Ramón Nocedal Romea Explained

Ramón Nocedal Romea
Birth Name:Ramón Nocedal Romea
Birth Date:1842
Birth Place:Madrid, Spain
Death Date:1907
Death Place:Madrid, Spain
Known For:politician
Occupation:lawyer, politician
Party:Comunión Católico-Monarquica, Partido Católico Nacional

Ramón Nocedal Romea (1842–1907) was a Spanish Catholic ultraconservative politician, first member of the Neocatólicos, then of the Carlists, and finally of the Integrists. He is known as leader of a political current known as Integrismo (1888–1907) and a chief representative of Catholic fundamentalism when applied to politics.

Family and youth

Ramón Ignacio Nocedal Romea was born to a distinguished and well-off Madrid family. His paternal grandfather, José María Nocedal Capetillo,[1] was a member of the emerging liberal bourgeoisie. He was an exemplary representative of the class which benefitted from Mendizabal's desamortización,[2] purchasing a number of estates in Ciudad Real province[3] and in Madrid, where he became one of the largest urban proprietors of the mid-19th century.[4] An important member of radical Partido Progresista, over time he turned to its major opponent, Partido Moderado.[5] José María sustained financially Milicia Nacional of Madrid[6] and was one of its commanders, in the late 1830s heading the 4th battalion.[7] He was elected to the Senate in 1844[8] and 5 times voted into the Cortes between 1841 and 1857.[9]

Ramón's father, Cándido Manuel Patricio Nocedal Rodriguez de la Flor (1821-1885), was one of the key politicians of Partido Moderado, its long-time parliamentary representative and briefly (1856-1857) the Minister of Interior. Over time he assumed more and more conservative positions, in the 1860s forming part of the neocatólicos. Ramón's mother, Manuela del Pilar Zoila Romea Yanguas (1824-1875), was the daughter of Mariano Romea, a radical liberal. During the Trienio Liberal he made his name as Capitán de las Milicias Patrióticas de Murcia; following the absolutist restoration he had to seek refuge in Portugal;[10] back in Spain, he was administrator of Murcian landholdings of marqueses de Espinardo.[11] Ramón's maternal uncle, Julián Romea Yanguas, was one of the best known Spanish actors and sort of celebrity of his time.[12] Ramón's maternal aunt, Joaquina Romea Yanguas, was married to the moderado prime minister, holder of various ministerial posts and Isabel II's lover, Luis Gonzalez Bravo.[13] Ramón and his two younger siblings, María del Consuelo[14] and José,[15] were from their early childhood growing amongst political and artistic personalities of mid-19th century Spain. In the early 1860s[16] Ramón studied derecho civil y canonico in Madrid and was recognized as excellent student, gaining prizes and hailed in the press.[17] In 1873 he married Amalia Mayo Albert (1853-1922);[18] her grandfather was one of the Royal Company of the Philippines managers;[19] her father, born in Manila, was a lawyer and landholder.[20] The couple had no issue,[21] though their relationship is described as “enamoradísimo”;[22] Amalia is reported as supporting Ramón in his political decisions and at times even pushing him towards intransigence.[23] Nocedal's nephew, Ramón García Rodrigo Nocedal, was a well-known journalist and aspiring Maurista politician. Another nephew, Agustín González de Amezúa y Mayo, was an academic and historian of literature, one of key intellectuals of early Francoism.

Neocatólico

The Nocedals have always remained mutual closest collaborators, demonstrating also similar political style and perfectly fitting the like father like son scheme.[24] When commencing his public activities in the early 1860s Ramón has followed his parent; at that time, Cándido Nocedal has already departed from the moderados camp and formed part of the neocatólicos. The movement, with its foundations laid in early Isabelline years,[25] strived to politically accommodate orthodox Roman Catholicism within the framework of the liberal monarchy; in the 1860s Cándido acted as one of its leaders.[26]

Having obtained excellent marks upon graduation,[27] in 1864 Ramón engaged in setting up La Armonía, a Catholic cultural society. With all neocatólicos pundits taking part, it was created as a response to krausism; its principal aim remained confronting heterodoxy in education. Lambasting the leading krausist Sanz del Rio, La Armonía promoted Catholic orthodoxy as a backbone of public education.[28] It was at its sitting that Ramón delivered his first public lecture, Rute.[29] In 1867 he set up La Cruzada, “semanal de ciencias, literatura y artes”.[30] This short-lived weekly served as a tribune for publishing his highly militant articles, often re-printed in other ultraconservative periodicals;[31] underlining the role of Christianity, they turned against the idea of krausist “examen libre”.[32] Also in 1867 he became secretary of Royal Academy of Jurisprudence and Legislation.[33]

In late 1867 neocatólicos mounted a last-minute attempt to resuscitate the Isabelline monarchy by building a grand counter-revolutionary party[34] and launching a new daily La Constancia as part of the project.[35] Ramón became member of the editorial board[36] and contributed with militant articles, which were already becoming his personal trademark[37] and which immediately elicited return fire from the liberal press.[38] Due to his intransigence always loved by lampooners, he was first mocked in 1867.[39] Ramón blamed the Carlists for leaving Isabel II no option but to have allied with the liberals; this error, however, was still rectifiable by creating a strong, conservative alliance.[40] Demonstrating some degree of dynastical indifference, he underlined that ideas come first and people later, and pointed that for the Carlists, this order was reversed.[41] Political project of the neocatólicos crashed with the Glorious Revolution;[42] La Constancia ceased to appear as its premises were ransacked.[43] In 1868 both Nocedals were among co-founders of Asociación de Católicos,[44] Ramón acting as secretary of its comité organizador.[45] The organization served as electoral alliance prior to the 1869 elections,[46] and indeed Ramón was reported as running in Granada and Motril.[47] In 1869 he joined Juventud Católica and became head of its education detachment,[48] already recognized not only as a writer, but also as a great speaker.[49] In 1869-1870 he made his name as author of theatrical plays,[50] scholarly pieces[51] and short novels,[52] all formatted as part of the Catholic political campaign and at times causing violent clashes among the public of Madrid theatres.[53]

Carlist: Revolution and war

Since the 1868 Revolution the neocatólicos neared the Carlists;[54] in 1870, following abdication of Isabel II, most of them concluded that revolutionary tide could no longer be confronted by liberal monarchy and that ultraconservative Carlist model provided a much better bulwark. As they were adinásticos monarchists,[55] switching from one dynasty to another did not constitute a problem.[56] In 1870 the neos and the Carlists formed a joint electoral alliance, Asociación Católico-Monarquica,[57] with Ramón unsuccessfully running on its ticket in supplementary 1870 elections in Alcala de Henares.[58] In 1871 he renewed his bid from the Catholic-monarchist list, though by the press he was already widely reported simply as a Carlist candidate.[59] Defeated in Igualada (Barcelona province),[60] Ramón emerged triumphant in Valderrobres (Teruel province).[61] Once in the Cortes, his activity exploded.[62] In May and June 1871 almost every day the Spanish press reported his harangues,[63] most of them ultraconservative[64] and some almost openly disloyal to Amadeo I.[65]

In early 1872 Ramón edited a manifesto, issued later by Junta Central Católico-Monarquica, which might have been interpreted as a hardly veiled call for rebellion.[66] On the other hand, historians consider the Nocedals the opponents of violent action, as both father and son believed that Traditionalist monarchy might be reinstated by legal means and advised the Carlist claimant Carlos VII accordingly.[67] In the spring of 1872 Ramón ran on Catholic-monarchist ticket in another electoral campaign,[68] but failed to prolong his mandate both in Igualada and in Valderrobres.[69] Upon the outbreak of the Third Carlist War in 1872 both Nocedals remained in Madrid, where they were subject to rather minor legal action.[70] Their political activity was reduced almost to nil; unable to and indeed uneasy about openly supporting the rebels, they allowed themselves only veiled demonstrations of enmity towards the newly established republican regime.[71] Ramón withdrew to privacy: in 1873 he got married[72] and in 1875 he buried his mother.[73] He was also busy preparing his plays for stage performance in Madrid theatres,[74] though his whereabouts remain somewhat confused.[75] Early 1875, with the war outcome still unclear, the Nocedals launched a new daily, El Siglo Futuro. Formatted as militantly Catholic, it evaded any political declarations[76] though clearly identified itself as ultraconservative.[77] Later that year the official mistrust towards the Nocedals climaxed in the order of exile;[78] they spent the time travelling across Portugal and France until the ban was lifted in late 1876.[79]

Carlist: Restoration

Following the 1876 military defeat Carlism found itself in disarray. The claimant commenced his bon vivant period leaving political leadership in hands of an inefficient military junta; his followers suffered detentions, expropriations and exile.[80] The Nocedals, who emerged as unofficial top Carlist representatives in the Republic-controlled area during the war already, opened their bid to revitalize the movement. Within limitations imposed by the circumstances, they mobilized support by means of a massive 1876 pilgrimage to Rome.[81] Having attracted some 3,000 participants, it was officially intended as demonstration of loyalty to the papal Syllabus banner.[82] In the late 1870s two competitive visions emerged within Carlism. The Nocedals promoted the concept of a movement, formatted along ultra-Catholic lines and with guidance provided by massive press machinery;[83] its strategy was defined as immovilismo or retraimiento, and consisted of total abstention in official political life. Their opponents, headed by marqués de Cerralbo, opted for a structured political party, with components of traditional Carlist ideario balanced; their strategy, known as aperturismo, envisioned conditional alignment with political rules of the Restauración. Ramón Nocedal, already admitted to meetings of top Carlist leaders with their king,[84] got his way when in 1879 Carlos VII ended the period of indecision. First he appointed a small collegial Junta with Cándido Nocedal its member,[85] and shortly afterwards nominated Ramón's father his political representative, Jefe Delegado.[86] With Cándido Nocedal political leader and Ramón his closest collaborator, Carlism firmly adjusted all its activities to religious goals.[87] In 1881 they planned another pilgrimage to Rome; Ramón became secretario general of junta organizadora,[88] though the initiative eventually came to naught.[89] When managing and writing to El Siglo Futuro he focused on Catholic and Spanish values, with regionalist and monarchist themes – let alone dynastical ones – reduced to secondary role.[90] Though relentless towards those seeking rapprochement with the regime,[91] the Nocedals were also implacable towards Carlists showing signs of dissent. The conflict between nocedalistas and cerralbistas resurfaced[92] and triggered bitter guerra periodistica,[93] with complaints about "la dictadura nocedalista" opening a new area of conflict.[94] Many Carlist bigwigs[95] grumbled against heavy Nocedals' hand and some conspired against them;[96] the claimant, though irritated,[97] refrained from bold action until Cándido Nocedal died in 1885. There were rumors that it would be Ramón succeeding his father,[98] but as a temporary measure Carlos VII granted partial and conditional interim rights to Francisco Navarro Villoslada.[99] The aperturistas immediately mounted an offensive, trying to use any formal Carlist initiative as a launchpad for electoral action;[100] Ramón Nocedal counter-attacked, with the claimant opting for a compromise: official party abstention in elections, but with individual candidates permitted here and there.[101] As the 1887 rumors nominating general Cavero the next Jefe Delegado proved unfounded,[102] with continuous guerra periodistica,[103] Nocedal boycotting de Cerralbo's initiatives[104] and both parties complaining about chaos,[105] Carlism was increasingly stalled in internal strife, decomposition and paralysis.[106]

1888 breakup

The conflict, for years localized and contained, entered its second phase in early 1888.[107] Skirmishes between newspapers suddenly exploded when prestige of the claimant got involved;[108] as Nocedal refused to budge, in August Carlos VII expulsed him from Carlism. Now both leaders rushed to acknowledge differences, with unusually brutal frankness listed by the claimant[109] and Ramón Nocedal.[110]

In historiography the breakup has been extensively discussed, though scholars highlight different points of contention, adversely interpreted dynamics of the conflict and contrasting methodologies. The most traditional judgement underlines the clash of personalities. Ramón Nocedal, son of political leader and himself raised to be a leader, considered it natural that he should have succeeded his father. His decisive leadership style and age seniority versus Carlos VII – a charismatic figure anxious not to be reduced to a decorative role by one of his subjects – did not help. In Carlism-biased versions of this theory, Nocedal is characterized by overgrown personal ambitions,[111] in propaganda mocked as “Ramón I Pontífice Rey del Universo”[112] or “Ramón Romea y Nocedal”.[113]

Another group of scholars tend to focus on ideological differences. Among this group the prevailing theory places the role of religion in core of the growing conflict within Carlism, pointing that while Nocedal clearly aimed at reducing monarchical, dynastical and fuerista[114] threads to secondary roles, Carlos VII intended to keep balance between all components of the Traditionalist ideario.[115] Both parties present their variants here:[116] according to the Carlists, Nocedal intended to disfigure the party into “acción eminente apostólica”,[117] according to the Integrists, it was the claimant who deviated from principles of Traditionalism.[118] Within the school concerned with ideological differences, another theory seeks clarification in externalization of the Spanish case; instead of pointing to unique Spanish character of Carlism, it highlights general European patterns of change. With ultramontanism gaining upper hand over more conciliatory political incarnations of Catholicism after the First Vatican Council, and with the new approach made popular in the neighboring France by Louis Veuillot, the 1888 schism was nothing but a local Spanish manifestation of the trend. Defining the nascent Integrism as religious particularism striving for hegemony, this theory enjoys rather limited popularity.[119]

Another ideology-focused approach defines both parties not as competing trends within Carlism, but as entirely separate political groupings which between 1870 and 1888 remained in a temporary, shaky alliance. According to this analysis, the religion-focused group[120] has always been clearly distinct from Carlism.[121] In partisan version, launched in the 1970s for the sake of political struggle, Traditionalists infiltrated into Carlism.[122] Later this theory was elaborated further on and currently features 3 groupings: Integrists focusing on religious aims, Traditionalists focusing on dynastical aims and (genuine) Carlists focusing on social aims.[123] Recently when discussing the 1888 rupture historians tend to combine all factors mentioned, without giving priority to any of them.[124]

Integrist: early years

According to the liberals, the schism left Carlism on its last legs and close to total ruin.[125] Nocedalistas claimed that their supporters were to be counted by the thousands. What actually constituted their potential was rather a few names[126] and especially an impressive array of periodicals, as the breakaways were overrepresented across the Carlist editorial boards.[127] Nocedal led the exiled dissidents into a new organization; initially to be named Partido Tradicionalista,[128] in early 1889 it materialized as Partido Integrista Español.[129] The name was supposed to underline integral unity between Christian and political goals.[130] Though in August 1889 the party renamed itself to Partido Católico Nacional,[131] the group was usually referred to as Integristas. Structure of the party[132] stabilised in 1893; each Spanish region was led by a junta, with their work co-ordinated by the party jefe.[133] The post was assumed by Nocedal, which clearly demonstrated his personal grip on Integrism.[134]

The program, summarized in Manifestación de Burgos, focused on building an orthodox Christian state as the ultimate objective and confronting sinister liberalism[135] as the target for today.[136] In terms of political regime the Integrists voiced against party politics and parliamentarism,[137] instead advancing later the theory of organic democracy, i.e. a system based on formal interaction of established, complementary and co-operative social bodies.[138] The party dropped “king” from the Carlist ideario.[139] Though Nocedal remained a staunch monarchist[140] and though a theoretical sovereign remained an important point of reference in terms of political mobilization, in fact the party was gradually embracing monarchy without a king,[141] later eventually leaning towards accidentalism.[142] Since the Integrists preached the notion of “Social Reign of Jesus Christ”, according to sarcastic comments they eschewed consideration of such details as a form of government.[143] During last decade of the 19th century dynamics of the nocedalistas was powered mostly by mutual and extremely bitter hostility towards Carlists, who by far outpaced liberals as primary foes;[144] occasionally the enmity has even erupted into violence.[145] In the 1880s adamant not to take part in Restauración political system, in the 1890s Nocedal intended to turn elections into a battlefield where he could humiliate Carlos VII. The rivalry was made particularly pungent by geographically overlapping Integrist and Carlist zones of influence: though their national electoral strength remained an untested quality, it was clear that both groups enjoyed most support in Vascongadas and Navarre.[146]

During the 1891 campaign the Integrists won 2 Cortes mandates compared to 5 gained by the Carlists; though they had to acknowledge numerical inferiority, Nocedal boasted personal success in the Gipuzkoan district of Azpeitia.[147] His victory was indeed made triumphant, as he thrashed the provincial Carlist jefe Tirso de Olazábal[148] and as Carlos VII seemed more interested in defeating Nocedal personally than in result of electoral competition in all other districts. Great speaker,[149] in 1893 the Integrist leader repeated his Azpeitia triumph over the same opponent;[150] on the national basis the party gained 2 mandates against 7 obtained by the Carlists. In 1896 the Integrists failed to gain a single ticket; also Nocedal was defeated in Azpeitia.[151]

Integrist: final years

Integrist mandates, 1891-1905
year mandates
1891 Azpeitia (Nocedal), Zumaya (Zuzuarregui)
1893 Azpeitia (Nocedal), Pamplona (Campion)
1896 -
1898 -
1899 Azpeitia (Olazábal)
1901 Azpeitia (Aldama), Salamanca (Sánchez Campo), Pamplona (Nocedal)
1903 Pamplona (Nocedal), Salamanca (Sánchez Campo)
1905 Azpeitia (Sánchez Marco), Pamplona (Nocedal)

In mid-1890s Nocedal realized that his bid to launch a nationwide Catholic ultraconservative party had failed; clinging to his intransigence, he nevertheless refused to reconsider the Integrist project and thought it his moral duty to represent orthodox Christian values and confront liberalism against all odds.[152] Other members of the party were not so principled and until his death Nocedal had to deal with successive defections, though there was no-one who posed a serious threat to his personal lead.[153]

As early as 1893 the Integrist pundits, Juan Ortí y Lara and marqués de Acillona, advocated reformatting the party as a looser Catholic alliance;[154] once their proposal was rejected, they left.[155] Soon afterwards Nocedal expulsed the group supporting Arturo Campión,[156] another strong personality temporarily associated with Integrism; the breakup produced loss of the Navarrese daily El Tradicionalista and some Navarrese leaders.[157] In the late 1890s Integrism suffered in its stronghold, Gipuzkoa.[158] As they refused to step into line, the dissenters[159] were ousted by the local Junta, taking with them the provincial El Fuerista daily.[160] In 1899 Nocedal expulsed a Jesuit priest in the “Pey y Ordeix” affair, as he was accused of preaching heterodoxy.[161]

In 1898 Nocedal was elected a senator from Gipuzkoa,[162] but for unclear reasons he did not enter the upper chamber.[163] The turn of the centuries produced gradual rapprochement between Integrists and Carlists at the local level;[164] regional juntas agreed electoral deals first in Gipuzkoa[165] and later in Navarre.[166] As supporters of Carlos VII made sure Nocedal was excluded,[167] in Azpeitia the Integrists successfully fielded a local candidate, Juan Olazábal Ramery.[168] In 1901 Nocedal ran in Pamplona and lost,[169] but he entered Cortes due to procedural appeals.[170] 1903 marked more than a truce between former brethren, as Nocedal was elected from the Integrist-Carlist-Conservative list in the Navarrese capital,[171] re-elected on the same ticket in the last campaign of his life in 1905.[172] Though Nocedal calibrated all his political activity according to religious principles and though he intended to be the Church's most loyal son, he enjoyed significant support only amongst lower parochial vasco-navarrese clergy[173] and in Society of Jesus.[174] His relations with the hierarchy were a series of misgivings.[175] The episcopate, keen to stay on good terms with all governments, were alienated by intransigent Integrist strategy[176] and clear anti-establishment profile of the party. Denied the exclusive Catholic license, Nocedal more often than not clashed with the bishops on politics-related issues.[177] When in early 20th century Vatican changed its strategy, the new semi-democratic format of policy-making suited Íntegros even less.[178] Nocedal vehemently opposed the related malmenorismo; the ensuing public debate triggered the 1906 encyclical, Inter Catolicos Hispaniae, while nuncio Rinaldini blamed Nocedal for failure of a grand Catholic coalition.[179] Though at this point even the Jesuits turned away from Integrism,[180] as probably the last political initiative of his life Nocedal joined forces with the Carlist pundit Juan Vázquez de Mella and set up Alianza Católico-Antiliberal, a diehard electoral platform he did not endure to test.[181]

Reception and legacy

Some contemporaries concluded that Integrism died together with Nocedal,[182] the opinion which reflected his immense personal influence on the party but which underestimated the mobilizing potential of ultraconservative, militant Spanish Catholicism. The party leadership was assumed by a triumvirate[183] and shortly afterwards by Juan Olazábal Ramery,[184] who remained faithful to Nocedal's line. Until the early 1930s the party – at that time named Comunión Tradicionalista-Integrista[185] – maintained its branches in almost all Spanish provinces[186] and kept winning some seats in local elections, apart from the Vasco-Navarrese area gaining also few mandates in Catalonia and Andalusia.[187] In 1932 the Integrists re-united with Carlism and shared its later fate.[188] El Siglo Futuro remained in print for 61 years until its premises were ransacked by Republican militia in July 1936.[189]

Pedro Carlos González Cuevas classifies Nocedal as a predecessor of the Spanish far-right.[190] Integrism itself is viewed by some scholars as a temporary offshoot branch of Carlism,[191] and by some as a grouping with clearly separate ideological identity.[192]

Following Nocedal's death a multi-volume collection of his works, chiefly a vast selection of his press articles, but also novels and theatrical plays, was published in Madrid between 1907 and 1928;[193] part of it was reprinted in 2012 by an American public-domain publisher, Nabu Press.[194] In 1952 an anthology of his works was published by Editorial Tradicionalista, which defined him as a Traditionalist Carlist.[195] There are few streets in Spain named after Ramón Nocedal, e.g. the one in Elda. Perhaps the most lasting of all his initiatives is Colegio El Carmen, an educational institution he decided to set up with his wife in Manises and functional as a Catholic college until today.[196]

See also

Further reading

External links

Notes and References

  1. Ángel Ramón del Valle Calzado, Desamortización eclesiástica en la provincia de Ciudad Real, 1836-1854, Murcia 1995,, 9788488255846, p. 221
  2. Valle Calzado 1995, p. 275
  3. Valle Calzado 1995, pp. 125, 145
  4. Valle Calzado 1995, p. 221
  5. Valle Calzado 1995, pp. 221-2
  6. Valle Calzado 1995, p. 267
  7. Juan Sisinio Pérez Garzón, Milicia nacional y revolución burguesa: el prototipo madrileño, 1808-1874, Madrid 1978,, 9788400037857, p. 414
  8. see the official Senado service available here
  9. From Ciudad Real and Madrid, see the official Cortes service available here
  10. see Julián Romea entry [in:] Región de Murcia Digital service, available here, also Pedro Soler, Dos siglos del nacimiento de Julián Romea, [in:] ababol service, available here
  11. Pedro Soler, Dos siglos del nacimiento de Julián Romea
  12. for most detailed account available see Antonio de los Reyes, Julián Romea, el actor y su contorno (1813-1868), Murcia 1977,
  13. see Inventory Piece CE1577 of Museo Nacional del Romanticismo at Ministerio de educación, cultura y deporte site, available here; her portrait features as Inventory Piece CE0154, available here
  14. Matías Fernández García, Parroquia madrileña de San Sebastián: algunos personajes de su archivo, Madrid 1995,, 9788487943393, p. 49
  15. María Asunción Ortiz de Andrés, Masonería y democracia en el siglo XIX: el Gran Oriente Español y su proyección político-social (1888-1896), Madrid 1993,, 9788487840210, p. 169
  16. exact dates of his university years are unknown
  17. La España 09.10.1861, available here
  18. Fernández García 1995, p. 49
  19. ABC 04.06.52, available here
  20. Fernández García 1995, p. 266; though he left Philippines at the age of 9 months, in Spain he published some works about the islands, see Enrique Arias Anglés, Relaciones artísticas entre España y América, Madrid 1990,, 9788400070656, p. 469
  21. José María Moreno Royo, Ramón Nocedal y Manises, [in:] Las Provincias 24.11.65, available also here
  22. Agustín Fernández Escudero, El marqués de Cerralbo (1845-1922): biografía politica [PhD thesis], Madrid 2012, pp. 99-100
  23. Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 100
  24. Jordi Canal i Morell, La masonería en el discurso integrista español a fines del siglo XIX: Ramón Nocedal y Romea, [in:] J. A. Ferrer Benimeli (ed.), Masonería, revolución y reacción vol. 2, Alicante 1990,, p. 773
  25. by Jaime Balmes and Donoso Cortés; Ramón Nocedal admitted both of them his intellectual masters, together with Joseph De Maistre, see Begoña Urigüen, Orígenes y evolución de la derecha española: el neo-catolicismo, Madrid 1986,, 9788400061579, p. 54
  26. together with Navarro Villoslada, Gabino Tejado, Ramón Vinader and Aparisi y Guijarro, see José Luis Orella Martínez, El origen del primer catolicismo social español [PhD thesis at Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia], Madrid 2012, p. 35
  27. La Época 05.11.64, available here
  28. Urigüen 1986, pp. 215-6
  29. Urigüen 1986, p. 217
  30. La Época 11.03.67, available here
  31. La Esperanza 10.10.67, available here
  32. La Esperanza 11.09.67, available here
  33. presided by his father, see La Correspondencia de España 08.04.67, available here
  34. Urigüen 1986, p.280
  35. owned by Cándido Nocedal, see La España 21.11.67, available here
  36. La Época 21.11.67, available here
  37. He wrote: “un periódico no es un tribunal, ni una cátedra, ni un libro: es un arma de combate, es un soldado, ó á lo sumo un pelotón de soldados”, quoted after Urigüen 1986, s. 551
  38. “El artículo desde la primera línea hasta la última, es un tegido de apreciaciones equivocadas, según nuestra pobre opinion; pero está escrito con analogía, sintaxis, prosodia y ortografía. Saludamos corteamente al nuevo periodista, olvidándonos solo para este caso, de todos los desatinos, desvergüenzas y suciedades que contenia el número de La Constancia da anteayer”, see El Imparcial 19.12.67, available here
  39. Gil Blas 24.11.67, available here
  40. Urigüen 1986, pp. 277, 298
  41. Urigüen 1986, p. 278; both threads were rebuffed by the Carlist titles like La Esperanza or La Perseverancia, Urigüen 1986, p. 279
  42. Urigüen 1986, p. 285
  43. by the so-called partido de la porra, see Eduardo González Calleja, La razón de la fuerza: orden público, subversión y violencia política en la España de la Restauración (1875-1917), Madrid 1998,, p. 27
  44. Urigüen 1986, p. 331-2
  45. Urigüen 1986, p. 360
  46. La Esperanza 28.12.68, available here
  47. La Esperanza 15.01.69, available here
  48. La Discusión 01.02.69, available here
  49. Revista de España 1870, p. 152, available here
  50. La Discusión 12.02.70, available here, also La Época 12.02.70, available here, in La Esperanza 12.02.70, availablehere, La Época 16.02.70, availablehere
    two best known Nocedal’s dramas are El juez de su causa (1868) and La Carmañola (1869), released under the pen-name Un Ingenio de Esta Corte, see Germán Bleiberg, Maureen Ihrie, Janet Pérez, Dictionary of the Literature of the Iberian Peninsula, vol. 2, Westport 1993,, 9780313287329, p. 1166. His works are summarised as influenced by classic Spanish theatre and with echos of Manuel Tamayo, see Jesús Bregante, Diccionario espasaE Literatura española, Madrid 2003,, p.663
  51. La Esperanza 18.08.70, available here
  52. La Esperanza 10.12.70, available here; he also contributed to various 1870 publications, see La Convicción 17.01.71, availablehere, La Esperanza 02.12.70, availablehere
  53. Bregante 2003, p. 663 notes that theatrical performances of his works at times triggered scandals. This is probably a reference to violence, which erupted between spectators during the La Carmañola performance in 1870; the following day civil governor of Madrid suspended the play. The same work elicited sort of theatrical reply, which took form of La verdadera Carmañola, a comedy by a democratic deputy Luis Blanc ; the latter approached Nocedal as a Carlist. For details see Gregorio de la Fuente Monge, El teatro republicano de la Gloriosa, [in:] Ayer 72 (2008), pp. 108-9
  54. Urigüen 1986, p. 380
  55. Urigüen 1986, p. 297
  56. Cándido Nocedal noted in 06.04.71 letter to Isabel II that “la rama de Don Carlos representaba los buenos principios, unicos salvadores del orden social, de la unidad catolica, de la monarquia verdadera”, quoted after Urigüen 1986, p, 385
  57. Urigüen 1986, pp. 328, 393
  58. La Época 10.05.70, available here
  59. La Época 28.02.71, available here
  60. La Convicción, 28.02.71, available here, also La Convicción 20.03.71, available here, Urigüen 1986, p. 437
  61. see the official Cortes service, available here
  62. in an 1871 letter to Ramon Nocedal, the Carlist claimant Carlos VII wrote: "Tú y tus compañeros del Senado y del Congreso sois hoy a representación de mi España; y ese hidalgo pueblo sabe cumplir siempre su deber, como yo sé cumplir el mío”, quoted after José Fermín Garralda Arizcun, Primer siglo de carlismo en España (1833-1931). Luchas y esperanzas en épocas de aparente bonanza política, Pamplona 2013, p. 60
  63. see his onslaught on the cortes speaker at La Discusión 24.05.71, available here
  64. in 1871 Carlists voted against legality of the International in Spain. Though theoretically registration of various organisations was a mere administrative task, this time the problem arose since the Spanish branch of the International would have been nominally subordinated to a body outside Spain, which was incompatible with the constitution; this constitutional stipulation was originally designed by the Liberals as a measure against Roman Catholic organizations, especially the Jesuit order, Urigüen 1986, pp. 414-6
  65. when speaking in the Cortes Ramón Nocedal made references to “monarchy of don Amadeo, which unfortunately governs us”, this elicited numerous protests, see La correspondencia de España 24.05.71, available here; he advocated the right to insurrection, see El Imparcial 24.05.71, available here. In 1871 Nocedal practiced as abogado and defended in politically sensitive cases, e.g. representing those who faced legal action for denouncing an “injurioso” Don Amadeo, see La Esperanza 10.07.71, available here
  66. the document called not to pay annual financial contributions; according to the constitution they were not obligatory and hence the manifesto remained within the borders of legality. The point was that only payers of the annual fees were entitled to take part in elections, and the call amounted to repudiation of the electoral system, see Urigüen 1986, p. 512
  67. Urigüen 1986, pp. 495, 469-470, 512, Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 60
  68. La Esperanza 22.03.72, available here and La Esperanza 26.03.72, available here
  69. La Época 06.04.72, available here; this defeat proved irrelevant as the Carlist claimant ordered those elected to withdraw soon afterwards, Urigüen 1986, p. 457
  70. Diario official de avisos de Madrid 08.06.72, available here, El Imparcial 11.06.72, available here, La Correspondencia de España 28.09.72, available here
  71. e.g. he sent an open letter supporting canonigo capitular of Santiago de Cuba in his refusal to accept a bishop nominated by the republican authorities, Urigüen 1986, p. 529
  72. Fernández García 1995, p. 49
  73. La Correspondencia de España 01.06.75, available here
  74. E.g. the play “Marta” in 1874, La Época 25.02.74, available here
  75. In June 1874, when Nocedal was supposed to reside in Pozuelo de Alarcón, there was a problem with his correspondence, see Diario oficial de avisos de Madrid 22.06.74, available here
  76. its declared objectives were: “defender la integridad de los derechos de la Iglesia, propagar las doctrinas católicas y combatir los errores contrarios que en este siglo están en boga y abundan”, El Siglo Futuro 19.03.75, available here
  77. the front-page editorial in the first issue suggested that it was actually the 13th century which constituted a point of reference, see El Siglo Futuro 19.03.75
  78. Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 47
  79. Urigüen 1986, p. 529, Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 48
  80. Jordi Canal i Morell, Banderas blancas, boinas rojas: una historia política del carlismo, 1876-1939, Madrid 2006,, 9788496467347, p. 64 claims there were 20,000 Carlists exiled; Javier Real Cuesta, El Carlismo Vasco 1876-1900, Madrid 1985, p. 1 gives the number of 12,500
  81. known as La Peregrinación de Santa Teresa
  82. Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 51-53; though some authors claim it was an attempt to launch an all-Catholic ultraconservative party, Real Cuesta 1985, pp. 112-12
  83. Jordi Canal i Morell, Las “muertes” y las “resurrecciones” del carlismo. Reflexiones sobre la escisión integrista de 1888, [in:] Ayer 38 (2000), p. 133
  84. Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 59; Nocedal also opposed to de Cerralbo's entry into the senate (marques was entitled to the senator chair by virtue of his grandeza de España), Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 71, Canal i Morell 2000, p. 133
  85. Real Cuesta 1985, p. 17
  86. Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 59
  87. Real Cuesta 1985, p. 20
  88. Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 56
  89. most likely due to lukewarm approach of Leon XIII, unwilling to get trapped in Spanish politics, see Fernández Escudero 2012, pp. 52, 56
  90. Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 53
  91. especially the so-called pidalistas, expulsed from Carlism in 1881, see Real Cuesta 1985, p. 29, Garralda Arizcun 2013, p. 74, John N. Schumacher, Integrism. A Study in XIXth Century Spanish politico-religious Thought, [in:] Catholic Historical Review, 48/3 (1962), pp. 345-6, José Ramón Barreiro Fernández, El Carlismo Gallego, Santiago de Compostela 1976,, pp. 275-80
  92. Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 69
  93. on El Siglo Futuro vs. La Fé see Fernández Escudero 2012, pp. 58-9, on El Siglo Futuro vs. El Fénix see Real Cuesta 1985, pp. 17-18
  94. Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 62
  95. Apart from de Cerralbo also de Melgar, Valde-Espina and Sangarrén, see Fernández Escudero 2012, pp. 55, 65-6, 81. Sangarrén confessed he bowed to “the tyranny of Cándido Nocedal” only because the latter was appointed by the king
  96. Real Cuesta 1985, p. 16
  97. Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 62
  98. Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 79
  99. Román Oyarzun, Historia del Carlismo, Valladolid 2008, p. 393
  100. like a Junta created to erect a monument to Zumalacárregui, see Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 91
  101. Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 98
  102. Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 100
  103. Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 102
  104. Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 101
  105. Real Cuesta 1985, p. 66
  106. Canal i Morell 2000, p. 118
  107. Real Cuesta 1985, p. 85
  108. when anti-nocedalista La Fe referred to the claimant’s Manifesto de Morentín of 1875 as to the policy that should be followed, El Siglo Futuro responded that the document was inspired by “mestizos” like Valentín Gómez and contained dangerously liberal leaning. Carlos VII responded by publishing a document titled El Pensamiento del Duque de Madrid, pointing that no paper can freely read his mind, Canal i Morell 2000, pp. 119-120. Some historians approach Integrist references to the Manifesto (which indeed contained vague phrases about potential need to adjust Carlist politics to circumstances) as a cover story obscuring clearly ambitional Nocedal's motives, some historians to the contrary, highlight the document as a proof of proto-socialist leanings of Carlos VII, which elicited rebellion of reactionary Nocedal
  109. “No te engaña la conciencia al sugerirte que debo estar muy enojado contigo. Lo estoy á tal punto, que sólo por la memoria de tu padre, que fue siempre modelo de disciplina, consiento en escribirte yo mismo, aunque por tu conducta no lo merecerias. Has faltado á tu mision de periodista monárquico y á tus deberes de súbdito leal, introduciendo en nuestro campo la discordia, con empeño que sólo iguala al que pongo yo en extinguirla.No es cierto que entre los tradicionalistas haya dos banderas, según tú te obstinas en propalar. No hay más que una: la mia, (…) Lejos de eso, tu saña no se detuvo”, quoted after Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 104
  110. Nocedal referred to a traditional Carlist doctrine when he declared that the claimant possessed “legitimidad de origen pero no de ejercicio”. He went on, commencing with the invocation which was nothing less than an insult when applied to the king: "Señor: en periódicos que se llaman carlistas, y algunos de ellos firmados por personas á quien V. honra y distingue, se han proclamado como principios de nuestra política, como artículos de nuestro credo, como lemas de nuestra bandera errores tan graves como estos: Que el Rey es la primera palabra de nuestro lema, el primer fundamento de nuestro derecho, el dogma capital de nuestra causa, (…) Que hay que ceder á las aspiraciones de la civilizacion moderna, y prescindir de los principios é instituciones que no sean compatibles con el liberalismo, y establecer la tolerancia religiosa (…) Que hemos de renunciar á defender los principios que puedan espantar ó retraer á nuestros enemigos; á los liberales que les espantan y retraen todos nuestros principios fundamentales, desde la soberanía social de Jesucristo hasta la misma monarquía tradicional (…) Que lo que importa es triunfar, aunque sea sin las doctrinas, (…) Que el Papa se atenga á lo religioso, y se deje al Rey hacer lo que quiera en lo político (…) Que se separe de la autoridad real la facultad legislativa, que es establecer la division de poderes en que se apoya el parlamentarismo. Que los intereses materiales tienen más importancia que los morales (…) Que hay que dejarse de integridades é intransigencias, y procurar y proclamar la union de la antigua España con la moderna", quoted after Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 107
  111. Oyarzun 2008, pp. 532-533, Jaime del Burgo Torres, Carlos VIl y su tiempo, Pamplona 1994, pp. 328-9, Manuel Ferrer Muñoz, Los frustrados intentos de colaborar entre el partido nacionalista vasco y la derecha navarra durante la segunda república, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 49 (1988), p. 131
  112. Canal i Morell 2000, p. 129
  113. Canal i Morell 2000, p. 130; this was in turn a reference to his uncle and suggestion that Nocedal was good at nothing but acting. In even more extreme variants of the power-greedy-Ramón theory, Nocedal and El Siglo Futuro are presented as puppets manipulated by the freemasonry, Canal i Morell 1990, p. 776
  114. though Nocedal has never ceased to oppose modernising designs of the liberals, who promoted administrative homogenisation; he kept defending traditional local fueros, see Francisco José Fernández de la Cigoña, El pensamiento contrarrevolucionario español: Ramón Nocedal el parlamentario integrista, [in:] Verbo 193-4 (1981), pp. 617-619; for the Integrist vision of the fueros compared to visions held by other groupings, see José Fermín Garralda Arizcun, La patria en el pensamiento tradicional español (1874-1923) y el “patriotismo constitucional”, [in:] Añales Fundación Elías de Tejada 9 (2003), pp. 108-109; Olazábal's La Constancia referred to him as "fervoroso fuerista", see here
  115. Jaime Lluis y Navas, Las divisiones internas del carlismo a través de la historia, [in:] Homenaje a Jaime Vicens Vives, vol. 2, Barcelona 1967, pp. 331-334, José Andres Gallego, La politica religiosa en España, Madrid 1975, pp. 26-34, José Barreiro Fernández, EL carlismo gallego, Santiago de Compostela 1976, pp. 280-281; referred after Canal i Morell 2000
  116. the impact of the breakup on the rank-and-file was not huge; in popular talk the Integrists claimed that “Carlos VII became a Liberal”, while the Carlists claimed that “Nocedal betrayed the king”, Real Cuesta 1985, p. 90
  117. Barreiro Fernandez 1976, pp. 280-1
  118. Real Cuesta 1985, p. 88
  119. [Melchor Ferrer Dalmau|Melchor Ferrer]
  120. named at different stages neocatólicos, tradicionalistas, nocedalistas/nocedalinos or integristas/integros
  121. impartial scholarly version of this theory is prestented in Urigüen 1986; also Antonio Moliner Prada, Félix Sardà i Salvany y el integrismo en la Restauración, Barcelona 2000,, 9788449018541, p. 80, mentions "convergencia táctica entre carlismo e integrismo"
  122. compare Josep Carles Clemente, Historia del Carlismo contemporáneo, Barcelona 1977, : “ingresaron el el Carlismo grupos de la derecha integrista. Esas minorias, aunque intentaron influir en la ideologia y en la línea del partido, nunca arraiganon en él” (pp. 13-14), also “integrismo infiltrado en sus filas” (p. 23), "la infiltración se iba desarrollando", José Carlos Clemente, Breve historia de las guerras carlistas, Madrid 2011,, 9788499671697, p. 150
  123. Josep Carles Clemente, Los días fugaces. El Carlismo. De las guerras civiles a la transición democratica, Cuenca 2013,, p. 28
  124. Canal i Morell 2000, pp. 134-5. The same stand in Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 121: “En definitiva, fueron tres las causas que pueden explicar esta escisión. Estando en primer lugar Ramón Nocedal con su frustración y despecho por no lograr la delegación exclusiva del carlismo en España que su padre había ostentado entre 1879 y 1885. En segundo lugar se podría citar la influencia del auge a nivel europeo del integrismo. Y la tercera y última vía se puede buscar en los motivos religiosos e ideológicos”
  125. Canal i Morell 2000, p. 115
  126. Canal i Morell 2000, p. 122
  127. all Carlist periodicals in Vascongadas opted for Integrism, Idoia Estornés Zubizarreta, Aproximación a un estudio de las elecciones y partidos políticos en Euskadi, desde 1808 hasta la Dictadura de Primo de Rivera, [in:] Historia del Pueblo Vasco, San Sebastián 1979, p. 177. Integrist periodicals mushroomed in Catalonia, though they were usually short-lived, see Solange Hibbs-Lissorgues, La prensa católica catalana de 1868 a 1900 (III), [in:] Anales de Literatura Española 10 (1994), pp. 168-170. In the entire Spain there were 24 periodicals switching to Integrism according to Canal i Morell 2000, p. 122, and 25 according to Real Cuesta 1985, p. 87. The Carlists had to make up especially for the loss of El Siglo Futuro, setting up a new nationwide daily of comparable standing. They also launched a periodical designed exclusivey to mock Nocedal, titled Don Ramón, Semanario nocedalista-descarado, Canal i Morell 2000, p. 124
  128. Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 118; some authors claim it was launched as Partido Católico Monárquico, see José Carlos Clemente, Seis estudios sobre el carlismo, Madrid 1999,, 9788483741528 p. 20
  129. Real Cuesta 1985, p. 108, Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 119
  130. Nocedal was labelled “representative of the Church in the Cortes”, though it is not clear whether the term was auto-applied by himself or by the others, Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 53; another clarification of the name offered is that it referred to integral (i.e. not partial) papal teaching, see Rafael María Sanz de Diego, Integrismo, [in:] Charles E. O'Neill, Joaquín María Domínguez (eds.), Diccionario histórico de la Compañía de Jesús, vol. 3, Madrid 2001,, 9788484680390, p. 2056
  131. sometimes referred to as Partido Católico-Nacional, see Ignacio Fernández Sarasola, Los partidos políticos en el pensamiento español: de la llustración a nuestros días, Madrid 2009,, 9788496467958, p. 153; the official party named has not been changed until Nocedal's death, see El Siglo Futuro 01.03.07, available here
  132. mirroring the emerging Carlist organization, see Canal i Morell 2000, p. 126, Real Cuesta 1985, p. 110
  133. in 1889-1893 the executive role was with a Junta Central, presided by Nocedal; other members of Junta Central were Juan Ortí y Lara, Liborio Ramery Zuzuarregui, Javier Rodríguez de la Vera, José Pérez de Guzmán, Fernando Fernández de Velasco, Ramón M. Alvarado and Carlos Gil Delgado, Canal i Morell 2000, p. 127, Canal i Morell 1990, p. 778; in 1893, during national gathering of 88 delegates, representing 17 juntas regionales, the central collegial executive was dissolved
  134. María Obieta Vilallonga, La escisión del «Tradicionalista» de Pamplona del seno del Partido Integrista (1893): la actitud de «El Fuerista» de San Sebastián, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 10 (1988), p. 309, Real Cuesta 1985, pp. 108-9
  135. Liberalism is a sin (1886) by an Integrism-related priest Félix Sardà y Salvany remained probably the preferred Integrist lecture
  136. present-day scholar summarises major points of the document as follows: “absoluto imperio de la fe católica «íntegra»; condena del liberalismo como «pecado»; negación de los «horrendos delirios que con el nombre de libertad de conciencia, de culto, de pensamiento y de imprenta, abrieron las puertas a todas las herejías y a todos los absurdos extranjeros»; descentralización regional y un cierto indiferentismo en materia de forma de gobierno”; Pedro Carlos González Cuevas, Las tradiciones ideológicas de la extrema derecha española, [in:] Hispania LXI/I (2001), p. 118
  137. on Nocedal and political parties, see Fernández de Cigoña 1981, pp. 608-617
  138. Sarasola 2009, pp. 153-154
  139. Fernández Escudero 2012, pp. 102, 119-20
  140. Gabriel Alférez Callejón, Historia Del Carlismo, Madrid 1995,, 978848786339, pp. 184-187, Fernández de Cigoña 1981, pp. 619-622
  141. Moliner Prada 2000, p. 95; analysis of the Integrist program pp. 94-99
  142. Real Cuesta 1985, p. 110-1
  143. Martin Blinkhorn, Carlism and Crisis in Spain 1931-1939, Cambridge 2008,, 9780521086349, p. 11
  144. Integrists were prepared to form electoral alliances even with the Liberals if that was to produce a Carlist defeat; Real Cuesta 1985, p. 207; “antes que carlista, cualquier cosa: republicano, fusionista, conservador, cualquier cosa antes que carlista”, quoted after Jesús María Zaratiegui Labiano, Efectos de la aplicación del sufragio universal en Navarra. Las elecciones generals de 1886 y 1891, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 57 (1996), p. 181
  145. the most famous act of violence was this of Teatro del Olimpia in Barcelona in November 1888, Canal i Morell 2000, p. 124
  146. the most Integrist electoral district in Spain proved to be Azpeitia, and within it the town of Azcoitia, described as "el pueblo más integrista de toda España", Coro Rubio Pobes, José Luis de la Granja, Santiago de Pablo, Breve historia de Euskadi: De los fueros a la autonomía, Barcelona 2011, 849992039X, 9788499920399, p. 132
  147. see the official Cortes service available here.; this electoral district was picked by Nocedal as the huge and massively popular Jesuit Loyola sanctuary was located in the area; with Jesuits sympathetic towards Integrism, these calculations might not have been unfounded, see Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 244
  148. Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 122
  149. according to an anecdote, Antonio Cánovas when asked about Nocedal in 1891, replied: "in ten years he will be the greatest orator in the parliament". Two days later, following Nocedal's onslaught on Silvela, Cánovas was asked the same question again. "Well, two years have passed already" - replied he, quoted after Fernández de la Cigoña 1981, pp. 604-5
  150. some authors claim that following numerous protests and appeals, Nocedal’s mandate was annulled, see Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 248, Canal i Morell 1990, p. 779. This information is not confirmed by the official Cortes service, which lists Nocedal as regularly elected and serving, see here
  151. though not by Tirso do Olazábal but by Joaquín María de Arana y Beláustegui; his defeat was marginal, see Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 315, also La Iberia 13.04.1896, available here. In 1903 Nocedal lost, by much larger margin, to his brother, Teodoro de Arana y Beláustegui
  152. Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 124
  153. the only Integrist of comparable prestige was Félix Sardà y Salvany; the two remained loyal collaborators until Nocedal's death. For a sample of his Integrist address, see here
  154. Obieta Vilallonga 1988, p. 310
  155. Canal i Morell 2000, p.127
  156. Canal i Morell 2000, p. 127; apart from issues related to Basque identity and provincial rights, the two clashed on Catholic doctrine, role of religion in public life and philosophy of law. Campión, a Christian conservative politician with pre-nationalist Basque leaning, was neither a Carlist nor an Integrist. For his controversies v. Nocedal see Vicente Huici Urmeneta, Ideología y política en Arturo Campión, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 163 (1981), p. 651, 671, Emilio Majuelo, La idea de historia en Arturo Campion, Donostia 2011,, pp. 75-80
  157. like Francisco de las Rivas or José Pérez de Guzmán, see El Tradicionalista entry at Gran Enciclopedia Navarra online, available here
  158. what triggered the conflict remains disputed. One theory highlights the alliance strategy; in 1895 Nocedal changed his recommendations, suggesting coalitions with parties offering the best deal instead of the most approximate ones. Another theory attributes the conflict to nationalist penchant of the dissenters; see Idoia Estornés Zubizarreta, Integrismo entry [in:] Auñamendi Eusko Entziklopedia online, available here, Carlos Larrinaga Rodríguez, El surgimiento del pluralismo político en el País Vasco (1890-1898). Fragmentación política y primeros síntomas de resquebrajamiento del bipartidismo, [in:] Vasconia 25 (1998), p. 250
  159. led by Pedro Grijalba, Ignacio Lardizábal and Aniceto de Rezola
  160. Real Cuesta 1985, pp. 122-127
  161. Real Cuesta 1985, p. 112
  162. El Siglo Futuro 11.04.98, available here, also La Época 12.04.98, available here; some sources claim he was not elected, see Nocedal y Romea, Ramón, 1842-1907 entry [in:] Fundación Ignacio Larramendi site, available here
  163. see the official Senado service available here
  164. Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 360
  165. Real Cuesta 1985, p. 190
  166. Jose María Remírez de Ganuza López, Las Elecciones Generales de 1898 y 1899 en Navarra, [in] Príncipe de Viana 49 (1988), p. 367
  167. Real Cuesta 1985, p. 190; even earlier Carlos VII was somewhat irritated by the bottom-up worked rapprochement with the traitors and reminded his followers that only the king can grant pardon to the rebels, Fernández Escudero 2012, pp. 235, 322
  168. slightly different version in Moliner Prada 2000, p. 98; the author claims that Nocedal considered an alliance with the Carlists and withdrew himself into the shadow to facilitate the deal
  169. El Imparcial 20.05.01, available here
  170. Nocedal y Romea, Ramon [in:] Gran Enciclopedia Navarra online, available here; see also the official Cortes service, available here; at that time Nocedal enjoyed support of the right wing of the Conservatives; in 1903 Maura insisted to the civil governor of Navarre that electing the Integrist Jefe was in the public interest, Ana Gutiérrez Lloret, ¡A las urnas, en defensa de la fe! La movilización política católica en la España de comienzos del siglo XX, [in:] Pasado y Memoria 7 (2008), p. 247
  171. see the official Cortes service, available here
  172. see the official Cortes service, available here.
  173. Real Cuesta 1985, p. 111
  174. Real Cuesta 1985, p. 111, Fernández Escudero 2012, pp. 120, 244
  175. for discussion of Nocedal’s conflicts with the hierarchy in the 1880s see Cristóbal Robles Muñoz, Insurrección o legalidad: los católicos y la restauración, Madrid 1988,, pp. 47, 56, 374. Silvela noted that he held the honor of having been "entre nuestros hombres públicos uno de los que con más frecuencia ha sido condenado" by the hierarchy, quoted after Cristóbal Robles, Cristóbal Robles Muñoz, José María de Urquijo e Ybarra: opinión, religión y poder, Madrid 1997,, 9788400076689, p. 52
  176. this statement does not necessarily apply to Nocedal’s all-out war against freemasonry; for detailed discussion, see Canal i Morell 1990; see also the discussion on El Siglo Futuro and the freemasonry after Nocedal’s death, Isabel Martín Sánchez, La campaña antimasónica en El Siglo Futuro, [in:] Historia y Comunicación Social 1999, pp. 73-87
  177. For a sample see Cristóbal Robles Muñoz, Católicos y cuestión foral. La crisis de 1893-1894, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 10 (1988), p. 400
  178. for detailed discussion of the process see Gutiérrez Lloret 2008; the first phase (until 1903) consisted of assembling Congresos Católicos (pp. 241-245), the second phase (1903-1905) consisted of launching Ligas Católicas (pp. 245-248)
  179. Cristóbal Robles Muñoz, Católicos y participación política en Navarra (1902-1905), [in:] Príncipe de Viana 10 (1988), p. 413
  180. Gutiérrez Lloret 2008, p. 249, Robles Muñoz 1988, p. 412, Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 419; Alfonso Botti in Nocedal personal entry claims somewhat confusingly that “the Jesuits campaigned against” Nocedal, see Roy P. Domenico, Mark Y. Hanley (eds.), Encyclopedia of Modern Christian Politics: L-Z (vol. 2), Westpoint 2006,, p. 415; for the most concise review of Jesuit stand towards Integrism, see Sanz de Diego 2001, pp. 2057-2058; in brief, the author separates 4 phases: 1. 1875-1888; 2. 1888-1892; 3. 1892-1906; 4. after 1906
  181. Gutiérrez Lloret 2008, p. 257; Nocedal died due to angina pectoris, Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 419
  182. Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 422
  183. José Sánchez Marco, Benito de Guinea and Juan Olazábal according to El Siglo Futuro 11.04.07 available here, or Juan de Olazábal, José Sánchez Marco and Manuel Aznar according to José Urbano Asarta Epenza, Juan de Olazábal Ramery entry, [in:] Auñamendi Eusko Entziklopedia online, available here
  184. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 73
  185. El Siglo Futuro 11.04.30, available here
  186. except Canary Islands, see El Siglo Futuro, here
  187. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 42
  188. Blinkhorn 2008, pp. 73
  189. Benito Sacaluga, La prensa madrileña en la sublevación de 1936, [in:] Unidad Cívica por la República service, available here
  190. Pedro Carlos González Cuevas, Las tradiciones ideológicas de la extrema derecha española, [in:] Hispania LXI/I (2001), p. 118
  191. see e.g. Real Cuesta 1985; in numerous statistical tables (e.g. pp. 193, 273) he presents combined figures for both branches, usually labelled jointly “Tradicionalistas” and divided into “Integrists” and “Carlists”; the book itself, dedicated to Carlism, deals extensively (in separate chapters) with the Integrists and with the followers of Carlos VII
  192. see e.g. Urigüen 1986; the author underlines what she believes was a distinct identity of the nocedalistas; though her book in principle does not go beyond 1870, it refers to the 1888 split a few times and suggests a clear continuity between the pre-1870 nocedalista neocatólicos and the post-1888 nocedalista integros
  193. Botti 2006, p. 415
  194. Obras de D. Ramón Nocedal, Charleston 2012,, 9781274787941
  195. Antología de Ramón Nocedal Romea, preparada por Jaime de Carlos Gómez-Rodulfo, Editorial Tradicionalista, Madrid 1952. The Carlist publisher's prologue claimed all circumstantial differences with Integrism overcome (pp. 12-13): "No interesa ahondar en esta cuestión, zanjada ya por el tiempo, con la natural fusión y vuelta del integrismo a la Comunión Tradicionalista. Por encima de hehos lamentables y de contingencias circunstanciales, carlismo e integrismo lucharon por los mismos principios y contribuyeron a salvar las mismas doctrinas y, desaparecidas las causas que determinaron su separación, se encontraron otra vez juntos en la misma disciplina. Cabe, pues, olvidar esta riña de hermanos, y a la luz de la doctrina, que es lo eterno, por encima de los hechos accidentales, considerar a Ramón Nocedal, ahora, en 1951, como un tradicionalista carlista de siempre, y de los que, de forma destacada, han contribuido en grado máximo a la salvación de la Tradición española y a este vigor actual del Carlismo español, tan magníficamente evidenciado en el florecer de boinas rojas de 1936."
  196. Nocedal did not endure to see the college set up; the initiative was carried out by his wife and the college opened in 1911, see its official website here

This article is licensed under the GNU Free Documentation License. It uses material from the Wikipedia article "Ramón Nocedal Romea".

Except where otherwise indicated, Everything.Explained.Today is © Copyright 2009-2024, A B Cryer, All Rights Reserved. Cookie policy.