Neo-Ottomanism Explained

Neo-Ottomanism (Turkish: Yeni Osmanlıcılık, Neo-Osmanlıcılık) is an irredentist and imperialist Turkish political ideology that, in its broadest sense, advocates to honor the Ottoman past of Turkey and promotes greater political engagement of the Republic of Turkey within regions formerly under the rule of the Ottoman Empire, the predecessor state that covered the territory of modern Turkey among others.[1] [2] [3] [4] [5]

Neo-Ottomanism emerged at the end of the Cold War with the dissolution of the Soviet Union,[6] forming two distinct waves of the ideology: the first, in the early 1990s, developed by the Turkish journalist and foreign policy advisor to President Turgut Özal, Cengiz Çandar; the second, associated with Ahmet Davutoğlu and his foreign policy goals of establishing Turkey as an influential power within the Balkans, Caucasia and the Middle East.[7] [8]

The term has been associated with Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's irredentist, interventionist and expansionist foreign policy in the Eastern Mediterranean and the neighboring Cyprus, Greece, Iraq, Syria, as well as in Africa, including Libya, and Nagorno-Karabakh.[9] [10] [11] [12] [13] [14] [15] [16] [17] [18] [19] However, the term has been rejected by members of the Erdoğan Government, such as the former Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu[20] and the former Parliament Speaker Mustafa Şentop.[21]

Overview

One of the first uses of the term was in a Chatham House paper by David Barchard in 1985,[22] in which Barchard suggested that a "Neo-Ottoman option" might be a possible avenue for Turkey's future development. It seems also to have been used by the Greeks sometime after Turkey's invasion of Cyprus in 1974.[23]

In the 21st century, the term has come to signify a domestic trend in Turkish politics, where the revival of Ottoman traditions and culture has been accompanied by the rise of the Justice and Development Party (Turkish: Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, abbreviated AKP founded in 2001) which came to power in 2002. The use of the ideology by Justice and Development Party has mainly supported a greater influence of Ottoman culture in domestic social policy which has caused issues with the secular and republican credentials of modern Turkey.[24] [25] The AKP have used slogans such as Turkish: Osmanlı torunu ("descendant of the Ottomans") to refer to their supporters and also their leader Recep Tayyip Erdoğan (who was elected President in 2014) during their election campaigns.[26] These domestic ideals have also seen a revival of neo-Ottomanism in the AKP's foreign policy. Besides acting as a clear distinction between them and ardent supporters of secularism, the social Ottomanism advocated by the AKP has served as a basis for their efforts to transform Turkey's existing parliamentary system into a presidential system, favouring a strong centralised leadership similar to that of the Ottoman era. Critics have thus accused Erdoğan of acting like an "Ottoman sultan".[27] [28] [29]

History

Neo-Ottomanism has been used to describe Turkish foreign policy under the Justice and Development Party which took power in 2002 under Erdoğan, who subsequently became Prime Minister. Neo-Ottomanism is a dramatic shift from the traditional Turkish foreign policy of the Kemalist ideology, which emphasized looking westward towards Europe. The shift away from this concept in Turkish foreign policy under Turgut Özal's government has been described as the first step towards neo-Ottomanism.[30] Özal's neo-Ottomanism is characterized by a rediscovery of Turkey's multiple identities, in contrast to the unitary conception of the Kemalist republic, and by a tendency to prioritize economic aspects rather than politico-state and security logics.[31]

Neo-Ottomanism had a basis in religious circles. Fethullah Gülen, an influential Islamic leader, looks both to personal transformation and social and political activism, and fully embraces Turkish nationalism—the defining characteristic of which is Islam, not nationality—and economic neoliberalism while stressing continuity with Turkey's Ottoman past.[32] His emphasis on the role of the state and neoliberalism are legacies of the changing nature of the late Ottoman state from the vantage point of the east, including conflicts between Muslims and Christians in Yugoslavia and, later, the expansion of the Soviet Union and the threat it posed.[32]

The Ottoman Empire was an influential global power which, at its peak, controlled the Balkans and most of the modern-day Middle East. Neo-Ottomanist foreign policy encourages increased engagement in these regions as part of Turkey's growing regional influence.[33] This foreign policy contributed to an improvement in Turkey's relations with its neighbors, particularly with Iraq, Iran and Syria. However Turkey's relations with Israel, once Turkey's ally, suffered, especially after the 2008–09 Gaza War[34] and the 2010 Gaza flotilla raid.[35]

Ahmet Davutoğlu, Turkish foreign minister from 2009 to 2014 and "head architect" of the new foreign policy, has, however, rejected the term "neo-Ottomanism" to describe his country's new foreign policy.[36]

Turkey's new foreign policy started a debate, principally in the Western media, as to whether Turkey is undergoing an "axis shift"; in other words whether it is drifting away from the West and heading towards the Middle East and Asia.[37] Such fears appear more frequently in Western media when Turkish tensions with Israel rise. Then-President Abdullah Gül dismissed claims that Turkey has shifted its foreign policy axis.[38]

Davutoğlu worked to define Turkey's new foreign policy on the principle of "zero problems with neighbours", as opposed to Neo-Ottomanism. "Soft power" is regarded as particularly useful.

Focused on the rhetoric of the encounter between civilizations, Davutoğlu takes up the approach of former President Turgut Özal, who was the first Turkish president to begin discussions on Turkey's accession to the West. The latter put an end to the crisis that arose following the 1974 coup in Cyprus in order to move closer to the Western bloc, and thus to look towards Asia and extend its area of influence towards the countries of the Caucasus.[39] Aiming at a policy of national harmony, Özal refuses any denial of specificity among Turkish citizens. He sought in particular to relaunch dialogue with the Kurds, wishing to put an end to the permanent state of war between the PKK and the Turkish state, a conflict which tarnished Turkey's image in the world.[40]

As President, Erdoğan has overseen a revival of Ottoman tradition.[41] [42] [43] While serving as the Prime Minister of Turkey, Erdoğan's AKP made references to the Ottoman era during election campaigns, such as calling their supporters 'grandchildren of Ottomans' (Osmanlı torunu).[44] This proved controversial, since it was perceived to be an open attack against the republican nature of modern Turkey founded by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. In 2015, Erdoğan made a statement in which he endorsed the old Ottoman term külliye to refer to university campuses rather than the standard Turkish word kampüs.[45] Many critics have thus accused Erdoğan of wanting to become an Ottoman sultan and abandon the secular and democratic credentials of the Republic.[46] [47] [48] [49] The American philosopher, Noam Chomsky, said that "Erdogan in Turkey is basically trying to create something like the Ottoman Caliphate, with him as caliph, supreme leader, throwing his weight around all over the place, and destroying the remnants of democracy in Turkey at the same time".[50]

When pressed on this issue in January 2015, Erdoğan rejected these claims and told TRT that he would aim to fill a role more similar to Queen Elizabeth II of the United Kingdom,[51] explaining, "In my opinion, even the UK is a semi-presidency. And the dominant element is the Queen".[52]

In July 2020, after the Council of State annulled the Cabinet's 1934 decision to establish the Hagia Sophia as museum and revoking the monument's status, Erdoğan ordered its reclassification as a mosque.[53] [54] The 1934 decree was ruled to be unlawful under both Ottoman and Turkish law as Hagia Sophia's waqf, endowed by Sultan Mehmed II, had designated the site a mosque; proponents of the decision argued the Hagia Sophia was the personal property of the sultan.[55] This redesignation is controversial, invoking condemnation from the Turkish opposition, UNESCO, the World Council of Churches, the Holy See, and many other international leaders.[56] [57] [58] In August 2020, he also signed the order that transferred the administration of The Chora to the Directorate of Religious Affairs to open it for worship as a mosque.[59] Initially converted to a mosque by the Ottomans, the building had then been designated as a museum by the government since 1934.[60] [41]

August 26, 2020, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan gave a speech, saying that "in our civilization, conquest is not occupation or looting. It is establishing the dominance of the justice that Allah commanded in the region. First of all, our nation removed the oppression from the areas that it conquered. It established justice. This is why our civilization is one of conquest. Turkey will take what is its right in the Mediterranean Sea, in the Aegean Sea, and in the Black Sea.[61] [41]

See also

Further reading

Notes and References

  1. Wastnidge. Edward. 2019-01-02. Imperial Grandeur and Selective Memory: Re-assessing Neo-Ottomanism in Turkish Foreign and Domestic Politics . Middle East Critique. 28. 1. 7–28. 10.1080/19436149.2018.1549232 . 149534930. 1943-6149.
  2. Web site: Erdogan's neo-Ottomanism a risky approach for Turkey. Arab News. Talmiz Ahmad. 27 September 2020. 13 May 2021.
  3. Web site: Turkey's Year of Living Dangerously. Foreign Policy. Allison Meakem. 25 December 2020. 13 May 2021.
  4. News: Imperialist aspirations of Turkey - Ankara on course for expansion (Original: Imperialistische Bestrebungen der Türkei - Ankara auf Expansionskurs). Joseph Croitoru. Die Tageszeitung: Taz. Die Tageszeitung (Taz). 9 May 2021. 13 May 2021.
  5. Web site: Briefing . Turkey: Remodelling the eastern Mediterranean. Branislav Stanicek. European Parliamentary Research Service . September 2020. 18 May 2021.
  6. Book: Raso Della Volta, Lea . Les paradoxes du nationalisme turc: La construction de l'identité de 1869 au néo-ottomanisme de Recep Erdogan . L'Harmattan . 2021 . 393 . 1268921056.
  7. Web site: 2009-07-08 . Neo-Ottoman minister . 2023-02-22 . POLITICO . en-US.
  8. Web site: The Davutoğlu Doctrine and Turkish Foreign Policy . 2023-02-22 . Docslib.
  9. Taşpınar. Ömer. 2012-08-01 . Turkey's Strategic Vision and Syria . The Washington Quarterly. 35. 3 . 127–140. 10.1080/0163660X.2012.706519. 154875841. 0163-660X.
  10. Antonopoulos. Paul. 2017-10-20. Turkey's interests in the Syrian war: from neo-Ottomanism to counterinsurgency. Global Affairs. 3. 4–5. 405–419 . 10.1080/23340460.2018.1455061. 158613563. 2334-0460.
  11. Web site: Danforth . Nick . Turkey's New Maps Are Reclaiming the Ottoman Empire . 2020-10-08 . Foreign Policy . 23 October 2016 . en-US.
  12. Web site: Sahar. Sojla. 2020-09-02. Turkey's Neo-Ottomanism is knocking on the door . 2020-10-08. Modern Diplomacy. en-US.
  13. Web site: Turkey's Dangerous New Exports: Pan-Islamist, Neo-Ottoman Visions and Regional Instability. Middle East Institute. 21 April 2020. 4 May 2021.
  14. Web site: Turkey's militarized foreign policy provokes Iraq. Arab News. Sinem Cengiz. 7 May 2021. 9 May 2021.
  15. Web site: Neo-Ottomanism: Turkey's foreign policy approach to Africa. Center for Strategic and International Studies . Asya Akca. 8 April 2019. 13 May 2021.
  16. Web site: Europe must wake up to Erdogan's neo-Ottoman ambition. CAPX. Michael Arizanti . 10 October 2020 . 13 May 2021.
  17. ReadCube. Srdja Trifkovic. Turkey as a regional power: Neo-Ottomanism in action. Politea. 2011. 1. 2. 83–95 . 10.5937/pol1102083t. free.
  18. Web site: The revival of neo-Ottomanism in Turkey. World Geostrategic Sights . Slaviša Milačić. 23 October 2020. 13 May 2021.
  19. Web site: Turkish Irredentism and the Greater Middle East. Jerusalem Institute for Strategy and Security. Hay Eytan Cohen Yanarocak . 8 November 2021. 12 November 2021.
  20. News: Raxhimi . Altin . Davutoglu: 'I'm Not a Neo-Ottoman' . 7 January 2021 . Balkan Insight . 26 April 2011.
  21. News: Rakipoglu . Zeynep . 'Turkey determined to protect its rights': Official . 21 June 2021 . www.aa.com.tr . 29 January 2021.
  22. Book: David Barchard. Turkey and the West. Royal Institute of International Moin Ali Khan Affairs. 1985. 0710206186.
  23. [Kemal H. Karpat]
  24. Web site: İstanbul Barosu'ndan AKP'li vekile çok sert tepki . 2020-10-08. www.cumhuriyet.com.tr. 16 January 2015 . tr.
  25. Web site: AKP'li vekil: Osmanlı'nın 90 yıllık reklam arası sona erdi. 2020-10-08. www.cumhuriyet.com.tr. 15 January 2015 . tr.
  26. Web site: İslami Analiz. 2020-10-08. www.islamianaliz.com. 28 October 2020. https://web.archive.org/web/20201028031605/https://www.islamianaliz.com/index.php. dead.
  27. Web site: AKP'nin Osmanlı sevdası ve... - Barış Yarkadaş . 8 February 2015. https://web.archive.org/web/20150208105310/http://www.gercekgundem.com/yazarlar/baris-yarkadas/2406/akpnin-osmanli-sevdasi-ve. 8 February 2015. dead.
  28. Web site: Yeniden Osmanlı hayalinin peşinden koşan AKP, felaketi yakaladı!... 2020-10-08. www.sozcu.com.tr. 15 May 2013 . tr.
  29. Web site: Kılıçdaroğlu: AKP çökmüş Osmanlıcılığı ambalajlıyor. 2020-10-08. T24. tr.
  30. Book: Murinson, Alexander . Turkey's Entente with Israel and Azerbaijan: State Identity and Security in the Middle East and Caucasus (Routledge Studies in Middle Eastern Politics) . . December 2009 . 119 . 978-0-415-77892-3.
  31. Kaya . Ugur . 2017 . Frontière et territorialité dans la perception du monde selon l'État turc . Confluences Méditerranée . 101 . 2 . 13–25 . 10.3917/come.101.0013 . 1148-2664.
  32. Web site: Fethullah Gülen . rlp.hds.harvard.edu . https://web.archive.org/web/20190327090655/https://rlp.hds.harvard.edu/faq/fethullah-g%C3%BClen . 27 March 2019 . dead.
  33. Web site: Turkey's Middle East Policies: Between Neo-Ottomanism and Kemalism. Taspinar. Omer. 5 June 2010. September 2008. Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. 15 September 2004. https://web.archive.org/web/20040915011611/http://www.carnegieendowment.org/publications/index.cfm?fa=view&id=22209. dead.
  34. News: Turkey rallies to Gaza's plight . Sarah Rainsford . BBC News . 16 January 2009 . 9 January 2012.
  35. News: Turkey condemns Israel over deadly attack on Gaza aid flotilla . The Telegraph. 31 May 2010 . 5 June 2010 . United Kingdom.
  36. News: I am not a neo-Ottoman, Davutoğlu says . Today's Zaman . Turkey . 25 November 2009 . 9 January 2012 . dead . https://web.archive.org/web/20131025025036/http://www.todayszaman.com/tz-web/news-193944-i-am-not-a-neo-ottoman-davutoglu-says.html . 25 October 2013 .
  37. News: Adem Palabıyık . Interpreting foreign policy correctly in the East-West perspective . Today's Zaman . 29 June 2010 . 8 September 2010 . dead . https://web.archive.org/web/20100703003210/http://www.todayszaman.com/tz-web/news-214522-comments-on-discussions-regarding-a-shift-of-axisinterpreting-foreign-policy-correctly-in-the-east-west-perspective-by-adem-palabiyik.html . 3 July 2010 .
  38. News: Claims of axis shift stem from ignorance, bad intentions, says Gül . Today's Zaman . 15 June 2010 . 9 January 2012 . dead . https://web.archive.org/web/20121006054307/http://www.todayszaman.com/tz-web/news-213148-claims-of-axis-shift-stem-from-ignorance-bad-intentions-says-gul.html . 6 October 2012 .
  39. Book: Lea, Raso Della Volta . Les paradoxes du nationalisme turc : La construction de l'identité de 1869 au néo-ottomanisme de Recep Erdogan . 2021 . L'Harmattan . 401 . 1268921056.
  40. Book: Lea, Raso Della Volta . Les paradoxes du nationalisme turc : La construction de l'identité de 1869 au néo-ottomanisme de Recep Erdogan . 2021 . L'Harmattan . 396 . 1268921056.
  41. Web site: Calian. Florin George. 2021-03-25. The Hagia Sophia and Turkey's Neo-Ottomanism . 2021-05-28. The Armenian Weekly. en-US.
  42. Web site: 2020-10-10. Europe must wake up to Erdogan's neo-Ottoman ambition. 2021-05-28. CapX. en-GB.
  43. Todorović . Miloš . TİKA's Heritage Restoration Projects: Examples of Foreign Aid or Proof of Neo-Ottomanism? . Insight Turkey . 2021 . 23 . 3 . 141–156 . 10.25253/99.2021233.8 . 244203965 . 8 December 2022.
  44. Web site: AKP'nin şarkısında 'Uzun adam' gitti 'Osmanlı torunu' geldi ! – Taraf Gazetesi. Oktay Özilhan. Taraf Gazetesi. dead. https://web.archive.org/web/20150208184432/http://www.taraf.com.tr/politika/akpnin-sarkisinda-uzun-adam-gitti-osmanli-torunu-geldi/. 8 February 2015.
  45. Web site: Erdoğan: Kampus değil, külliye. ilk-kursun.com. 17 September 2021. 3 June 2016. https://web.archive.org/web/20160603024620/http://www.ilk-kursun.com/haber/212703/erdogan-kampus-degil-kulliye/. dead.
  46. News: Recep Tayyip Erdogan: The 'new sultan' now has a new palace – and it has cost Turkish taxpayers £400m. https://ghostarchive.org/archive/20220618/https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/recep-tayyip-erdogan-the-new-sultan-now-has-a-new-palace--and-it-has-cost-turkish-taxpayers-400m-9841319.html . 18 June 2022 . subscription . live. The Independent.
  47. Web site: Erdogan Is Turkey's New Sultan – WSJ. 13 August 2014. WSJ.
  48. News: The next sultan?. 16 August 2014. The Economist.
  49. News: 'Turkey's president is not acting like the Queen – he is acting like a sultan'. 2 February 2015. Telegraph.co.uk. Akkoc. Raziye.
  50. News: Barsamian . David . David Barsamian . Noam Chomsky Discusses Azeri Aggression on Artsakh . Chomsky.info . 2020-10-10 . 2021-01-10 . Erdogan in Turkey is basically trying to create something like the Ottoman Caliphate, with him as caliph, supreme leader, throwing his weight around all over the place, and destroying the remnants of democracy in Turkey at the same time, Chomsky said .
  51. News: Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdogan: I want to be like Queen of UK. 30 January 2015. Telegraph.co.uk. Akkoc. Raziye.
  52. Web site: AFP. Erdogan wants to be like Queen Elizabeth. 2021-11-04 . www.timesofisrael.com. en-US.
  53. Web site: Bethan McKernan . Erdoğan leads first prayers at Hagia Sophia museum reverted to mosque . The Guardian . 2 February 2021 . English . July 25, 2020.
  54. Web site: 2020-07-10. Presidential Decree on the opening of Hagia Sophia to worship promulgated on the Official Gazette. 2020-07-17. Presidency of the Republic of Turkey: Directorate of Communications. en. 5 April 2022. https://web.archive.org/web/20220405032850/https://www.iletisim.gov.tr/english/haberler/detay/presidential-decree-on-the-opening-of-hagia-sophia-to-worship-promulgated-on-the-official-gazette-of-the-republic-of-turkey. dead.
  55. News: 2020-07-10. Turkey's Erdogan says Hagia Sophia becomes mosque after court ruling. CNBC. 2020-07-24.
  56. News: 11 July 2020. Church body wants Hagia Sophia decision reversed. en. BBC News. 13 July 2020.
  57. News: 12 July 2020. Pope 'pained' by Hagia Sophia mosque decision. en. BBC News. 13 July 2020.
  58. News: 10 July 2020. World reacts to Turkey reconverting Hagia Sophia into a mosque. en. Al Jazeera. 10 July 2020.
  59. Web site: Kariye Camii ibadete açılıyor . . 21 August 2020 . https://web.archive.org/web/20200821084710/https://www.sozcu.com.tr/2020/gundem/son-dakika-istanbuldaki-kariye-camii-ibadete-aciliyor-5998871/ . 21 August 2020.
  60. Web site: Court Ruling Converting Turkish Museum to Mosque Could Set Precedent for Hagia Sophia . Yackley . Ayla . 3 December 2019 . The Art Newspaper . 9 December 2019.
  61. Web site: WATCH: Turkish conquest is spreading the justice of Allah, Erdogan says . 6 September 2020 . World Israel News. 18 November 2022.

This article is licensed under the GNU Free Documentation License. It uses material from the Wikipedia article "Neo-Ottomanism".

Except where otherwise indicated, Everything.Explained.Today is © Copyright 2009-2024, A B Cryer, All Rights Reserved. Cookie policy.