Horpa language explained

Horpa
Nativename:Stau
States:China
Region:Garzê Prefecture, Sichuan Province
Date:2002–2004
Ref:e18
Familycolor:Sino-Tibetan
Fam3:Qiangic
Fam4:Gyalrongic
Fam5:West Gyalrongic
Lc1:ero
Ld1:Horpa
Lc2:jih
Ld2:sTodsde (Shangzhai)
Glotto:horp1240
Glottorefname:Horpa

Horpa (also known in some publications as Stau – Chinese: 道孚语 Daofu, 爾龔語 Ergong) are a cluster of closely related Gyalrongic languages of China. Horpa is better understood as a cluster of closely related yet unintelligible dialect groups/languages closely related to Horpa Shangzhai or Stodsde skad. The term Stodsde skad is a Tibetan name meaning "language of the upper village".

Names

Ethnologue lists alternate names and dialect names for Horpa as Stau/Daofuhua, Bawang, Bopa, Danba, Dawu, Geshitsa/Geshiza/Geshizahua, Hor, Huo’er, Hórsók, Nyagrong-Minyag, Pawang, Rgu, Western Gyarong/Western Jiarong, Xinlong-Muya, and rTa’u.[1]

Classification

Horpa is a type of Gyalrongic language, a branch of the Qiangic languages of the Sino-Tibetan family. Gyalrong (proper), Khroskyabs, and Horpa are in the Gyalrongic subgroup. From a genetic perspective, Horpa is a branch within West Gyalrongic, the other being Khroskyabs. Shangzhai is a sub-type of Horpa. To date, the Horpa languages are the closest attested ones to the medieval language Tangut.[2]

Geographic distribution

Horpa is spoken primarily in western Sichuan province, China, including in Dasang District, Danba County of Garzê Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture, Sichuan.[3] There are about 50,000 Horpa speakers in the northwestern Sichuan. It is also spoken in nearby Dawu County, where it is called 'Stau', pronounced [stawuske].[4] Ergong is a non-tonal language (Sun 2013).[5]

Varieties

Varieties of Horpa include Shangzhai Horpa and Gexi Horpa (Sun 2013).[6]

Jackson Sun (2018)[7] lists the following five varieties of Horpa.

Phonology

Consonants

LabialAlveolarRetroflexAlveolo-
palatal
PalatalVelarUvularGlottal
Nasalpronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/(pronounced as /link/)
Stop/
Affricate
voicelesspronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/(pronounced as /link/)
aspiratedpronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/
voicedpronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/(pronounced as /link/)
Fricativevoiceless(pronounced as /link/)pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/(pronounced as /link/)pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/(pronounced as /link/)
voicedpronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/(pronounced as /link/)pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/
Lateralpronounced as /link/
Sonorantpronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/

Rhotic consonant

/r/ has four allophones as either retroflex voiceless [ʂ] or voiced [ʐ] fricatives, as a trill [r], or as a result of vowel rhotacization [V˞]. It is heard as [ʂ] when preceding or following voiceless consonants or also as a word-final coda. It is heard as [ʐ] when in free variation in initial position or when preceding or following voiced consonants. The occurrence of it as a trill [r] is heard word-medially when after a vowel and before a consonant, but is for the most part less predictable in that it overlaps in distribution with [ʂ] and especially [ʐ]. When words with /r/ are heard in isolation, the sound is heard as [ʐ], but then it becomes a trill [r] when in word context or within compounds. [r] also alternates with [ʂ] when it is in context word-final position. The rhotacization of vowels [V˞] occurs on the preceding vowel before /r/ in word-final position, however it can also be heard word-medially when before a lateral approximant /l/. The rhotacization is attested on the vowels /ɛ/, /ə/, /u/ and /ɑ/.[13]

Vowels

FrontCentralBack
Closepronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/
Close-midpronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/
Open-midpronounced as /link/
Openpronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/

Vocabulary

The following comparative table of Horpa diagnostic vocabulary items is from Sun (2018:4). The Central Horpa (Rta’u) data is from Niwan Village, Dgebshes Township, Rta’u County (Daofu County), Sichuan. The Rgyalrongic languages Khroskyabs and Rgyalrong are also provided for comparison, since Horpa is one of the Rgyalrongic languages. Cognates are highlighted in bold.

Gloss Central Horpa (Rta’u 道孚) Northern Horpa (Rtsangkhog 宗科) Western Horpa (Rgyarwagshis 甲拉西) Eastern Horpa (Dpa’bo 巴旺) Northwestern Horpa (Nyinmo) Khroskyabs (’brongrdzong) Rgyalrong (Tshobdun)
sun ɣbə ʁɟə̀ ɣbə̀ ʁʷbə ɣbə ɣnəʔ ~ ʁbjə tɐ́-ŋɐ
water ɣrə grə̀ ɣrə̀ wrə ɣrə ɣdə tə-ciʔ
person vdzi vdzì vdzì vdzi-sme vdzi vɟoʔ kə-rnbjoʔ
mouth ɣmú ɬó ʁmo ja qʰo tə-ɣmor
heart zjar zɟwàʶ jzò-rdá zdzʌr zʒar sjar tə-sni
liver sʰi sʰə̀ sʰə̀ sʰi si fseʔ tə-mtsʰi
meat bjoŋnoŋ bdʒànó ntʰú mdʒʌno pcene tʰəmʔ ʃe
horse rɣi rjí rji rji breʔ ⁿbri
chicken ɣra χsó-vjá ? wə-rja ɣə́-ra pa-kuʔ pɣe
yellow rȵə-rȵə ʁrɲə̀ʶ rȵə̀-rȵə́ rɲə rɲə ʁrɲəɣ kə-qɐ-rŋɛʔ
bitter sȵa-sȵa sɲáʶ sɲà sɲæ sɲa tʃʰaχ kə-qjev
eat ⁿgə dzə́ dzə́ dzi ⁿgə ~ tsə dzeʔ ⁿdze
ill ŋo ŋò ŋú ŋwa ŋo ⁿge nⁿgiʔ
sleep rgə ⁿjáp ~ rgə́ rgə́ rgə rgə jəv rⁿgu
one ro réɣ raw rəɣ rʌɣ cet
ten zʁa zʁàʶ zʁò zʁa zʁa sɣə(t) sqeʔ

Jacques et al. (2017) list the following words as lexical innovations shared by Stau and Khroskyabs (Lavrung), but not by the Core rGyalrong languages.

Gloss Stau Japhug
heart zjar sjɑ̂r tɯ-sni
smoke mkʰə mkʰə́ tɤ-kʰɯ
be big cʰe cʰæ̂ wxti
bread ləkʰi lækʰí qajɣi
writing tɕədə dʑədə́ tɤscoz
wind χpərju χpə̂rju qale
skin tɕədʑa dʑədʑɑ̂ tɯ-ndʐi
water ɣrə jdə̂ tɯ-ci
experience zdar zdɑ̂r rɲo
general classifier ə-lɞ ə̂-lo tɯ-rdoʁ
human classifier a-ʁi ə̂-ʁæi tɯ-rdoʁ
exist (animate) ci/ɟi ɟê tu
exist (be put on) stʰə stî tu

Grammar

Shangzhai Horpa (Puxi Shangzhai) is a dialect of the Horpa language noted by a single consistently non-syllabic causative prefix "s-", which exerts pressure on the already elaborate onset system and triggers multiple phonological adjustments (Sun 2007).[14] Gexi Horpa language not only has split verbal agreement system like rGyalrong but also has a hybrid system involving a more intricate interplay of functional and syntactic factors (Sun 2013). The verbs in the rGylarongic family are marked for person and agreement, and Horpa language also has subtype of hierarchical agreement.

Stau is often used as an alternative name for Horpa, but in fact Stau is one of several Horpa languages (Jacques et al. 2014).[15] The Stau language is primarily spoken in Daofu County of Ganzi Prefecture, but is also spoken in the southeastern corner of Luhuo County and in the village of Dangling of western Danba County. Currently Jesse P. Gates is writing a comprehensive grammar of the Stau language (Gates to appear). Other articles on aspects of Stau grammar include Gates (2017),[16] Gates & Kim (2018),[17] Gates et al. (2019),[18] and Gates et al. (2022).[19]

Stau (Horpa) language follows some traits of the Tibetan language (Bradley 2012).[20] As a Qiangic language, Horpa has unique verb inflection and morphology such as the strategy of inverting the aspiration feature in the formation of the past and progressive stem(s) (Sun 2000).[21]

Examples

Verb agreementThe Horpa verb agrees with its subject. For example, zbəcʰa-i [zbəcʰe], means ‘you beat’, and zbəcʰa-u [zbəcʰo], means, 'I beat’.[22]

See also

External links

Notes and References

  1. News: Horpa . Ethnologue . 2017-05-01.
  2. Beaudouin . Mathieu . Tangut and Horpa languages: Some shared morphosyntactic features . Language and Linguistics . 24 . 4.
  3. "" Book: "Tibetan-Burman Phonology and Lexicon" Writing Group . Zàng Miǎn yǔ yǔyīn hé cíhuì . 1991 . Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe . 211 . zh . zh:藏缅语语音和词汇 . Tibeto-Burman Phonology and Lexicon.
  4. Gates . Jesse P. . 2017 . Verbal Triplication Morphology in Stau རྟའུ (Mazi Dialect) . Transactions of the Philological Society . en . 115 . 1 . 14–26 . 10.1111/1467-968X.12083.
  5. Book: Sun, Hongkai 孙宏开 . Bā Jiāng liúyù de Zàng Miǎn yǔ . 2013 . Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe . Beijing . zh . zh:八江流域的藏缅语 . Tibeto-Burman Languages of Eight Watersheds.
  6. Sun . Jackson T.-S. . Tian . Qianzi . 2013 . Verb Agreement in Gexi Horpa . Bulletin of Chinese Linguistics . 7 . 2 . 203–223 . 10.1163/2405478X-90000120 . free.
  7. Web site: Sun . Jackson T.-S. . 2018 . The Ancestry of Horpa: Further Morphological Evidence . Academia Sinica . Taipei . en.
  8. Book: Genxia, Wengmu 根呷翁姆 . 2019 . Sichuan Daofu Ergong yu 四川道孚尔龚语 . Beijing . . 1156349336.
  9. Gates . Jesse . 2010 . On the Edge with Erkai: A Preliminary Investigation of Erkai's Place in Western rGyalrongic . Presentation at the 43rd International Conference on Sino-Tibetan Languages and Linguistics (ICSTLL 43), 15 Oct 2010, Lund University, Lund, Sweden . en.
  10. Gates . Jesse P. . Situ in Situ: Towards a Dialectology of Jiāróng (rGyalrong) . 2012 . M.A. . Trinity Western University . en.
  11. Van Way . John . The Phonetics and Phonology of Nyagrong Minyag, an Endangered Language of Western China . 2018 . PhD . University of Hawaiʻi at Mānoa . en . 10125/62509 . free.
  12. 56th International Conference on Sino-Tibetan Languages and Linguistics, 10-12 October 2023. Chulalongkorn University, Bangkok. 2023. Proto-Horpa and the Classification of Tangut. Beaudouin. Mathieu. Honkasalo. Sami.
  13. Book: Vanderveen, A. Chantel . A phonology of Stau . Trinity Western University . 2015.
  14. Sun . Jackson T.-S. . 2007 . Morphological Causative Formation in Shangzhai Horpa . Bulletin of Chinese Linguistics . en . 2 . 1 . 211–232 . 10.1163/2405478X-90000031.
  15. Jacques . Guillaume . Antonov . Anton . Lai . Yunfan . Nima . Lobsang . 2014 . Person Marking in Stau . Himalayan Linguistics . en . 13 . 1 . 82–92 . 10.5070/H913224068 . free.
  16. Gates . Jesse P. . 2017 . Verbal Triplication Morphology in Stau (Mazi Dialect) . Transactions of the Philological Society . en . 115 . 1 . 14–26 . 10.1111/1467-968X.12083.
  17. Gates . Jesse P. . Kim . Won Ho . 2018 . Vowel Harmony in Stau . Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area . en . 41 . 2 . 263–293 . 10.1075/ltba.17016.gat.
  18. Gates . Jesse P. . Tub.bstan Nyi.ma . Tshe.ring Rgyal.mtsan . 2019 . Tibetan Dining Etiquette: A Sociolinguistic Analysis of a Normative Discourse Text in Stau . Himalayan Linguistics . en . 18 . 2 . 73–81 . 10.5070/H918242739 . free.
  19. Gates . Jesse P. . Honkasalo . Sami . Lai . Yunfan . 2022 . From Transitive to Intransitive and Voiceless to Voiced in Proto-Sino-Tibetan: New Evidence from Stau, Geshiza, and Khroskyabs . Language and Linguistics . en . 23 . 2 . 212–239 . 10.1075/lali.00104.gat . free.
  20. Web site: Bradley . David . 2012 . Tibeto-Burman Languages of China . en . Academia.edu.
  21. Sun . Jackson T. S. . 2000 . Stem Alternations in Puxi Verb Inflection: Toward Validating the rGyalrongic Subgroup in Qiangic . Language and Linguistics . en . 1 . 2 . 211–232 . 2017-04-30 . 2021-04-15 . https://web.archive.org/web/20210415055528/http://www.ling.sinica.edu.tw/eip/FILES/publish/2007.9.19.78908937.38039.pdf . dead .
  22. Sun . Jackson T. . 2013 . Horpa Language in Xichuan Province [川西霍爾語格西話動詞對協初探] . Bulletin of Chinese Linguistics.