McPherson v. Blacker explained

Litigants:McPherson v. Blacker
Arguedate:October 11
Argueyear:1892
Decidedate:October 17
Decideyear:1892
Usvol:146
Uspage:1
Parallelcitations:13 S. Ct. 3; 36 L. Ed. 869
Holding:The Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution does not require state legislatures to appoint their electors in the Electoral College on the basis of the popular vote. State legislatures have "plenary" power to allocate their electors however they want.[1]
Majority:Fuller
Joinmajority:unanimous
Lawsapplied:U.S. Const. art. II, ยง 1, cl. 2
U.S. Const. amend. XIV

McPherson v. Blacker, 146 U.S. 1 (1892), was a United States Supreme Court case decided on October 17, 1892.[2] The case concerned a law passed in Michigan which divided the state into separate congressional districts and awarded one of the state's electoral votes to the winner of each district. The suit was filed by several of these electors chosen in the 1892 election, including William McPherson, against Robert R. Blacker, the Secretary of State of Michigan. It was the first Supreme Court case to consider whether certain methods of states' appointments of their electors were constitutional.[3] The Court, in a majority opinion authored by Chief Justice Melville Fuller,[4] upheld Michigan's law, and more generally gave state legislatures plenary power over how they appointed their electors.[1] The Court held that Article Two of the United States Constitution also constrains the ability of each state to limit the ability of its state legislators to decide how to appoint their electors.[5] [6]

Impact in Bush v. Gore (2000)

See main article: Bush v. Gore.

The ability of states to determine the selection and apportionment of their electors was later reaffirmed in another Supreme Court case, Bush v. Gore (2000). McPherson was also cited in Bush v. Gore by both George W. Bush[7] and by Chief Justice William H. Rehnquist in his concurring opinion. Rehnquist admonished that "in a Presidential election the clearly expressed intent of the legislature must prevail."[8]

Impact in 2020 post-election legal disputes

See main article: Post-election lawsuits related to the 2020 U.S. presidential election, Texas v. Pennsylvania and Moore v. Harper.

The plenary power of State legislatures to appoint electors, as affirmed in McPherson, and as originally given in Article 2 of the U.S. Constitution, was suggested as a means to settle the 2020 presidential election. This power, it was also argued, has usually been delegated to the people's vote, but the power can be recovered if the existence of fraud can be proven and/or if the legislatures' election statutes have been violated or circumvented, rendering the election illegal.[9] [10]

On December 11, 2020, the Supreme Court denied the state of Texas's motion to file a bill of complaint against four states, Pennsylvania, Michigan, Wisconsin, and Georgia, that had awarded their electoral votes to President-elect Joe Biden.[11]

On December 5, Republican Speaker of the Arizona House of Representatives Rusty Bowers pointed out, "it is true that the Arizona Legislature could alter the method of appointing electors prospectively. But it cannot undo the election of electors whom the voters already voted for ... the law does not authorize the Legislature to reverse the results of an election ... I cannot and will not entertain a suggestion that we violate current law to change the outcome of a certified election."[12] The Commonwealth of Pennsylvania said in response to the Texas suit:

Notes and References

  1. Kirby . James C. . Summer 1962 . Limitations on the Power of State Legislatures over Presidential Elections . Law and Contemporary Problems . 27 . 3 . 495โ€“509 . 10.2307/1190592. 1190592 .
  2. .
  3. Zadrozny . John . January 1, 2003 . The Myth of Discretion: Why Presidential Electors Do Not Receive First Amendment Protection . CommLaw Conspectus . 11 . 1 . 165โ€“184.
  4. Web site: Electoral College a rare topic of discussion at Supreme Court . Bomboy . Scott . December 20, 2016 . National Constitution Center . en . March 20, 2019.
  5. Hasen . Richard L. . December 6, 2007. When 'Legislature' May Mean More than 'Legislature': Initiated Electoral College Reform and the Ghost of Bush v. Gore . Hastings Constitutional Law Quarterly . en . Rochester, NY. 1065421 .
  6. Book: Pleasants, J. . Hanging Chads: The Inside Story of the 2000 Presidential Recount in Florida . September 20, 2004 . Springer . 9781403973405 . 54โ€“55 . en.
  7. News: Protecting and preserving Florida's process . Katyal . Neal Kumar . December 1, 2000 . CNN . March 21, 2019.
  8. News: George W. Bush vs. Al Gore . Rehnquist . William H. . December 13, 2000 . Los Angeles Times . March 21, 2019 . en-US . 0458-3035.
  9. News: Trump Can't Cancel the Election. But States Could Do It for Him. . Stern . Mark . March 13, 2020 . Slate.com . November 11, 2020 . en-US.
  10. Web site: John Eastman Testimony During Georgia Senate Election Hearing . . 7 December 2020.
  11. Web site: ORDER IN PENDING CASE 155, ORIG. TEXAS V. PENNSYLVANIA, ET AL. . www.supremecourt.gov . 12 December 2020.
  12. News: Bowers . Rusty . Speaker Bowers addresses call for the Legislature to overturn 2020 certified election . 8 December 2020 . Gila (AZ) Herald . 5 December 2020.