Indian vocabulary, syntax and pronunciation are also found in Singlish, the local English dialect.[40] At the same time, Singapore Tamil is slightly distinct from the versions spoken in India and Sri Lanka, with its closest cousin being the Malaysian Tamil spoken across the border. Local usage includes some words from English, Malay and other languages. Meanwhile, certain Tamil words or phrases that are archaic in India and Sri Lanka are still used in Singapore.
See main article: Religion in Singapore and Indian-origin religions.
Majority of the Indian Singaporeans are Hindus. The proportion of Indians following Islam, Christianity and Buddhism are relatively higher as the census include Pakistanis, Bangladeshis, Sri Lankans and other South Asian ethnic groups under the category of "Indians".[41] [42]
According to the latest 2020 Census, 57.3% of Singapore's Indian population declared themselves as Hindus, including 23.4% Muslims, 12.6% Christians, 4.6% other religions and 2.2% non-religious, as stated in the following statistics.
| Origin of religion | Religion | Number (2020) | Percentage | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Dharmic religions | 171,326 | 57.3% | ||
| 10,265 | 3.4% | |||
| 2,031 | 0.7% | |||
| Other (most Jainism) | 1,420 | 0.5% | ||
| Subtotal of Indian-origin religions | 185,042 | 61.9% | ||
| 69,964 | 23.4% | |||
| 37,605 | 12.6% | |||
| Roman Catholicism | 21,853 | 7.3% | ||
| Protestantism and other Christians | 15,752 | 5.3% | ||
| Subtotal of Abrahamic religions | 107,569 | 36% | ||
| 6,443 | 2.1% | |||
| Grand total of all religions | 299,054 | 100% | ||
See main article: Hinduism in Singapore. Based on the latest 2020 Census, 5.0% of the resident population aged above 15 years, were Hindu. Almost all Hindus in Singapore were ethnic Indians (99%), with the majority of Singapore's ethnic Indians (57.3%) being Hindu.
There are approximately 35 temples serving Hindus in Singapore. Most are built in the South Indian Dravidian style. Specific communities have established their own temples. For instance, the Sri Lankan Tamil community built the Sri Senpaga Vinayagar Temple at Ceylon Road, while the Chettiar community set up the Sri Thandayuthapani Temple at Tank Road. The North Indian community also established the Sri Lakshminarayan Temple, built in the North Indian style. Two Hindu temples have been gazetted as National Monuments of Singapore.Although temples may be historically associated with certain communities, Hindu temples in Singapore are open to all regardless or language, caste or religion (non-Hindus may visit the temples). A unique feature of Hinduism in Singapore is the fact that a noticeable number of non-Indians, usually Buddhist Chinese, do participate in a variety of Hindu activities, including praying to Hindu deities, donating money to the temple funds and participating in Hindu festivals like the fire-walking ceremony, and Thaipusam.
The most visible Hindu festivals in Singapore are Deepavali and Thaipusam. Minor celebrations include the Fire walking festival and Hindu temple chariot processions. Deepavali is a national public holiday in Singapore. For a month before it, the Little India district is decorated with ornamental fairy lights. Bazaars are held in different parts of the district, with stalls selling religious paraphenilia, greeting cards, food, decorations, clothes, etc. Deepavali day itself is marked with a ritual bath and prayers in the morning, followed by feasting and visits to family and friends.
Thaipusam is celebrated prominently in Singapore, Malaysia and other countries with large Tamil populations. As a penance, participants carry 'kavadis' along a processional route. Some men carry kavadis attached to their bodies via hooks and spears that pierce their skin. Thaipusam is the only time when major Singapore roads are closed for a religious procession. The festival is a major religious and urban event, drawing thousands of devotees, supporters and onlookers.
Singapore's approximately 10,000 Indian Sikhs formed 3.4% of the Indian Singaporean population aged above 15 years. Most Sikhs in Singapore are of Indian Origin(accounting to 80-90% of Sikhs). There is a smaller Jain community consisting of a few thousand in population.
Among over 15% Muslim Singapore Residents, approximately 13% were Indian, with most of the remainder being Malay (82%), including some Chinese (2.2%) and other ethnicity (2.8%); Indian Muslim Singaporeans easily intermarried with Malays. predate the Islamic period (c. 570-632 AD), or the birth of Islam. In reality, Indonesians and Malays came to know about Islam through the merchants of South India and not through Arab missionaries. Among Christian Singapore Residents, about 5.8% were Indian, with most of the remainder being Chinese (86%), including small Malay (0.4%) and other ethnicity (7.8%). Within the Christian community, Indians formed 10.3% of Roman Catholics (including Kristangs of part-Indian descent), and 3.9% of Non-Catholic Christians (mainly Protestants).
Within the wider Muslim and Christian communities, Indians have established their own places of worship, where sermons, services and prayers are conducted in Indian languages. Consequently, there are a substantial number of 'Indian' churches, mosques and Buddhist temples in Singapore. For example, the Masjid Jamae, built in 1826, is the oldest Tamil mosque in Singapore, and a National Monument. In 1888, the Tamil Catholic community set up the Church of Our Lady of Lourdes, Singapore's oldest Tamil Catholic Church, as well as a National Monument. The Sakya Muni Buddha Gaya Temple is a Theravada temple, built in a mix of Chinese, Indian, Sri Lankan and Thai styles, and is quite different from most Chinese Buddhist Mahayana temples in Singapore. The small Indian Buddhist community (mainly Sri Lankan Sinhalese) in Singapore often frequents this temple, which is located in Little India.
See also: Mama shop.
See main article: Indian cuisine in Singapore. The great variety of Singapore food includes Indian food, which tends to be Tamil cuisine and especially local Tamil Muslim cuisine, although North Indian food has become more visible recently. Indian dishes have become modified to different degrees, after years of contact with other Singapore cultures, and in response to locally available ingredients as well as changing local tastes. The local forms of Indian food may be seen as localised or even regional variations of Indian food, or in some cases, a form of hybrid Indian-Singaporean cuisine. Popular 'Indian' dishes and elements of Indian cuisine (although sometimes prepared and sold by non-Indians) include achar, curry (such as laksa and Fish head curry), Indian rojak, Indian mee goreng, murtabak, nasi biryani, roti john, roti prata and teh tarik.
Other dishes were popular during the colonial period, when Indian ingredients and other culinary influences spread with the Empire to places like Singapore. Many of them endure in some homes and restaurants. Some of these dishes include mince, mulligatawny soup, fish moolie, curry tiffin, pork vindaloo and spiced Mutton chop.
There are also many other Indian foods that are less widely available foods, but which can still be found in several areas serving a more specifically Indian clientele, especially in and around Little India, Singapore. These include appam, bhatura, chutney, sambar, idli, muruku, putu mayam, samosa, tandoori, thosai, upma and various sweets, including jalebi, halva, laddu, paayasam and gulab jamun.
Milo dinosaur is a drink that originated within Indian Singaporean eateries during the 1990s.[43]
The Indian imprint on Singapore's urban landscape can be seen most prominently in the form of the Little India neighbourhood. On 7 July 1989, at the start of architectural conservation in Singapore, this area was gazetted for conservation, which makes its buildings legally protected from unauthorised modifications and demolition. Bounded by Serangoon Road, Sungei Road and Jalan Besar, the area is recognised as the hub of the Indian community in Singapore. It contains mainly two-storey shophouses of the Early, Transitional, Late and Art Deco Shophouse Styles, as well as several places of worship for different faiths.[44] Apart from serving the social, cultural and commercial needs of the Indian community, the area is established as one of the more historic urban districts Singapore, with a colourful personality that makes it an indelible part of the national landscape and identity. In 2004, it was also Singapore's third most popular free-access tourist attraction, after Orchard Road and Chinatown.[45]
See main article: Indian names. Because of their linguistic and religious diversity, Singapore Indians use a variety of naming conventions. Traditionally, most Tamil Hindus place their father's name after their given name, linked by 's/o' (son of) or 'd/o' (daughter of), e.g. 'Ravi s/o Govindasamy'. Similarly, Tamil Muslims have names in the form 'Abdul s/o Rahman' (in contrast to Malay Muslims, who use the connector 'bin' (son of) or 'binte / bte' (daughter of) instead). Likewise, a Tamil Christian name might be Daryl s/o David. The use of these connectors arose during the colonial period. However, this format is somewhat rare today.
Often, an individual will reduce their father's name to an initial, hence 'G. Ravi'. This approach is popular among many Singapore politicians, as it simplifies names that, to non-Indian Singaporeans, can be very long, complicated and difficult to pronounce. Thus, the late Senior Minister Sinnathamby Rajaratnam was known as S. Rajaratnam, while late former President Sellapa Ramanathan is known as S.R. Nathan. Likewise, other prominent Indians include S. Dhanabalan, S. Jayakumar and J. B. Jeyaretnam (also known simply as 'JBJ'). Likewise, Tamil Muslims and Christians also use initials in a similar way. This convention is regularly used in South India.
Another popular approach is to omit the 's/o' or 'd/o' connector altogether, e.g. 'Ravi Govindasamy'. While the name appears to conform to a Western format, the last name (Govindasamy) technically remains the father's name, and is not the family surname. As such, the individual should properly be addressed as 'Mr Ravi', rather than 'Mr Govindasamy'. However, some people use their father's name as a surname, i.e. Ravi calls himself 'Mr Govindasamy' and uses it as a surname for his children. Instead of naming his son 'Arun (s/o) Ravi', he would name him 'Arun Govindasamy' (or even 'Arun Govind'). This approach is also adopted among several Tamil Christians. Some new surnames have been created in this way.
Several South Indians use caste names as surnames in the Western mode. Common examples of such names in Singapore include Iyer and Pillay/mudaliyar (Tamil), Nair and Menon (Malayalee). While Telugu people use caste as the middle name Reddy/Naidu and family name as surname.
Some Tamil Christian families have retained Indian names (as given names or 'family' names), generally alongside or in place of Western or Christian names, e.g. Vivian Balakrishnan.
Some West and East Indian groups, such as the Gujaratis, Marathis and Bengalis, use family surnames, although the Gujaratis may choose whether to merge their father's name with the surname. Sikh men invariably adopt 'Singh' as their surname, while Sikh women adopt 'Kaur', as is their traditional practice. However, some Sikhs have also re-introduced supplementary family or clan names, thus instead of simply 'Charanjit Singh', an individual might adopt the name 'Charanjit Singh Siddhu' for himself or his son.
See main article: List of Indian organisations in Singapore.
Many of the clubs and associations established by and for Indians in Singapore are defined along narrower linguistic, religious or other sub-ethnic lines. The following groups are among the more important national Indian organisations in Singapore that cater to all Indians, regardless or cultural background.
See main article: List of Singaporean Indians. Indian Singaporeans have made their mark nationally and even internationally in a variety of arenas.
See main article: List of Indians in Singapore and List of Singaporeans.
| Full Name also known as | Birth | Death | Ethnolinguistic Heritage | Religion | Occupation(s) | Contributions | Namesake Streets/Institutions |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Naraina Pillai Narayana Pillay | Unknown | Tamil (Indian) | Hinduism | Entrepreneur, Philanthropist | First Indian to set foot in modern Singapore (not counting established Indian Peranakans) with Stamford Raffles on the ship Indiana in 1819. Established the first Hindu temple in modern Singapore, the Sri Mariamman Temple (not counting Malay-built Hindu temples that existed on Fort Canning during the Hindu-Buddhist Malay era). First-ever building contractor in Singapore.[51] | Pillai Road in Paya Lebar. | |
| Arumugam Annamalai Pillai Namly | Tamil (Ceylonese) | Hinduism | Civil Servant, Land Surveyor, Landlord | Third prominent Ceylonese Tamil to arrive in Singapore. Surveyor-General of the Colony of Singapore; surveyed and mapped the vast majority of the island of Singapore. One of the largest landowners in colonial Singapore; owned large tracts of land in Katong, Siglap, Tanglin, and Bukit Timah. Personally named the Bukit Timah roads of King's Road, Queen's Road, Duchess Road, Coronation Road, Prince of Wales Road, and Victoria Park.[52] [53] | The British named the Bukit Timah roads of Namely Ave, Namely Close, Namely Crescent, Namely Drive, Namely Garden, Namely Grove, Namely Hill, Namely Place, Namely Rise and Namely View after Pillai, as he formerly owned the lands bounded by these roads. | ||
| Hunmah Somapah | Hinduism | Landlord | Largest Indian landlord in colonial Singapore. Owned land in Punggol, Serangoon, Tampines, Paya Lebar, and Changi. Owned a total of 108 houses, shophouses, shops, and 4 plantations at the time of his demise. Part of the Hindu delegation that lobbied the British to make Deepavali a public holiday in colonial Singapore.[54] | Kampong Somapah, Somapah Bus Interchange (1982–1989), Somapah Road in Changi. Formerly Somapah station on the East–West MRT line (now Expo) and Somapah station on the Downtown MRT line (Now Upper Changi).[55] [56] | |||
| Navroji Rastomji Mistri OBE Noel R. Mistri | Entrepreneur, Landlord, Philanthropist | First prominent Parsi to arrive in Singapore. Established the Phoenix Aerated Water Company. Recipient of the Order of the British Empire (1946) for his role in sheltering and protecting homeless people during the Japanese Occupation of Singapore. | Mistri Road and Parsi Road in Tanjong Pagar; Mistri Wing of the Singapore General Hospital. | ||||
| P. Govindasamy Pillai | Tamil (Indian) | Entrepreneur, Philanthropist | Established a chain of Indian general stores in Singapore. Donated money to build the gopuram of Sri Srinivasa Perumal Temple.[57] | ||||
| Islam (Bohra Ismaili Shiism) | Entrepreneur, Landlord | Founder of Scotts Holdings, now known as The Ascott Limited. Formerly one of the richest Singaporeans, with a maximum recorded net worth of almost 1 billion Singapore dollars.[58] [59] | |||||
| Judge | Former Judge of the Supreme Court of Singapore. One of the founders of the Singapore Khalsa Association. Played a part in abolishing trial by jury in Singapore. | ||||||
| Sinnathamby Rajaratnam S. Rajaratnam | Hinduism | Politician | Author of the Singapore pledge, First Foreign Minister of Singapore, Third Deputy Prime Minister of Singapore (1980–85).[60] | S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies at Nanyang Technological University; S. Rajaratnam Block at Raffles Institution. | |||
| M. Bala Subramanion | Tamil (Indian) | Civil servant | The country's first Asian postmaster-general. He was also an Indian community leader who was a member of community groups including Singapore Indian Association, Singapore Indian Education Trust and Singapore Indian Fine Arts Society. | ||||
| Kanagaratnam Shanmugaratnam | Tamil (Ceylonese) | Hinduism | Pathologist | Father of Tharman Shanmugaratnam. | |||
| Devan Nair Chengara Veetil C. V. Devan Nair | Hinduism | Politician | Third President of Singapore and commander-in-chief of the Singapore Armed Forces (1981–85).[61] | ||||
| Sellapan Ramanathan S. R. Nathan | Tamil (Indian) | Hinduism | Politician | Sixth and longest-serving President of Singapore (1999–2011).[62] | |||
| Joshua Benjamin Jeyaretnam J. B. Jeyaretnam | Tamil (Ceylonese) | Christianity (Anglican Protestantism) | Lawyer, Politician | First opposition politician to be elected to Parliament.[63] | |||
| Kartar Singh Thakral | Punjabi | Sikhism | Entrepreneur | ||||
| Joseph Yuvaraj Pillay J. Y. Pillay | Tamil (Indian-Ceylonese) | Christianity | Civil servant | Chairman of Malaysia–Singapore Airlines (1971–72), Founding Chairman of Singapore Airlines after its establishment as an independent carrier in 1972 (1972–1996).[64] | |||
| Suppiah Dhanabalan S. Dhanabalan | Tamil (Indian) | Christianity (Brethrenism) | Politician | ||||
| Shunmugam Jayakumar S. Jayakumar | Tamil (Indian) | Hinduism | Lawyer, Politician, Diplomat | 7th Deputy Prime Minister of Singapore (2004–2009). | |||
| Sivakant Tiwari S. Tiwari | Hindustani | Hinduism | Lawyer | ||||
| Subhas Anandan | Malayali | Hinduism | Lawyer | ||||
| Kishore Mahbubani | Sindhi | Hinduism | Diplomat, Professor | First Singaporean President of the United Nations Security Council (2001–2), Singapore's Permanent Representative to the United Nations (1984–89; 1998–2004).[65] | |||
| Mustaq Ahmad | Hindustani | Islam | Entrepreneur | Founder of Mustafa Centre.[66] | |||
| Bilahari Kim Hee Papanasam Setlur Kausikan | Chindian; Tamil (Indian)-Peranakan Chinese | Diplomat | |||||
| Balaji Sadasivan | Tamil (Indian) | Hinduism | Politician | ||||
| Vijaya Kumar Rajah V. K. Rajah | Tamil (Indian) | Hinduism | Lawyer | 8th Attorney-General of Singapore | |||
| Tharman Shanmugaratnam | Tamil (Ceylonese) | Hinduism | Politician | 9th President of Singapore (Incumbent, 2023–present), 10th Deputy Prime Minister of Singapore (2011–2019). | |||
| Davinder Singh Sachdev | Punjabi | Sikhism | Lawyer, Politician | ||||
| Jacintha Abisheganaden | Chindian
| Christianity | Singer, Actress | ||||
| Kasiviswanathan Shanmugam K. Shanmugam | Tamil (Indian) | Hinduism | Lawyer, Politician | Minister for Law, Minister for Home Affairs | |||
| Inderjit Singh Dhaliwal | Punjabi | Sikhism | Politician | ||||
| Chindian; Tamil (Indian)-Chinese | Christianity (Anglican Protestantism) | Lawyer, Politician | |||||
| Xenonamandar Jegahusiee Singh Joseph Prince | Chindian; Punjabi-Chinese | Christianity (Pentecostal Protestantism) | Pastor | Co-founder and senior pastor of New Creation Megachurch | |||
| Paul Tambyah | Tamil | Medical | Professor of Medicine and infectious diseases expert. | ||||
| Chindian; Punjabi-Chinese | Christianity | Actor | Phua Chu Kang Pte Ltd sitcom. | ||||
| Varadaraju Sundramoorthy V. Sundramoorthy | Tamil (Indian) | Hinduism | Sportsman | ||||
| Punjabi | Sikhism | Reporter, Journalist | BBC News Reporter. | ||||
| Gurmit Kaur Campbell | Punjabi | Sikhism | Model | First Singaporean supermodel,[67] first Singaporean to be featured on the cover of Vogue. Modelled for Yves Saint Laurent, Versace, and Karl Lagerfeld. | |||
| Murli Kewalram Chanrai | Sindhi | Hinduism | Entrepreneur | ||||
| Ravinder Singh | Punjabi | Sikhism | Military | Army General, Major-General of the Singapore Army (2011–14). | |||
| Pritam Singh | Punjabi | Sikhism | Lawyer and Politician | First Leader of the Opposition |
The state-owned broadcaster Mediacorp operates two Tamil-language properties serving Singapore's Indian community—the radio station Oli 968, and television channel Vasantham.[68] The country's Tamil newspaper—the Tamil Murasu—was first published on 2 May 1936.[69]