Proto-Hmongic | |
Also Known As: | Proto-Miao |
Familycolor: | Hmong-Mien |
Ancestor: | Proto-Hmong–Mien |
Target: | Hmongic languages |
Proto-Hmongic or Proto-Miao (Chinese: 原始苗语) is the reconstructed ancestor of the Hmongic languages.
In China, the first comprehensive reconstruction of Proto-Hmongic (Proto-Miao) was undertaken by Wang Fushi (1979).[1] Wang's 1979 manuscript was subsequently revised and published as Wang (1994).[2]
Ratliff (2010) includes reconstructions of Proto-Hmong–Mien, Proto-Hmongic, and Proto-Mienic.[3]
Below are some rime mergers in Proto-Hmongic, in which the first part of the Proto-Hmong-Mien rime is preserved.[3]
Proto-Hmong-Mien | Proto-Hmongic | |
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On the other hand, Proto-Hmongic retains some Proto-Hmong-Mien rime distinctions, whereas Proto-Mienic has merged the rimes.[3]
Proto-Hmong-Mien | Proto-Hmongic | Proto-Mienic | |
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The Proto-Hmongic tonal category C is derived from Proto-Hmong–Mien final *-k, while tonal category D in Proto-Hmongic is derived from Proto-Hmong–Mien finals *-p and *-t. Below are some examples of Proto-Hmongic tone C corresponding to Proto-Mienic tone D and Proto-Hmong-Mien final *-k.[3]
Gloss | Proto-Hmong-Mien | Proto-Hmongic | Proto-Mienic | |
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bird |
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guest (MC khæk) |
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hundred (MC pæk) |
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strength (OC *kə.rək) |
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six (PTB *k-ruk) |
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Although Proto-Hmongic does not have explicitly reconstructed final stops (i.e., *-p, *-t, *-k), Pa-Hng and Qo Xiong have vowel quality distinctions that correspond to whether the Proto-Hmong-Mien rime was open or closed. For example:[3]
Proto-Hmong-Mien | Pa-Hng (Baiyun) | Qo Xiong (Jiwei) | |
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| e, i | ei, i | |
| a | ɑ | |
| a | ||
| o |
Qo Xiong has -u for words developed from Proto-Hmong-Mien forms with closed rimes, while Qo Xiong words developed from Proto-Hmong-Mien forms with open rimes have -ə.[3]
Proto-Hmong-Mien | Qo Xiong | |
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tone 7 (< *-p, *-t, *-k) | u | |
tones 1; 3, 4 (< *-X); 5, 6 (< *-H) | ə |
Ratliff (2010) reconstructions only one final nasal for Proto-Hmongic. *-n/*-ŋ are in complementary distribution with each other, with *-n occurring after front vowels. Other than as *-ŋ, the Proto-Hmongic final nasal can alternatively be reconstructed as a single *-N.[3]
Taguchi (2022) proposes that nasal codas in open rimes in Proto-Hmongic are historically derived from nasal initial consonants.[4]
Ostapirat (2016) proposes velarized initials in Proto-Hmongic, which are not reconstructed by Ratliff (2010) and others. Qo Xiong retains distinct initial reflexes for forms developed from Proto-Hmongic *m.l- (> Qo Xiong n-) versus *m.lˠ- (> Qo Xiong mj-).[5]
Gloss | Proto-Hmongic | Qo Xiong (Jiwei) | Hmu (Yanghao) | Mashan Miao (Zongdi) | |
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rice plant |
| nɯ | na | mplæ | |
glutinous |
| nu | nə | mplu | |
tongue |
| mjɑ | ɲi | mple | |
smooth |
| mjɛ | — | mplein |
Taguchi (2023) also suggests that Ratliff's (2010) Proto-Hmongic *k- and *q- are in fact secondary developments from Proto-Hmong–Mien *kr- and *k-, respectively.[6] Ostapirat (2016) also revises Ratliff's uvulars (*q-, etc.) as velars (*k-, etc.).[5]
Some Proto-Hmongic and Proto-Mienic forms are cognate with each other, but a precise Proto-Hmong-Mien form cannot be easily reconstructed due to mismatches between the tonal categories, rimes, or onsets. Some examples of irregular correspondences between Proto-Hmongic and Proto-Mienic:[3]
Gloss | Proto-Hmong-Mien | Proto-Hmongic | Proto-Mienic | |
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to eat | – |
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finger | – |
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crossbow | (*hnək) |
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(he/she/it) |
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to go |
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