Juan Carlos Onganía Explained

Juan Carlos Onganía
Office:President of Argentina
Status:De facto
Term Start:29 June 1966
Term End:8 June 1970
Appointer:Military junta
Vicepresident:None
Predecessor:Arturo Umberto Illia
Birth Name:Juan Carlos Onganía Carballo
Birth Date:17 March 1914
Birth Place:Marcos Paz, Buenos Aires, Argentina
Death Place:Buenos Aires, Argentina
Spouse:María Emilia Green
Party:Independent
Profession:Military
Allegiance:Argentina
Branch:Argentine Army
Serviceyears:1934–1970
Rank: (Pre-1991 epaulette) Lieutenant General
Signature:Juan Carlos Onganía (firma).jpg

Juan Carlos Onganía Carballo (pronounced as /es/; 17 March 1914 – 8 June 1995[1]) was President of Argentina from 29 June 1966 to 8 June 1970. He rose to power as dictator after toppling the president Arturo Illia in a coup d'état self-named "Argentine Revolution".

Onganía wanted to install in Argentina a paternalistic dictatorship modeled on the Spanish Francisco Franco.[2] While preceding military coups in Argentina were aimed at establishing temporary, transitional juntas, the Revolución Argentina headed by Onganía aimed at establishing a new political and social order, opposed both to liberal democracy and to communism, which gave to the Armed Forces of Argentina a leading role in the political and economic operation of the country.[3] Onganía implemented a rigid censorship that reached the press and all cultural manifestations such as cinema, theater and even poetry.[4]

When the Armed Forces replaced the radical president in government with General Juan Carlos Onganía, they interrupted an attempt to set up the republic and led the country to the violence of the 1970s and subsequent decline.[5]

Family

Juan Carlos Onganía Carballo was born on 17 March 1914 in Marcos Paz, in the province of Buenos Aires to Carlos Luis Onganía and Sara Rosa Carballo Sosa. Onganía is of Italian ancestry (Lecco and Como).[6] His mother was of distant Portuguese ancestry.[7]

Presidency

Economic and social policies

While preceding military coups in Argentina were aimed at establishing temporary, transitional juntas, the Revolución Argentina headed by Onganía aimed at establishing a new political and social order, opposed both to liberal democracy and to communism, which gave to the Armed Forces of Argentina a leading role in the political and economic operation of the country. The political scientist Guillermo O'Donnell named this type of regime "authoritarian-bureaucratic state",[8] in reference both to the Revolución Argentina, the Brazilian military regime (1964–1985), Augusto Pinochet's regime (starting in 1973) and Juan María Bordaberry's regime in Uruguay.

While Chief of the Army in 1963, Onganía helped crush the 1963 Argentine Navy Revolt by mobilizing troops that seized rebelling Navy bases. However, he demonstrated a disregard for civil authority when he initially refused to call off his troops after a ceasefire agreement had been approved by President José María Guido and his cabinet, and was only convinced to follow orders after a tense meeting.[9]

As military dictator, Onganía suspended political parties and supported a policy of Participacionismo (Participationism, supported by the trade unionist José Alonso and then by the general secretary of the CGT-Azopardo, Augusto Vandor), by which representatives of various interest groups such as industry, labor, and agriculture, would form committees to advise the government. However these committees were largely appointed by the dictator himself. Onganía also suspended the right to strike (Law 16,936) and supported a corporatist economic and social policy, enforced particularly in Cordoba by the appointed governor, Carlos Caballero.

Onganía's Minister of Economy, Adálbert Krieger Vasena, decreed a wage freeze (amid 30% inflation) and a 40% devaluation, which adversely impacted the state of the Argentine economy (agriculture in particular), favoring foreign capital. Krieger Vasena suspended collective labour conventions, reformed the Fossil Fuels Law which had established a partial monopoly of the Yacimientos Petrolíferos Fiscales (YPF) state enterprise and also signed a law facilitating the expulsion of tenants in cases of non-payment of rent.

Cultural and education policy

Onganía's rule signified an end to university autonomy, which had been achieved by the University Reform of 1918.[10] [11]

Barely a month into his administration, he was responsible for the violation of university autonomy in the so-called La Noche de los Bastones Largos ("The Night of the Long Police Batons") in which he ordered police to invade the Faculty of Sciences of the University of Buenos Aires. Students and professors were beaten up and arrested. Many were later forced to leave the country, beginning a "brain drain" that adversely affects Argentine academia to this day.[12]

Onganía also ordered repression on all forms of "immoralism", proscribing miniskirts, long hair for boys, and all avant-garde artistic movements.[10] This moral campaign favorized the radicalization of the middle classes, who were very over-represented in universities.[10] In 1969, Ongania dedicated the country to the Immaculate Heart of Mary.[13]

Protests

Eventually, this position was opposed by the other factions in the military, which felt that its influence in government would be diminished. At the end of May 1968, General Julio Alsogaray dissented from Onganía, and rumors spread about a possible coup d'état, Alsogaray leading the conservative opposition to Onganía. Finally, at the end of the month, Onganía dismissed the leaders of the Armed Forces: Alejandro Lanusse replaced Julio Alsogaray, Pedro Gnavi replaced Benigno Varela, and Jorge Martínez Zuviría replaced Adolfo Alvarez. Ongania's government was weakened by a popular uprising of workers and students that took place in the whole of the country, in particular in the interior, in cities such as Córdoba in 1969 (known as "El Cordobazo") or Rosario (the Rosariazo).

The dominant military faction, led by General Lanusse, demanded that Onganía resign. When he refused, he was toppled by a military junta.[14]

Later life

After his departure from office the general decided to retire definitively to a Buenos Aires estate. He was critical of the human rights violations during the National Reorganization Process, the name given to the military dictatorship of Videla et al between 1976 and 1983.

In 1989 the Constitutional Nationalist Party proposed him to be a candidate, but he did not reach an agreement and remained away from politics. For the 1995 elections he was a candidate for president for the Front for Patriotic Solidarity after criticizing President Carlos Menem for the widespread corruption in his government. Before the election Onganía resigned from the ticket due to health issues, although his name continued to appear on the ballot.

He died of a stroke at the age of 81 on June 8, 1995.

See also

Notes and References

  1. News: Gen. Juan Carlos Ongania, Argentine Ex-President, 81. The New York Times. Eric Pace. June 9, 1995.
  2. Web site: Cuando Onganía derrotó a Illia. 29 June 2015.
  3. Book: Potash, Robert A.. The Army and Politics in Argentina 1962-1973. 1996. Stanford University Press. Stanford, California. 99–100. 9780804724142.
  4. Web site: Cuando Onganía derrotó a Illia. 29 June 2015.
  5. News: El golpe que desencadenó la crisis argentina. La Nación. 28 June 2016. Romero. Luis Alberto.
  6. Web site: Genealogia Familiar .
  7. Web site: Genealogia Familiar .
  8. [Guillermo O'Donnell]
  9. Book: Potash, Robert A.. The Army and Politics in Argentina 1962-1973. 1996. Stanford University Press. Stanford, California. 99–100. 9780804724142.
  10. Carmen Bernand, « D’une rive à l’autre », Nuevo Mundo Mundos Nuevos, Materiales de seminarios, 2008 (Latin-Americanist Review published by the EHESS)
  11. D'une rive à l'autre. Carmen. Bernand. 15 June 2008. Nuevo Mundo Mundos Nuevos. 10.4000/nuevomundo.35983. 13 October 2017. free.
  12. Web site: Argentina lidera la fuga de cerebros a Estados Unidos. Clarin.com. Clarin.com. 28 April 2005. 13 October 2017.
  13. Book: Sex and the State: Abortion, Divorce, and the Family Under Latin American Dictatorships and Democracies. Htun, M.. 2003. Cambridge University Press. 9780521008792. 67. 12 December 2014.
  14. .