S-Plan Explained

The S-Plan or Sabotage Campaign or England Campaign was a campaign of bombing and sabotage against the civil, economic and military infrastructure of the United Kingdom from 1939 to 1940, conducted by members of the Irish Republican Army (IRA). It was conceived by Seamus O'Donovan in 1938 at the request of then IRA Chief of Staff Seán Russell. Russell and Joseph McGarrity are thought to have formulated the strategy in 1936.[1] During the campaign there were 300 explosions/acts of sabotage, 10 deaths and 96 injuries.[2]

Immediate context

Following a power struggle within the IRA during the mid-1930s, Seán Russell was reinstated to the IRA in April 1938 and elected to the IRA Army Council in absentia. At a subsequent IRA General Army Convention, Russell and his supporters secured enough support to get a controlling majority vote within the Army Council and for Russell himself to be named Chief of Staff, the head of the organisation.[3] It was at this time that Russell began the process of preparing for a campaign of attacks on British soil – a strategy he had decided upon from the mid-1930s onwards. The IRA in Northern Ireland supported Russell and his plans for a campaign that would bring an end to partition. However, the Northern Ireland government introduced internment in December 1938 and several hundred IRA activists were held for the duration of World War II.[4]

Seamus (Jim) O'Donovan had been asked by Seán Russell directly after his election to IRA Chief of Staff in 1938 to formulate his ideas on the possibilities of successful acts of sabotage on British soil. O'Donovan was the former Director of Chemicals of the "old IRA" and an acknowledged expert in the use of explosive material. He had not been active in politics since retiring from public life in 1923. Russell's request followed directly from him taking on the role of IRA Chief of Staff of the "new IRA" army council. The notes which O'Donovan created for Russell became the S-Plan or Sabotage Plan.[5]

On 17 December 1938, the Wolfe Tone Weekly newspaper published a statement issued by a group signing itself the "Executive Council of Dáil Éireann, Government of the Republic". This group perceived itself to be the legitimate government of the 32-County Irish Republic and refused to recognise the legitimacy of partition. In the statement, seven Second Dáil TDs declared that they had delegated what they believed to be their governmental "authority" to the Army Council.[6]

This announcement, coming immediately prior to the S-Plan attacks,[7] sought to present the actions of the IRA as those of a legitimate, de jure government. Within this context, with the Army Council purporting to act as a government with the right to use force and levy war against an occupying power, the IRA declared war on Britain in January 1939.[8]

Details and preparation

The S-Plan contained many precise instructions for acts of destruction which had as their object the paralysis of all official activity in England and the greatest possible destruction of British defence installations.

It divided the IRA campaign into two main lines: propaganda and offensive (military) action. The document listed six different types of offensive action;

Operations were strictly concentrated on the island of Great Britain, in and around centres of population where IRA volunteers could operate freely without drawing attention. No attacks on targets in Northern Ireland or other areas under British control were planned as part of the S-Plan.

Military preparations for the campaign included a series of attacks on British customs houses in Northern Ireland. On 28 and 29 November 1938, British customs posts along the border were demolished using explosives. The only fatalities were three IRA volunteers, Jimmy Joe Reynolds from County Leitrim, John James Kelly from County Donegal, and Charlie McCafferty from County Tyrone, killed by the premature explosion of a mine at a house in Castlefin, County Donegal on 28November 1938.[10]

Russell is said to have distributed O'Donovan's notes virtually unedited to IRA battlegroups as an operational instruction from the Army Council. O'Donovan appears, at the time of writing the S-Plan, to have been oblivious to the decision to begin a campaign of attacks on British soil in 1939. However, because of his level of expertise, he was later involved in a new round of explosives training for IRA volunteers in Dublin from 1938 to 1939. Patrick McGrath was reputed to be one of the principal instructors in bomb making for this campaign.[11] On 6 September 1940 McGrath was executed by firing squad at Dublin's Mountjoy Prison.[12]

Sources of funding for the campaign are not known, but once the campaign was operational, the weekly expenses for operations in the field amounted to approximately £700. Operational units were expected to raise any money needed themselves, and the men who acted within IRA teams were unpaid and expected to support themselves while on missions.

The make-up of these teams is thought to have been different from the cell structure employed by the Provisional Irish Republican Army in their campaign against Britain in the 1970s. It is known from arrests made during the campaign that the IRA utilised material dumps in Britain built up in 1938, as well as devices improvised while on active duty in Britain. IRA volunteers arriving from Ireland were also intercepted by British authorities transporting war material for use in the campaign.

The strength of the IRA and the women's paramilitary organisation Cumann Na mBan at this time was estimated at between 5,000 and 30,000 men and women at varying stages of training and ability. In the Autum of 1938 training of volunteers was held prior to the beginning of the campaign in a camp eight miles north of Sligo town.[13] However, some volunteers were sent to Britain also included new raw recruits such as Brendan Behan. In early 1938 IRA leaders Moss Twomey and Jack McNeela were sent to Britain to assess the movement's strength there in spring 1938 and reported that:

"In general it can be said that the state of the organisation in units which exist is poor and loose, and militarily should be described as almost elementary."[14]

Seán Russell left to pursue the finance aspect with IRA's American financier Joe McGarrity,[3] and the propaganda phase of the S-plan in the United States, in March 1939, after the S-Plan military phase began in January 1939. On leaving, he appointed Stephen Hayes as Acting Chief of Staff of the IRA. Russell never returned to Ireland, dying on board a German submarine from an untreated gastric ulcer in 1940 and being buried at sea.[15]

Declaration of war on Britain

On 12 January 1939, the Army Council sent an ultimatum, signed by Patrick Fleming, to British Foreign Secretary Lord Halifax. The communiqué duly informed the British government of "The Government of the Irish Republic's" intention to go to "war". Excerpt from the ultimatum:

I have the honour to inform you that the Government of the Irish Republic, having as its first duty towards its people the establishment and maintenance of peace and order here, demand the withdrawal of all British armed forces stationed in Ireland. The occupation of our territory by troops of another nation and the persistent subvention here of activities directly against the expressed national will and in the interests of a foreign power, prevent the expansion and development of our institution in consonance with our social needs and purposes, and must cease.

The Government of the Irish Republic believe that a period of four days is sufficient notice for your Government to signify its intentions in the matter of the military evacuation and for the issue of your Declaration of Abdication in respect of our country. Our Government reserves the right of appropriate action without further notice if upon the expiration of this period of grace, these conditions remain unfulfilled.

Óglaigh na h-Éireann (Irish Republican Army).

General Headquarters, Dublin, January 12th, 1939, to His Excellency the Rt. Hon. Viscount Halifax, C.G.B.[16]

On Sunday, 15 January, with no reply from the British Government, a proclamation was posted in public places throughout Ireland announcing the IRA's declaration of war on Britain. This proclamation was written by Joseph McGarrity, leader of Clan na Gael in the United States, and was signed by six members of the Army Council: Stephen Hayes, Patrick Fleming, Peadar O'Flaherty, George Oliver Plunkett, Larry Grogan and Seán Russell. The seventh Army Council member, Máirtín Ó Cadhain, refused to sign as he believed the IRA was not ready to begin the campaign.

This proclamation also called upon Irishmen both at home and "in Exile" to give their utmost support to compel the withdrawal of the British from the island of Ireland so that a free Irish Republic could be established. As the campaign began in Britain the same proclamation appeared posted around Irish communities in British cities. The proclamation referenced back to the 17 December 1938 statement by the group naming itself the "Executive Council of Dáil Éireann, Government of the Republic" and read:

"On the twenty-third day of April in the year 1916 in the City of Dublin, seven men, who were representative in spirit and outlook and purpose of the Irish Nation that had never yielded to nor accepted the British conquest, set their humble and almost unknown names to the foregoing document that has passed into history, making the names of the seven signatories immortal. These signatures were sealed with the blood of the immortal seven, and of many others who followed them into one of the most gallant fights in the history of the world; and the Irish Nation rose from shame to honour, from humiliation to pride, from slavery to freedom...."

"Unfortunately, because men were foolish enough to treat with an armed enemy within their gates, the English won the peace. Weakness and treachery caused a resumption of the war and the old English tactics of 'divide and conquer' were exploited to the fullest extent. Partition was introduced, the country divided into two parts with two separate Parliaments subject to and controlled by the British Government. The armed forces of England still occupy six of our counties in the North and reserve the right 'in time of war or strained relations' to reoccupy the ports which they have just evacuated in the southern part of Ireland. Ireland is still tied, as she has been for centuries past, to take part in England's wars. In the Six Counties, a large number of Republican soldiers are held prisoners by England. Further weakness on the part of some of our people, broken faith and make-believe, have postponed the enthronement of the living Republic, but the proclamation of Easter Week and the declaration of independence stand and must stand for ever. No man, no matter how far he has fallen away from his national faith, has dared to repudiate them. They constitute the rallying centre for the unbought manhood of Ireland in the fight that must be made to make them effective and to redeem the nation's self-respect that was abandoned by a section of our people in 1923."

"The time has come to make that fight. There is no need to redeclare the Republic of Ireland, now or in the future. There is no need to reaffirm the declaration of Irish independence. But the hour has come for the supreme effort to make both effective. So in the name of the unconquered dead and the faithful living, we pledge ourselves to that task. We call upon England to withdraw her armed forces, her civilian officials and institutions, and representatives of all kinds from every part of Ireland as an essential preliminary to arrangements for peace and friendship between the two countries; and we call upon the people of all Ireland, at home and in exile, to assist us in the effort we, are about to make, in God's name, to compel that evacuation and to enthrone the Republic of Ireland."[17]
The S-Plan came as a total surprise to the Dublin government, there was even a suggestion that the attacks were a plot to prevent a peaceful settlement to the border question.[18]

Timeline

1939

January

February

The IRA had been declared an illegal organisation under the Constitution (Declaration of Unlawful Association) Order passed 18 June 1936, but the Irish Free State Government had only used this power on a few IRA volunteers. Éamon de Valera spoke about the IRA and S-Plan in the Dáil for two hours. He said that the IRA had no right to assume the title "Irish Republican Government" and that the then Irish Minister for Justice, PJ Ruttledge, planned to bring "energetic measures" before the house to combat the IRA.

March

April

May

June

Sir Samuel Hoare, introduced the Prevention of Violence Bill (Temporary Provisions).[35] The bill provided comprehensive powers for the British government to prevent the immigration of foreigners, for their deportation, and for extending to the Irish the requirement to register with the British police. Hoare referred to the S-Plan of the IRA when presenting the bill to the British parliament. He also stated that a total of 127 attacks had been perpetrated since January 1939, 57 in London and 70 in the provinces. In the course of these one person had been killed and 55 seriously or less seriously injured. 66 persons had been convicted of "terrorist activity". In all, Hoare repeated that the British police had seized; 55 sticks of gelignite, 1,000 detonators, 2 tons of potassium chlorate & oxide of iron, 7 gallons of sulphuric acid and 4 cwt of aluminum powder.Hoare explained that up to the present the perpetrators of these attacks had restricted themselves to damaging British property, however recently the government had been notified that the campaign was about to intensify with no regard being paid to human life. He added that the IRA campaign "was being closely watched and actively stimulated by foreign organisations" (a reference to German Intelligence). Hoare went on to claim that the IRA had come within an inch of blowing up Hammersmith Bridge, Southwark Power Station, and an aqueduct in North London. They had collected detailed information about important bridges, railway lines, munition dumps, war factories and airfields and even engaged in a plan to blow up the Houses of Parliament.[36]

July

In July 1939 the IRA started bombing railway stations. Bombs were left in waiting rooms and luggage rooms overnight.[37]

August onwards

The Hewitts were a married couple and Bridgid O'Hara was Mrs. Hewitt's mother. All pleaded not guilty to the charge of murdering 21-year-old Elsie Ansell, (the prosecution had limited the charge to one victim). Three days later, the verdict of guilty was returned. James McCormick (Richards) and Peter Barnes were sentenced to death. The sentencing triggered a series of IRA attacks on British post offices, postboxes and mail trains in Birmingham, Wolverhampton, Crewe and London.[47]

1940

Involvement of German Abwehr

It is unlikely that the German Intelligence Abwehr I & II had any input into the formation of the S-plan and it was not until the bombing campaign opened that German intelligence took any real interest in the IRA.[53] Interest in the S-Plan did become a feature of subsequent IRA/Abwehr contact following the British declaration of war on Germany in 1939. According to a 1939 discussion between Jim O'Donovan and Abwehr Director, "Dr. Pfalzgraf", (Captain Friedrich Carl Marwede Director of Office I West in Abwehr II, Berlin), the point of the S-plan was, "a final fight with England, whereby it was hoped to force the British to negotiations on the question of re-unification."[54] O'Donovan made four visits to Germany to discuss the possibility of acquiring German arms and wireless equipment for the IRA.[53]

There is solid evidence from the Abwehr war diaries that methods employed by IRA units carrying out the S-Plan generated only annoyance and frustration in Germany. Attacks against mostly civilian targets, while causing panic and loss of confidence in the authorities, were not perceived as helpful to damaging British capability for waging war.

Evidence of German Intelligence's frustration can also be seen in the message from Abwehr II's Director which was hand delivered to Seamus O'Donovan on 9 February 1940 by Abwehr agent Ernst Weber-Drohl.:[55]

"The Pfalzgraf Section very urgently requests its Irish friends and IRA members to be so good as to make considerably better efforts to carry out the S-plan, which they received some time last summer, and to be more effectual against military as opposed to civilian objectives."[56]

By the time of Russell's journey back to Ireland in August 1940, German Intelligence chief Wilhelm Canaris appears to have lost faith in attempts to infiltrate England via Ireland.

Despite German interest in receiving military intelligence from the IRA relating to Britain and Northern Ireland, the IRA's performance in relation to this has been described by Eunan O'Halpin as "derisory".[57] Cecil Liddell, head of MI5's Irish section, wrote "no single case of espionage or sabotage by the IRA or by the Germans through the IRA is known to have occurred".[57] [58] A fourteen-page survey of damage to Belfast caused by German bombing raids from April 1941 to May 1941, titled "Comprehensive Military Report on Belfast" was produced by the IRA.[57] This report detailed damage, identified industrial targets which had not been damaged, and included a map which was marked with "the remaining and most outstanding objects of military significance as yet unblitzed by the Luftwaffe".[57] The document was discovered in October 1941 when a courier was arrested in Dublin, it does not appear to have reached Germany.[57]

Significance of the S-Plan

The five deaths during the Coventry bombing on 25 August effectively ended the campaign. By late 1940 the introduction of the Treason Act 1939 and the Offences Against the State Act in Ireland, and the Prevention of Violence (Temporary Provisions) Act in Britain had seen many IRA members interned in Ireland, arrested in Britain, or deported from Britain. In all, 119 people were deported, 14 people were prevented from entering Britain and 21 people were obliged to register with the police.[59] The granting of extra powers to the Irish Justice Minister under the Emergency Powers Act in January 1940 led to 600 IRA volunteers being imprisoned and 500 interned during the course of World War II alone.

In June 1940 Time Magazine reported that:

"Since 1938 its [the IRA's] 7,500 youthful members (plus 15,000 fellow travelers) have followed the wild-eyed, bomb-Britain policy of 46-year-old, super-radical Chieftain Sean Russell. There is reason to believe that the intransigent I.R.A.-sters are getting money from the Nazis, mostly by way of the U.S."[60]

Increases in the security surrounding important infrastructure targets in Britain also had a major effect on IRA team's ability to conduct operations. The seizure of war material and inability to get newly acquired war material into Britain under wartime restrictions meant increased improvisation, which in turn led to increased exposure to discovery. It is also clear that the campaign generated a good deal of anti-Irish sentiment, which increased the British public's suspicion of Irish people in general. All these factors led to attacks tapering off around early to mid-1940. The death of Seán Russell on 14 August 1940, (he had already been effectively incommunicado since April 1939), and the succession of Stephen Hayes as IRA Chief of Staff also contributed to the petering out of the attacks

At the time, the author of the S-Plan, Seamus O'Donovan noted his views on the S-Plan campaign in his diary entry for 23 August 1939 as:

"hastily conceived, scheduled to a premature start, with ill-equipped and inadequately-trained personnel, too few men and too little money....

..unable to sustain the vital spark of what must be confessed to have fizzled out like a damp and inglorious squib"[61]

Reflecting in the 1960s, O'Donovan assessed the results of the campaign even more critically:

"It brought nothing but harm to Ireland and the IRA."[62]

M.L.R Smith writing in "Fighting for Ireland? The military strategy of the Irish Republican movement", argued that the S-Plan campaign:

"..can be seen not as a serious attempt to advance the nationalist cause, but as a sign of the movement reverting to type, as a vehicle for preserving the doctrinal purity of the republican vision. The bombing campaign underscored that a 'militarist caste' was exactly what the IRA had become."[63]

The main outcome of the campaign was the Prevention of Violence Act in Britain, which remained in force until 1954. The Bill gave the UK's Home Secretary powers to exclude and deport persons who were suspected of being connected with the IRA, or to make them register with the police. Special checks were imposed on Irish workers in arms factories and military facilities. In all, 119 people were deported to Ireland and dozens more were registered with the police or were prevented from entering Britain.[64] Between 1940 and 1946 almost one thousand IRA members were interned or jailed in the Southern Irish State. Six men were executed, three died on hunger strike, several were killed in gun battles.[65] Allowed to expire in 1953 and repealed in 1973, it was reintroduced in 1974 as the Prevention of Terrorism (Temporary Provisions) Act to combat the successor to the S-Plan: Provisional IRA attacks on British soil. At least one prisoner died of abusive treatment (on 7 July 1942 IRA Volunteer Terrence Perry, aged 23 of Belfast, who had been active in the S-Plan died in Parkhurst Prison on the Isle of Wright).[66]

See also

References

Sources and further information

Notes and References

  1. English, Richard (2003), Armed Struggle: the History of the IRA, Oxford University Press, Oxford, pp. 60–61, ISBN 0-19-516605-1
  2. McKenna, Joseph (2016), The IRA Bombing Campaign Against Britain, 1939–40. Jefferson, NC, US: McFarland & Company Publishers. p. 138.
  3. English, p. 60
  4. Crowley, John (2017), Atlas of the Irish Revolution, New York University Press, New York, p. 832,
  5. Enno, Stephan (1963), Spies in Ireland, Macdonald & Co, p. 37.
  6. Web site: Dáil Éireann – Volume 74 – 2 March 1939, Offences Against the State Bill, 1939 – Second Stage. historical-debates.oireachtas.ie. 2017-02-17. dead. https://web.archive.org/web/20121102050247/http://historical-debates.oireachtas.ie/D/0074/D.0074.193903020012.html. 2 November 2012.
  7. The decision had already been taken to proceed with the S-Plan, before this announcement. Russell wanted the recommendation of the 2nd Dáil group because he knew their public support would lend his plans more credibility amongst IRA volunteers. He approached them just after returning from an inspection tour of units in Britain. Bowyer Bell, J. for details – pp. 152–154.
  8. McKenna, p. 27
  9. McKenna, pp. 173–183
  10. See Bowyer, Bell J., The Secret Army – the IRA p. 153, for details of the incident and other border activity in period.
  11. Coogan, Tim Pat, (1980) The I.R.A. London: Fontana Publishers. p. 158. ISBN 0006359329
  12. Mac Donncha, Mícheál (13 August 2020). "Seán Russell and the IRA of the 1940s". An Phoblacht.
  13. Book: Thorne, Kathleen . 2019 . Echoes of Their Footsteps Volume Three . Oregon . Generation Organization . 614 . 978-0-692-04283-0.
  14. Smith, M.L.R: "Fighting for Ireland? The military strategy of the Irish Republican movement", p. 63 Taylor & Francis Inc. 1997
  15. English, p. 63
  16. Bowyer Bell J. p. 166
  17. http://historical-debates.oireachtas.ie/D/0074/D.0074.193903020012.html Dáil Éireann – Volume 74 – 02 March, 1939, Offences Against the State Bill, 1939 – Second Stage
  18. Bower Bell, p. 157
  19. News: 75 years since the IRA bombed Coventry. 25 August 2014. Irish Examiner. 4 November 2021.
  20. McKenna, p. 48.
  21. McKenna p. 30
  22. Thorne, Pg.614
  23. McKenna, p. 40.
  24. Enno, p. 15.
  25. Web site: How history forgot IRA bombing of Coventry. Mike. Lockley. 25 January 2016. Coventrytelegraph.net. 4 November 2021.
  26. Book: Kirby, Dick . 2021 . IRA Terror on Britain’s Streets 1939–1940 . Yorkshire . Pen ans Sword Books Ltd . 52 . 978-1526786425.
  27. Thorne, Pg. 614
  28. Enno, p. 39.
  29. Kirby, p. 81
  30. Thorne, Pg.614
  31. Enno, p. 41.
  32. Enno, p. 41
  33. Web site: Encarta Entry. encarta.msn.com. 2017-02-17. https://web.archive.org/web/20050927183036/http://encarta.msn.com/sidebar_461501308/1939_Ireland_(Eire).html. 27 September 2005. dead.
  34. Enno, p. 42.
  35. English, p. 60.
  36. Enno, p. 43.
  37. McKenna, p. 138.
  38. Book: Beazley, Ben . Wartime Leicester . 13 . 2004 . Sutton . 0-7509-3671-1 .
  39. News: Crushing I.R.A.: Quick Passage For Bill . The Sydney Morning Herald . 28 July 1939 . 12 .
  40. News: John . Graham . Then and now: the IRA's 1939 campaign in England . The Financial Times . The Canberra Times p. 2 . 7 September 1973 .
  41. Web site: Peter . IRA attack on the L&L Canal . Towpath Treks . blog . 2012-02-01 . 2016-10-08.
  42. Thorne, Pg. 615
  43. Enno, p. 44.
  44. McKenna, p. 83
  45. Thorne, Pg.615
  46. Smith M.L.R: "Fighting for Ireland? The military strategy of the Irish Republican movement", p. 64, 1997
  47. McKenna, p. 141
  48. Web site: James McCormick. Findagrave. 2022-05-02.
  49. Web site: English & Welsh executions 1932–1964. Capital Punishment U.K.. 2010-09-30.
  50. Enno, p. 77.
  51. McKenna, p. 142
  52. News: Trouble on the double. Deaglan De. Breadun. The Irish Times. 4 November 2021.
  53. McKenna, p. 143.
  54. Enno, p. 81.
  55. Hull, Mark M., Irish Secrets: German Espionage in Wartime Ireland 1939–1945, Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 2003, pp. 72–73.
  56. Enno, pg 81.
  57. Book: O'Halpin, Eunan . Eunan O'Halpin . Spying on Ireland: British Intelligence and Irish Neutrality During the Second World War . 2008 . . 122–123 . 978-0199253296.
  58. Book: West, Nigel . Nigel West . The Guy Liddell Diaries, Volume I: 1939–1942: MI5's Director of Counter-Espionage in World War II . 2005 . . xi . 978-0415352130.
  59. McKenna, p. 82
  60. News: Eire: Against Everybody? . https://web.archive.org/web/20121021205744/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,764006-1,00.html#ixzz0luUZyVCF . dead . 21 October 2012 . Time . 10 June 1940.
  61. Hall, Mark M.: "Irish Secrets", p. 307. Irish Academic Press. 2003
  62. Enno, p. 38.
  63. Smith, M.L.R: "Fighting for Ireland? The military strategy of the Irish Republican movement", p. 66, 1997
  64. McKenna, pp. 79–82
  65. Crowley, p. 809
  66. Thorne, Pg. 295