Legacy and evaluations of Erasmus explained

Erasmus of Rotterdam is commonly regarded as the key public intellectual of the early decades of the 16th century. He has been given the sobriquet "Prince of the Humanists", and has been called "the crowning glory of the Christian humanists".[1] He has also been called "the most illustrious rhetorician and educationalist of the Renaissance".[2]

His reputation and the interpretations of his work have varied over time and by community. Many Catholics now recognize him as a sardonic but loyal reformer within the Church with an evangelical and pastoral spirituality that emphasized peace and mercy, while many Protestants approve of his initial support for (and, in part, inspiration of) Luther's initial ideas and the groundwork he laid for the future Reformation, especially in biblical scholarship.

However, at times he has been viciously criticized from all sides, his works suppressed, his expertise corralled, his writings misinterpreted, his thought demonized, and his legacy marginalized. Common characterizations are that, despite his lauded progressiveness, he could or should have gone further, or that, despite his claimed conservatism, he rashly went too far.

Overview

Historian Lewis Spitz identifies four views of Erasmus' character and project:

French biographer Désiré Nisard characterized him as a lens or focal point: "the whole of the Renaissance in Western Europe in the sixteenth century converged towards him."[2] However,according to historian Erika Rummel, "Erasmus' role in the dissemination of ideas is therefore less that of a forerunner of the Reformation than that of a synthesizer of many of the currents of thought that fed into the Reformation."[4]

A reviewer P.S.A. in 1910 wrote "the common estimate of Erasmus[...]is still tinged by the venom vomited forth on him from both sides by combatants whom he would not join."[5]

Erasmianism

Erasmians: Erasmus frequently mentioned that he did not want office[6] nor to be the founder or figurehead of a sect or movement, despite his vigorous branding and self-promotion.[7] Nevertheless, historians do identify de facto "Erasmians" (ranging from the early Jesuits[8] to the early reformers,[9] and both Thomas More and William Tyndale)—Christian humanists who picked up on some or other aspects of Erasmus' agenda.

Erasmianism: This has been described as a "more intellectual form of spiritualized Christianity"[10] that is "an undercurrent of religious thought between Catholicism and Lutheranism."[11] It had a notable influence in Spain.[12] The near election of Reginald Pole as pope in 1546 has been attributed to Erasmianism in the electors.[13] However, a precise definition is not possible; it is not, for example, a set of systematic doctrinal propositions. As with many eponymous movements, back-fitting the ideas of the movement onto the nominal originator may misrepresent them both.

French historian Jean-Claude Margolin has noted an Erasmian stream in French culture putting "the concrete before the abstract and the ethical before the speculative", though not without noting that it is not clear whether Erasmus influenced the French or vice versa.

Historian W. R. Ward notes that "the direst enemies of theosophy were always Erasmian Catholics and Calvinist Protestants who were trying to get the magic out of Christianity."[14]

Erasmian Reformation: Some historians such as Edward Gibbon and Hugh Trevor-Roper have even claimed an "'Erasmianism after Erasmus,' a secret stream which meandered to and fro across the Catholic/Protestant divide, creating oases of rational thought impartially on either side." For some, this amounted to a third church: or even that "Luther's and Calvin's Reformations were minor affairs" compared to the Reformation of Erasmus and the humanists' which swept away the Middle Ages.

Erasmian liberalism: This has had an enduring run: described by philosopher Edwin Curley[15] that "the spirit of Erasmian liberalism was to emphasize the ethical aspects of Christianity at the expense of the doctrinal, to suspend judgment on many theological issues, and to insist that the faith actually required for salvation was a simple and uncontroversial one."[16]

Erasmus has frequently been described as "proto-liberal"[17] (both, e.g., in the UK "Lloyd George" sense of liberalism as a form of conservatism that wants moderate but real reform to prevent immoderate and destructive revolution, or the ethical sense of socio-economic Socinianism[18])

Protestant historian Roland Bainton is quoted "no-one did more than Erasmus to break down the theory and practice of the medieval variety of intolerance."[16] Other popular or scholarly writers have suggested that Erasmus' tolerant but idealistic agenda failed,[19] [20] certainly at the political level, evidenced by the wars and persecutions of the Protestant Reformation.

Erasmus was also notable for exposing several important historical documents as forgeries or misattributions: including pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite, the Gravi de pugna attributed to St Augustine, the Ad Herennium attributed to Cicero, and (by reprinting Lorenzo Valla's work)[21] the Donation of Constantine.

Educationalist

Erasmus has been variously called an "educator of educators", a "teacher of teachers" and a "professor of professors", but also a "pastor of pastors."[22]

Erasmus was notable for his textbooks, his sense of learning as play, his emphasis on speech skills and promoting early classical-language acquisition).

According to scholar Gerald J. Luhrman, "the system of secondary education, as developed in a number of European countries, is inconceivable without the efforts of humanist educationalists, particularly Erasmus. His ideas in the field of language acquisition were systematized and realized to a large extent in the schools founded by the Jesuits..."[23] Historian Brian Cummings wrote "for a hundred years Erasmus commanded the curriculum."[24] In the 1540s, Ursulines founded schools in Rezatto, Brescia, "inspired by Erasmus's pedagogical programme..."

His system of pronouncing ancient Greek was adopted for teaching in the major Western European nations.

In England, he wrote the first curriculum for St Paul's School and his Latin grammar (written with Lily and Colet) "continued to be used, in adapted form, into the Twentieth Century."[25] Erasmus' curriculum, grammar, pronunciation and de Copia were adopted by the other major grammar schools: Eton, Westminster, Winchester, Canterbury, etc. and the universities[26]

Erasmus "tried to realize a practical goal: a modern education as preparation for administrators from the higher estates."[27]

Erasmus was a key part of the humanist program to get Greek and Hebrew taught at the major Universities, inspired by Cardinal Cisneros' Trilingual College of San Ildefonso/Alcalá (1499/1509) and Bishop John Fisher's establishment of Greek and Hebrew lectures at Cambridge: the Trilingual Colleges at Louvain (1517) and Paris (1530) (where students included Loyola and Calvin)[28] spawned programs in Zurich, Rome, Strasbourg and Oxford (c.1566).[29] He has been described as "an unsuspected superspreader of New Ancient Greek."

Historian and Germanist Fritz Caspari saw education as the core of Erasmus' program:

Writer

The popularity of his books is reflected in the number of editions and translations that have appeared since the sixteenth century. Ten columns of the catalogue of the British Library are taken up with the enumeration of the works and their subsequent reprints. The greatest names of the classical and patristic world are among those translated, edited, or annotated by Erasmus, including Ambrose, Aristotle, Augustine,[30] Basil, John Chrysostom, Cicero and Jerome.[31]

Controversy on Antisemitism

Erasmus, as with many humanists, prized friendship as an institution that could override prejudice such as xenophobia: "For I am of such a nature that I could love even a Jew, were he a pleasant companion and did not spew out blasphemy against Christ"[32] however Erasmus scholar Shimon Markish suggests that it is probable Erasmus never actually encountered a (practicing) Jew.[33] [34]

Markish wrote that the charge of antisemitism could not be sustained in Erasmus' public writings.[35] Erasmus was (theologically) anti-Judaic but not racially antisemitic in the vehement way of the later post-Catholic Martin Luther: it was not a topic or theme of any book. Erasmus made no explicit call for the expulsion of non-converting Jews: though he allowed it as a national policy, he noted that such a policy may be counter-productive.

Challenging this, Erasmus scholar Nathan Ron wrote that Erasmus denigrated Jews by his translation and publication of the complete works of John Chrysostom which included John's notorious sermons Adversus Judaeos (written against efforts in the local synagogue to re-convert Christians) —which go further than deprecating re-judaizing tendencies within Christianity but set the pattern for later Christian antisemitism by portraying Jews as collectively the murderers of Christ— and by several miscellaneous comments by Erasmus.[36] For Ron, "His role was obviously not on the same scale as Martin Luther’s. Nonetheless, both in style and content, Erasmus’s role in the long history of anti-Jewish and/or anti-Judaism attitudes should not be overlooked or underestimated."[37]

Biographer James Tracy points to the antisemitic edge in Erasmus' uncharacteristically vituperative comments against Johannes Pfefferkorn during the Reuchlin affair: Erasmus felt Pfefferkorn had personally attacked him. Erasmus reacted sharply against any serious accusations made against him: his contention with his former bedmate at Aldus turned foe, Girolamo Aleandro, later a cardinal, escalated to a statement that Aleandro was a Jew dissimulating as a Christian.[37]

Regional

In the Netherlands

In his native Rotterdam, the Erasmus University Rotterdam, Erasmus Bridge, Erasmus MC and Gymnasium Erasmianum have been named in his honor. Between 1997 and 2009, one of the main metro lines of the city was named Dutch; Flemish: Erasmuslijn. The Foundation Erasmus House (Rotterdam),[38] is dedicated to celebrating Erasmus's legacy. Three moments in Erasmus's life are celebrated annually. On 1 April, the city celebrates the publication of his best-known book The Praise of Folly. On 11 July, the Night of Erasmus celebrates the lasting influence of his work. His birthday is celebrated on 28 October.[39]

In Spain

Erasmus became extraordinarily popular and influential in Spain, including in and around the talent pool (often from Spanish; Castilian: converso families) that formed the early Jesuits. There were at least 120 translations, editions, or adaptations of Erasmus' writings between 1520 and 1552,[40] though not The Praise of Folly.

However, Erasmians and their associates faced, at times, extraordinary pushback from the theologians at Salamanca and Vallodolid, for being associated with the Spanish; Castilian: alumbrado and illuminist tendencies, with many (notably Ignatius of Loyola, who had lived in the house of publisher Miguel de Eguía at the time the Spanish edition of the Latin: Enchiridion was being published)[41] resorting to exile rather than facing the Inquisition, house arrest, imprisonment or worse. However, at times the heads of the Inquisition were themselves Erasmians. Erasmus faced a notable semi-secret trial in Valladolid in 1527, attended by numerous bishops, abbots and theologians. Its records still exist. It disbanded without condemning Erasmus as a heretic, as most of his contentious beliefs were regarded as respectable or useful by at least some important bishops, and the fanciful interpretations of the accusers did not stand up to scrutiny.[42]

Historian Nathan Ron notes that the debate on the enslavement of Amerindians by Bartolomé de las Casas at Valladolid almost 30 years later was to some extent a re-run, both featuring Sepúlveda: "The arguments Sepúlveda raised against las Casas were essentially identical to those raised against Erasmus by Pío and by Diego López Zúñiga, a bitter rival of Erasmus, on the grounds of Erasmus’ alleged opposition to a “just war” and to war against the Turks."

From the 1530s, historians note the start of a widespread disenchantment with Erasmus' approach: however his ideas and works were still circulating enough that even fifty years later Miguel Cervantes' "Erasmianism" may not have come from him having read any Erasmus directly.[43]

In Poland

According to historian Howard Louthan "Few regions embraced Erasmus as enthusiastically as Poland, and nowhere else did he have such a concentration of allies positioned at the highest levels of society including the king himself."

In England

Erasmus influenced Catholic and Protestant humanists alike.

Historian Lucy Wooding argues (in Christopher Haigh's paraphrases) that "England nearly had a Catholic Reformation along Erasmian lines –but it was cut short by (Queen) Mary's death and finally torpedoed by the Council of Trent."[44] The initial Henrican closure of smaller monasteries followed the Erasmian agenda, which was also shared by Catholic humanists such as Reginald Pole; however the later violent closures and iconoclasm were far from Erasmus' program.

After reading Erasmus' 1516 New Testament, Thomas Bilney "felt a marvellous comfort and quietness," and won over his Cambridge friends, future notable bishops, Matthew Parker and Hugh Latimer to reformist biblicism.[45]

Both Lutheran Tyndale and his Catholic theological opponent Thomas More are considered Erasmians,[46] and all three supported popular knowledge of scripture in the vernacular. One of William Tyndale's earliest works was his translation of Erasmus' Enchiridion (1522,1533).[47] Following their deaths in 1536, Tyndale's English New Testament and anti-Catholic Preface was often printed (sometimes omitting Tyndale's name) in diglot editions paired with Erasmus' Latin translation and either his Paraclecis or his Preface to the Paraphrase of St Matthew.[48]

In the reign of Edward VI, English translations of Erasmus' Paraphrases of the four Gospels[49] were legally required to be chained for public access in every church. Furthermore, all priests below a certain scholastic level were required to have their own copy of the complete Paraphrases of the New Testament. This injunction was to an extent frustrated by delays in printing, but it is estimated that as many as 20,000 to 30,000 copies may have been printed between 1548 and 1553.

Erasmus' grammar, Adages, Copia, and other books continued as the core Latin educational material in England for the following centuries. The poet-rhetorician martyr Edmund Campion was educated at St Paul's School using Erasmus' textbooks and Latin curriculum.[26] His works and editions (in translation) are regularly connected with William Shakespeare, to Shakespeare's education, inspirations and sources (such as the shipwreck scene in The Tempest.)[50] [51] [52] John Locke rejected the idea that Erasmus had remained Catholic, but instead was the source for "an undogmatically reasonable Protestantism." Daniel Defoe, author of Robinson Crusoe, mentioned he first read of the shipwreck of Aristippus in the English translation of Erasmus' Apophthegmata.[53] Scholars have noted Erasmus' influence on Jonathan Swift, particular that The Praise of Folly seems to have been the literary inspiration for A Tale of a Tub.[54]

Historian of literature Cathy Schrank has written that Erasmus' reputation and status changed over the course of the English "Long Reformation" from "being presented as a proto-Reformer, to problematically orthodox, to irenic martyr."For some Restoration Anglicans, both those promoting enforced anti-extremism and latitudinarians, and into the Age of Enlightenment, Erasmus' moderation represented "an alternative to the belligerent Protestantism that characterized English political and social discourse".[55] It has been claimed that William of Orange's Toleration Act (1688) owed to Erasmus' inspiration.

By 1711, English Catholic poet and satirist Alexander Pope pictured Erasmus, following in a sequence of greats from Aristotle, Horace, Homer, Quintillian to Longinusas, ending a millennium of ignorance and superstition:

For Enlightenment historian Edward Gibbon, Erasmus was "the father of rational theology."[56] An 1876 Edition of The Praise of Folly said of him "Erasmus was the most facetious man, and the greatest critic of his age. [...] Perhaps no man has obliged the public with a greater number of useful volumes than our author."[57]

By 1929, G.K. Chesterton could write "I doubt if any thinking person, of any belief or unbelief, does not wish in his heart that the end of mediaevalism had meant the triumph of the Humanists like Erasmus and More, rather than of the rabid Puritans like Calvin and Knox."[58]

Catholic

Maverick or orthodox?

Scholars have shifted from treating Erasmus primarily as a constitutional outsider to seeing him as a well-connected insider.[59] Similarly, characterizations of his doctrinal beliefs in more recent times tend to demonstrate orthodox (and patristic) and mainstream (late medieval) provenance.

From his time (1493–1495) as Latin secretary to Henricus de Berghes, Bishop of Cambrai, Erasmus would have been well aware of that diocese' mandatory statutes Sacris ordinibus (1307) in-force on priests, which included literacy, age, residence and financial requirements, including taking an examination; themes which Erasmus continued to promote throughout his life. These statutes were further re-enforced by Henricus, especially in 1495 (i.e., in text Erasmus may have drafted) regarding the duties of benefice holders to look after their parishioners, on pain of excommunication.[60]

Councils

Several of Erasmus' "distinctive" ideas were entirely mainstream for the time, from the Fifth Council of the Lateran (1512-1517) (which Erasmus had been invited to attend as John Fisher's theologian):[61]

The Council of Trent further addressed many of the controversies Erasmus had been involved with: including free will, accumulated errors in the Vulgate, and priestly training, and followed his call for a renewed positive focus on the Creed. Erasmus' major ethical complaint that a certain kind of scholasticism was "Latin: curiositas" (useless, vain speculation) and artificially divisive was endorsed in the 4 December 1563 Decree Concerning Purgatory which recommended the avoidance of speculations and non-essential questions. For music and chant, Trent reduced the number of sequences during the Mass to only four for certain special days: the large numbers and lengths of sequences, especially as found in German and French masses, and the need for verbal clarity were issues Erasmus had raised.[62] Despite these, the Council of Trent is frequently characterized as pushing back against the humanist program, for example by its ambiguous declaration that the Vulgate Latin bible text should be regarded as "authentic."

Many commentors, such as Catholic scholar Thomas Cummings, see parallels between Erasmus' vision of Church reform and the vision of Church reform that succeeded at the Second Vatican Council. Theologian J. Coppens noted the "Erasmian themes" of Lumen Gentium (e.g. para 12), such as the sensus fidei fidelium and the dignity of all the baptized. Another scholar writes "in our days, especially after Vatican II, Erasmus is more and more regarded as an important defender of the Christian religion."[63] John O'Malley has commented on a certain closeness between Erasmus and Latin: [[Dei Verbum]].[64]

Papal teaching

Many of Erasmus' themes are now less controversial after being revisited by Popes: for example,

Liturgical contribution

Notably, since the 1950s, the Roman Catholic Easter Vigil mass has included a Renewal of Baptismal Promises,[73] an innovation[74] first proposed[75] by Erasmus in his Paraphrases.[76]

Religious communities

Several of the Catholic religious reforms or changes had parallels in Erasmus' ideas. For example, the rise of non-mendicant societies such as the Jesuits, and changes to the rules relating to formal vows.

Supporters

Erasmus was continually protected by popes,[77] bishops, inquisitors-general, and Catholic kings[78] during his lifetime.

He was a bishops' man: in constant contact, correspondence, patronage and direction with dozens at any time, and their Latin secretaries: for example, his book On Free Will was squeezed out of him by bishops, and strategized, discussed, vetted (his local bishop in Basel got him to remove some polemic material from it, for example[79]) and promoted by them. His relationship with his patron Archbishop of Canterbury William Warham was so close that Warham even wanted Erasmus to share his grave.[80]

The following generation of saints and scholars included many influenced by Erasmian humanism or spirituality, notably Ignatius of Loyola,[81] [82] [83] Teresa of Ávila,[84] John of Ávila,[85] [86] and Angela Merici. Bartolomé de las Casas relied on several of Erasmus' arguments in his Valladolid debates against the "natural slavery" of Amerindians. [87]

In 1517, writing to Thomas More, when working with Cuthbert Tunstall on the second edition of the New Testament, Erusmus noted that he had been offered a bishopric,[88] the first offer of several, all rejected. Several sources comment that Erasmus had been offered a cardinalship at the end of his life as well.

Opponents

However, Erasmus attracted enemies in contemporary theologians in Paris, Louvain, Valladolid, Salamanca and Rome, notably Sepúlveda, Stúñica, Edward Lee, Noël Beda (who Erasmus had known in France in the 1490s, but who opposed Greek and Hebrew),[89] as well as Alberto Pío, Prince of Carpi (and former student of Aldus Manutius), who read his work with dedicated suspicion. These theologians were usually from the mendicant orders that were Erasmus' particular target (such as Dominicans, Carmelites and Franciscans); they held a positive-going "linear view of history" for theology [90] that privileged recent late-medieval theology[91] and rejected the Latin: [[ad fontes]] methodology. Erasmus believed the vehemence of the attacks on Luther was a strategem to blacken humanism (and himself) by association, part of the centuries-long power struggle at the universities between scholastic "theologians" and humanist "poets".[91]

A particularly powerful opponent of Erasmus was Italian humanist Jerome Aleander, Erasmus' former close friend and bedmate in Venice at the Aldine Press and future cardinal. They fell out over Aleander's violent speech against Luther at the Diet of Worms, and with Aleander's identification of Erasmus as "the great cornerstone of the Lutheran heresy."[92] They periodically reconciled in warm personal meetings, only to fall into mutual suspicion again when distant.

Erasmus spent considerable effort defending himself in writing, which he could not do after his death.[93] He wrote 35 books defending against accusations by Catholic opponents, and 9 against Protestant opponents: an unanswered accusation of heresy or Nicodemism could cascade into trials and fatal unsafety.

Catholic regional prohibitions

Erasmus' peak posthumous influence, in the 1540s, was followed by a rapid marked downturn in reception.

Erasmus' work had been translated or reprinted throughout Europe, often with Protestantizing revisions and sectarian prefaces. Sometimes the works of Martin Luther were sold with the name of Erasmus on the cover. By around 1555, Erasmus' Latin books were no longer being printed under his name.[94] From then, at various times and durations, various of Erasmus' works, especially in Protestantized editions, were placed on the various Roman, Dutch, French, Spanish and Mexican[95] Indexes of Prohibited Books, either to not be read, or needing to be censored and expurgated: each area had different censorship considerations and severity.[96]

In the 1559 Roman Index, Erasmus was classed with heretics; however Erasmus was never judicially arraigned, tried or convicted of heresy: the censorship rules established by the Council of Trent targeted not only notorious heretics but also those whose writings "excited heresy" (regardless of intent), especially those making Latin translations of the New Testament deemed to vie with (rather than improve or annotate or assist) the Vulgate.

The Colloquies were especially but not universally frowned on for school use, and many of Erasmus' tendentious prefaces and notes to his scholarly editions required adjustment.[100]

By 1896, the Roman Index still listed Erasmus' Latin: Colloquia, The Praise of Folly, The Tongue, The Institution of Christian Marriage, and one other as banned, plus particular editions of the Latin: Adagia and Paraphrase of Matthew. All other works could be read in suitable expurgated versions.[101]

Because Erasmus' scholarly editions were frequently the only sources of Patristic information in print, the strict bans were often impractical, so theologians worked to produce replacement editions building on, or copying, Erasmus' editions.

The Jesuits received a dispensation from the Roman Inquisitor General to read and use Erasmus' work[102] (not kept on the open shelves of their libraries),[103] as did priests working near Protestant areas such as Francis de Sales.

Post-Tridentine suspicion

Early Dutch Jesuit scholar Peter Canisius, who produced several works superseding Erasmus',[104] is known to have read, or used phrases from, Erasmus' New Testament (including the Annotations and Notes) and perhaps the Paraphrases, his Jerome biography and complete works, the Adages, the Latin: Copia, and the Colloquies: Canisius, having actually read Erasmus, had an ambivalent view on Erasmus that contrasted with the negative line of some of his contemporaries:

In contrast, Robert Bellarmine's Controversies mentions Erasmus (as presented by Erasmus' opponent Albert Pío) negatively over 100 times, categorizing him as a "forerunner of the heretics";[105] though not a heretic.[106] [107] Alphonsus Ligouri, who also had not read Erasmus, judged that Erasmus "died with the character of an unsound Catholic but not a heretic," putting it all in the context of a dispute between Theologians and Rhetoricians.

His patristic scholarship continued to be valued by academics, as were un-controversial parts of his biblical scholarship,[108] though Catholic biblical scholars started to criticize Erasmus' limited range of manuscripts for his direct New Testament as undermining his premise of correcting the Latin from the "original" Greek.[108]

The Jesuit mission to China, led by Matteo Ricci,[109] adopted the approach of cultural accommodation[110] linked to Erasmus.[111] The early Jesuits were exposed to Erasmus at their colleges,[112] and their positioning of Confucius echoed Erasmus' positioning of "Saint" Socrates.[113]

Salesian scholars have noted Erasmus' significant influence on Francis de Sales: "in the approach and the spirit he (de Sales) took to reform his diocese and more importantly on how individual Christians could become better together,"[114] his optimism,[115] civility,[116] gentle anti-militantism that promoted "humility, penance, and asceticism" over sectarian violence,[117] esteem of marriage.[118] and, according to historian Charles Béné, a piety addressed to the laity, the acceptance of mental prayer, and the valuing of pagan wisdom.

A famous 17th century Dominican library featured statues of famous churchmen on one side and of famous "heretics" (in chains) on the other: those foes including the two leading anti-mendicant Catholic voices William of Saint-Amour (fl. 1250) and Erasmus.[119]

By 1690, Erasmus was also, rather perversely, labelled as the forerunner of the heretical tendecies in the Jansenists.

From 1648 to 1794 and then 1845 to the present, the mainly-Jesuit Bollandist Society has been progressively publishing Lives of the Saints, in 61 volumes and supplements. Historian John C. Olin notes an accord of approach with the hitherto "unique" method, mixing critical standards and devotional/rhetorical purpose, that Erasmus had laid out in his Life of St Jerome.

By the 1700s, Erasmus' explicit influence on most Catholic thought had largely waned, though the humanist program remained a persistent undercurrent.

Twentieth century reappraisals

A historian has written that "a number of Erasmus' modern Catholic critics do not display an accurate knowledge of his writings but misrepresent him, often by relying upon hostile secondary sources," naming Yves Congar as an example.[120]

A major turning point in the popular Catholic appraisal of Erasmus occurred in 1900 with rosy Benedictine historian (and, later, Cardinal) Francis Aidan Gasquet's The Eve of the Reformation which included a whole chapter on Erasmus based on a re-reading of his books and letters. Gasquet wrote "Erasmus, like many of his contemporaries, is often perhaps injudicious in the manner in which he advocated reforms. But when the matter is sifted to the bottom, it will commonly be found that his ideas are just."

Over the last century, Erasmus's Catholic reputation has gradually started to be rehabilitated: favourable factors may include:

Post-Vatican II

Historian Lisa Cahill's summary "Official Catholic Social Thought on Nonviolence" notes Erasmus (with Augustine, Aquinas and St Francis of Assisi) as most notable in the development of Catholic peace theory.

In 1963, Thomas Merton suggested "If there had been no Luther, Erasmus would now be regarded by everyone as one of the great Doctors of the Catholic Church. I like his directness, his simplicity, and his courage."[133]

In his 1987 collection The Spirituality of Erasmus of Rotterdam historian Richard deMolen, later a Catholic priest, called for Erasmus' canonization.[134]

Protestant

Erasmus' Greek New Testament was the basis of the Textus Receptus bibles, which were used for all Protestant bible translations from 1600 to 1900, notably including the Luther Bible and the King James Version.

Protestant views on Erasmus fluctuated depending on region and period, with continual support in his native Netherlands and in cities of the Upper Rhine area. However, following his death and in the late sixteenth century, many Reformation supporters saw Erasmus's critiques of Luther and lifelong support for the universal Catholic Church as damning, and second-generation Protestants were less vocal in their debts to the great humanist.

Many of the usages fundamental to Luther, Melanchthon and Calvin, such as the forensic imputation of righteousness, grace as divine favour or mercy (rather than a medicine-like substance or habit), faith as trust (rather than a persuasion only), "repentance" over "doing penance" (as used by Luther in the first theses of the 95 Theses), owed to Erasmus.

Late Luther hated Erasmus: "Erasmus of Rotterdam is the vilest miscreant that ever disgraced the earth...He is a very Caiaphas;" and "Whenever I pray, I pray a curse upon Erasmus."[135] He attempted a Biblical analogy to justify his dismissal of Erasmus' thought: "He has done what he was ordained to do: he has introduced the ancient languages, in the place of injurious scholastic studies. He will probably die like Moses in the land of Moab...I would rather he would entirely abstain from explaining and paraphrasing the Scriptures, for he is not up to this work...to lead into the land of promise, is not his business..."[136]

A historian has even said that "the spread of Lutheranism was checked by Luther's antagonizing (of) Erasmus and the humanists."[137]

Erasmus corresponded cordially with Melanchthon until the end. In the view of some theologians or historians, in the decades following Erasmus and Luther's debate on free choice for salvation, Melanchthon himself gradually swang to a position closer to Erasmus' tentative synergism: in 1532 mentioning man's non-rejection of grace as a cause in conversion, and stating it more forcefully in his 1559 Loci.[138] The issue caused a division in early Lutheranism, resolved by the Formula of Concord.

Erasmus' reception is also demonstrable among Swiss Protestants in the sixteenth century: he had an indelible influence on the biblical commentaries of, for example, Konrad Pellikan, Heinrich Bullinger, and John Calvin, all of whom used both his annotations on the New Testament and his paraphrases of same in their own New Testament commentaries.[139]

A historian noted "perhaps the most serious blow that Erasmus delivered to Luther and Protestantism he landed indirectly through the person of Ulrich Zwingli."[3] Huldrych Zwingli, the founder of the Reformed tradition, had a conversion experience after reading Erasmus' poem, "Jesus' Lament to Mankind",[140] also titled "The Complaint of Jesus".[141] Zwingli's moralism, hermeneutics and attitude to patristic authority owe to Erasmus, and contrast with Luther's.[142]

Anabaptist scholars have suggested an 'intellectual dependence'[143] of Anabaptists on Erasmus.[144] According to Dr Kenneth Davis "Erasmus had copious direct and indirect contact with many of the founding leaders of Anabaptism [...] the Anabaptists can best be understood as, apart from their own creativity, a radicalization and Protestantization not of the Magisterial Reformation but of the lay-oriented, ascetic reformation of which Erasmus is the principle mediator."[145]

For evangelical Christianity, Erasmus had a strong influence[146] on Jacob Arminius, whose library featured many books by Erasmus, even though he did not dare name or quote him.[147]

Erasmus' promotion of the recognition of adiaphora and toleration within bounds was taken up by many kinds of Protestants.

Contemporary "radical orthdoxy" theologian John Milbank has been described as Erasmus revivivus: "First, both Milbank and Erasmus emphasize the necessity of linguistic mediation in articulating theological thought.[...]Second, they prefer a rhetorical approach to theology to dialectical one.[...]Third, at the heart of their theology is the mystery of Christ."[148]

Intellectual

Character attacks

Writers have often explained Erasmus' failure to adopt their favoured position as manifesting some deep character flaw. In historian Bruce Mansfield's words, "a smallness of character in Erasmus stood in the way of his greatness of mind."[128]

Luther's antipathy to Erasmus has continued to more recent times in some Lutheran teachers:

The Catholic Encyclopedia (1917) explained "His inborn vanity and self-complacency were thereby increased almost to the point of becoming a disease; at the same time he sought, often by the grossest flattery, to obtain the favour and material support of patrons or to secure the continuance of such benefits."[153] According to Catholic historian Joseph Lortz (1962) "Erasmus remained in the church...but as a half Catholic...indecisive, hesitating, suspended in the middle."[154] English Jesuit scholar C. C. Martindale wrote "Erasmus really disliked men personally."[155]

A 1920s American historian wrote "Erasmus's ambitions, fed by an innate vanity which at times repels by its frank self-seeking, included both fame and fortune" yet pulls back on another historian's view that his "irritable self-conceit, shameless importunity,...may lead one to a sense of contempt for the scholar", pointing out the reality of Erasmus' dire poverty in Paris.[156] Another 1920s British historian wrote "one feels nauseated when one reads the great scholar's choice Latin that embalms a beggar's whine without the beggar's excuse of absolute need to justify or palliate it[...] There is no doubt as to where Dante would have placed Erasmus" (i.e. in the outer circle of Hell, with vacillators)[157] A Victorian Scottish biographer of Tyndale contrasted Erasmus' weak constitution with the "more masculine energy" of Luther and Tyndale.[48] An inter-war Anglican historian judges "He is a worm, a pigmy, a sheep able only to bleat when the gospel is destroyed[...] Erasmus was a book-man and an invalid.”[48]

In the 20th century, various psychoanalyses were made of Erasmus by practitioners: these diagnosed him variously as "supremely egotistic, neurasthenic, morbidly sensitive, volatile, variable, and vacillating, injudicious, irritable, and querulous, yet always[...] a baffling but interesting chararacter"; a "volatile neurotic, latent homosexual, hypochondriac, and psychasthenic"; having "a form ofnarcissistic character disorder," a spiritualized, vengeful, "paranoid disposition" driven by "injured narcissism", "repeated persecutory preoccupations...(with) delusional states of paranoia toward the end of his life", repressed anger directed "father figures such as prelates and teachers," needing a "sense of victimization" [158]

Huizinga's biography (1924) treats him more sympathically, with phrases such as: a great and sincere need for concord and affection, profoundly in need of (physical and spiritual) purity, a delicate soul (with a delicate constitution), fated to an immoderate love of liberty, having a dangerous fusion between inclination and conviction, restless but precipitate, a continual intermingling of explosion and reserve, fastidious, bashful, coquettish, a white-lier, evasive, suspicious, and feline.[159] Yet "compared with most of his contemporaries he remains moderate and refined."[160]

Polemicist[161] Harry S. May remarkably compared Erasmus in psychohistory to Adolf Hitler: "as Christ became his protagonist, the authoritarian fuehrer principle was born in him." "His own kind of self-produced isolation[...]made Erasmus the loneliest man of the Humanist era." "Unaware or not, Erasmus — like all Jew haters in the centuries to come — hated Jews for the things he did not possess: health, affluence, learning, and ethnic solidarity."[162]

Notes and References

  1. Latourette, Kenneth Scott. A History of Christianity. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1953, p. 661.
  2. Book: Laytam . Miles J.J. . The Medium was the Message: Classical Rhetoric and the Materiality of Language from Empedocles to Shakespeare . 2007 . English Dept, University of York . 81 . 26 July 2023.
  3. Spitz . Lewis W. . Desiderius Erasmus . Reformers in Profile: [essays]. . 1967 .
  4. Rummel . Erika . Voices of Reform from Hus to Erasmus . Handbook of European History 1400-1600: Late Middle Ages, Renaissance and Reformation . 1 January 1995 . 61–91 . 10.1163/9789004391680_004. 978-90-04-39168-0.
  5. Short Notices . The English Historical Review . 1910 . XXV . XCIX . 612–613 . 10.1093/ehr/XXV.XCIX.612.
  6. Scheck . Thomas P. . Mark Vessey (ed.), Erasmus on Literature: His Ratio or 'System' of 1518/1519 (Review) . Moreana . June 2022 . 59 . 1 . 141–148 . 10.3366/more.2022.0119. 248601520 .
  7. Book: Jardine . Lisa . Erasmus, Man of Letters: The Construction of Charisma in Print . 1993 . Princeton University Press . j.ctt130hjzb . 978-0-691-16569-1 . REV - Revised .
  8. The Jesuits have been described as intermediaries for the ideas of Erasmus in the Counter-Reformation, such as in Ignatius' Spiritual Exercises. Kallendorf . Hilaire . Quevedo, Reader of Erasmus . La Perinola . 2019 . 23 . 67–84 . 10.15581/017.23.67-84. free .
  9. Scribner . R. W. . The Erasmians and the Beginning of the Reformation in Erfurt* . Journal of Religious History . June 1976 . 9 . 1 . 3–31 . 10.1111/j.1467-9809.1976.tb00382.x. free .
  10. Web site: Spain - Inquisition, Religion, Culture . www.britannica.com . en.
  11. Book: Pérez-Romero . Antonio . Subversion and Liberation in the Writings of Saint Teresa of Avila . 1996 . Rodopi . Amsterdam.
  12. Schevill . Rudolph . Erasmus and Spain . Hispanic Review . 1939 . 7 . 2 . 93–116 . 10.2307/470253 . 470253 . 0018-2176.
  13. Web site: Cummings . Thomas . 17 October 2016 . Erasmus and the Second Vatican Council . Church Life Journal.
  14. Book: The thought-world of early evangelicalism . Ward . W. R. . Early Evangelicalism: A Global Intellectual History, 1670–1789 . 7 September 2006 . 10.1017/CBO9780511497315.002 . 19. 978-0-521-86404-6 .
  15. Web site: Edwin Curley . U-M LSA Philosophy . 19 December 2023 . en.
  16. Curley . Edwin . Sebastian Castellio's Erasmian Liberalism . Philosophical Topics . 2003 . 31 . 1 . 47–73 . 10.5840/PHILTOPICS2003311/23.
  17. Book: Tracy . James D. . Erasmus of the Low Countries . 1 January 1996 . University of California Press . 978-0-520-08745-3 . 4 August 2023 . en.
  18. Gomes . Alan W. . Some Observations on the Theological Method of Faustus Socinus (1539–1604) . Westminster Theological Journal . 2008 . 70 . 1 .
  19. Wager . Charles H. A. . A Plea for Erasmians . The Atlantic . 1 July 1914 . en.
  20. Web site: Starkey . David . From Worms to Woke . The Critic Magazine . 19 December 2023 . 27 May 2022.
  21. Levine . Joseph M. . Reginald Pecock and Lorenzo Valla on the Donation of Constantine . Studies in the Renaissance . 1973 . 20 . 118–143 . 10.2307/2857015 . 2857015 . 0081-8658.
  22. Pabel . Hilmar M. . Promoting the Business of the Gospel: Erasmus' Contribution to Pastoral Ministry . Erasmus of Rotterdam Society Yearbook . 1995 . 15 . 1 . 53–70 . 10.1163/187492795X00053.
  23. Book: Noordegraaf . Jan . Vonk . Frank . Five hundred years of foreign language teaching in the Netherlands 1450-1950 . 1993 . Stichting Neerlandistiek VU . Amsterdam . 90-72365-32-1 . 36.
  24. Essary . Kirk . A Companion to Erasmus, edited by Eric MacPhail . Journal of Jesuit Studies . 8 December 2023 . 11 . 1 . 163–166 . 10.1163/22141332-11010007-02. free .
  25. Web site: English Renaissance . east_west_dialogue.tripod.com.
  26. Book: Kilroy . Gerard . Edmund Campion: a scholarly life . 2015 . Ashgate Publishing Limited; Burlington, VT: Ashgate Publishing Company . Farnham, Surrey, England . 9781409401513.
  27. Wolf . Erik . Religion and Right in the Philosophia Christriana of Erasmus from Rotterdam . UC Law Journal . 1 January 1978 . 29 . 6 . 1535 . 0017-8322.
  28. Cuming . G. J. . Hall . Basil . The Trilingual College of San Ildefonso and the Making of the Complutensian Polyglot Bible . The Church and Academic Learning . 1 January 1969 . 114–146 . 10.1163/9789004623019_007. 978-90-04-62301-9 .
  29. Weinberg . Joanna . Corpus Christi College's 'Trilingual Library': A Historical Assessment . History of Universities . 21 August 2019 . 128–142 . 10.1093/oso/9780198848523.003.0008. 978-0-19-884852-3 .
  30. Tello . Joan . Erasmus' Edition of the Complete Works of Augustine . Erasmus Studies . 2022 . 42 . 2 . 122–156 . 10.1163/18749275-04202002 . 254327857 .
  31. Book: Hoffmann . Manfred . Tracy . James D. . Controversies: Collected Works of Erasmus . 2011 . University of Toronto Press.
  32. "I have never broken off a friendship with anyone because he was either more inclined towards Luther or more against Luther than I was. My disposition is naturally such that I could love even a Jew, provided he were in other respects an agreeable person to live with and friendly, and provided he did not vomit blasphemies against Christ in my hearing. And this courteous approach can, I believe, do more towards ending strife[...]theties of friendship I do not readily abandon to please anyone." Letter to John Botzheim, quoted in Remer . Gary . Rhetoric and the Erasmian Defense of Religious Toleration . History of Political Thought . 1989 . 10 . 3 . 377.
  33. Web site: Erasmus of Rotterdam . Jewish Virtual Library . AICE . 15 July 2023.
  34. However, Erasmus related that he had consulted a Jewish doctor in October 1518. Erasmus also knew several converted Jews: his doctor, Matthais Adrianus, who Erasmus recommended for the Trilingual College, and his doctor Paolo Riccio, a professor of philosophy and imperial physician.Krivatsy . Peter . Erasmus' Medical Milieu . Bulletin of the History of Medicine . 1973 . 47 . 2 . 113–154 . 44447526 . 4584234 . 0007-5140 . 28 July 2023 . 28 July 2023 . https://web.archive.org/web/20230728231527/https://www.jstor.org/stable/44447526 . live . Erasmus's Spanish friend Juan Luis Vives came from a converso family: indeed, his father had been executed as a Judaizer heretic. Erasmus' friendly correspondents Juan de Vergara and Francisco de Vergara similarly came from a converso family on their mother's side.
  35. Book: Erasmus and the Jews . University of Chicago Press . 15 July 2023 . 15 July 2023 . https://web.archive.org/web/20230715072502/https://press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/book/chicago/E/bo3641385.html . live .
  36. Book: Ron . Nathan . Erasmus and the "Other": On Turks, Jews, and Indigenous Peoples . 2019 . 10.1007/978-3-030-24929-8. 978-3-030-24928-1 .
  37. Ron . Nathan . Erasmus and the Jews: Revisiting the Narrative . The European Legacy . 31 July 2024 . 1–8 . 10.1080/10848770.2024.2384271 . en . 1084-8770.
  38. Web site: Stichting Erasmushuis – Rotterdam. nl. 2020-05-23.
  39. Book: McConica . James . Oxford Dictionary of National Biography . 4 January 2007 . James Kelsey McConica.
  40. Stefania . Pastore . Unwise Paths. Ignatius Loyola and the Years of Alcalá de Henares. A Companion to Ignatius of Loyola: Life, Writings, Spirituality, Influence . 28 August 2014 . 25–44 . 10.1163/9789004280601_004. 978-90-04-28060-1 .
  41. Donnelly . John . For the Greater Glory of God: St. Ignatius Loyola . Leaders of the Reformation . 1 January 1984 .
  42. Homza . Lu Ann . Erasmus as Hero, or Heretic? Spanish Humanism and the Valladolid Assembly of 1527* . Renaissance Quarterly . 1997 . 50 . 1 . 78–118 . 10.2307/3039329. 3039329 . 193073750 .
  43. Book: McGrath . Michael J. . The Hermeneutics of Cervantine Spirituality . Don Quixote and Catholicism . 2020 . 79 . 35–56 . Purdue University Press. 10.2307/j.ctvs1g8v0.6 . j.ctvs1g8v0.6 . 978-1-55753-899-4 . 241159926 .
  44. "Even before Henry VIII fell out with the pope, Erasmian humanism had given some English Catholics an evangelical enthusiasm for Scripture and a distaste for popular devotions thought to be superstitious. Catholic evangelicals and moderate Protestants differed little on the authority of Scripture and the roles of faith and works in justification." Haigh . Christopher . Catholicism in Early Modern England: Bossy and Beyond . The Historical Journal . June 2002 . 45 . 2 . 481–494 . 10.1017/S0018246X02002479. 163117077 .
  45. Bilney, Thomas . 3 . Pollard . Albert Frederick . Albert Pollard . 945-946 . 1.
  46. Book: DeCoursey . Matthew . The Thomas More / William Tyndale Polemic: A Selection . 2010 . Hong Kong Institute of Education . Hong Kong . 18 October 2023.
  47. Mozley . J. F. . The English Enchiridion of Erasmus, 1533 . The Review of English Studies . 1944 . 20 . 78 . 97–107 . 10.1093/res/os-XX.78.97 . 509156 . 0034-6551.
  48. Rankin . Mark . Tyndale, Erasmus, and the Early English Reformation . Erasmus Studies . 5 October 2018 . 38 . 2 . 135–170 . 10.1163/18749275-03802001. 165671856.
  49. Web site: Paraphrases of Erasmus on the New Testament (1548-1549) Text : Erasmus, Desiderius : Free Download, Borrow, and Streaming : Internet Archive. 2 December 2023.
  50. Corti . Claudia . Shakespeare Contra Erasmus . Memoria di Shakespeare. A Journal of Shakespearean Studies . 31 December 2019 . 6 . N. 6 (2019): On Vanitas . 10.13133/2283-8759/16398.
  51. Moving between sources: Ovid and Erasmus in Shakespeare's Sonnets . Memory and Intertextuality in Renaissance Literature . 2016 . 76–112 . Cambridge University Press.
  52. Drouet . Pascale . A Shakespearean Exploration of Erasmus' festine lente . Shakespeare . 3 July 2019 . 15 . 3 . 233–242 . 10.1080/17450918.2019.1634133. 199248074.
  53. Bertman . Stephen . Defoe and "the Footprints of Man" . Digital Defoe: Studies in Defoe & His Contemporaries . 2013 . 5 . 1.
  54. Hammond . Eugene R. . In Praise of Wisdom and the Will of God: Erasmus' "Praise of Folly" and Swift's "A Tale of a Tub" . Studies in Philology . 1983 . 80 . 3 . 253–276 . 4174150 . 0039-3738.
  55. Book: Dodds, Gregory D.. 'Betwixt Heaven and Hell': Religious Toleration and the Reception of Erasmus in Restoration England . The Reception of Erasmus in the Early Modern Period . 1 January 2013 . 103–127 . 10.1163/9789004255630_006. 9789004255630 .
  56. Young . Brian . Gibbon and Catholicism . The Cambridge Companion to Edward Gibbon . 30 June 2018 . 147–166 . 10.1017/9781139547291.010. 978-1-139-54729-1.
  57. Web site: IN PRAISE OF FOLLY, by Erasmus . www.gutenberg.org.
  58. "What might have been" The Collected Works of G. K. Chesterton, ed. Lawrence J. Clipper, vol. 35, The Illustrated London News 1929- 1931 (San Francisco: Ignatius Press, 1991)
  59. Hoffmann . Manfred . Summer 1989 . Faith and Piety in Erasmus's Thought . . . 20 . 2 . 241–258 . 10.2307/2540661 . 2540661. 166213471.
  60. Caspers . Charles M.A. . Requirements for Becoming and Remaining a Pastor: An Impression from the Late Medieval Synodal Statutes of the Diocese of Cambrai, 1308-1500 . Nederlands Archief voor Kerkgeschiedenis / Dutch Review of Church History . 2003 . 83 . 84–103 . 10.1163/187607502X00059 . 24012937 . 0028-2030.
  61. Erasmus nearly attended the Fifth Lateran Council: in 1512, Bishop John Fisher invited Erasmus to join his delegation, but Erasmus was prevented by circumstance.Porter . H. C. . Fisher and Erasmus . Humanism, Reform and the Reformation . 26 January 1989 . 81–102 . 10.1017/CBO9780511665813.006. 9780521340342.
  62. Miller . Clement A. . Erasmus on Music . The Musical Quarterly . 1966 . 52 . 3 . 332–349 . 10.1093/mq/LII.3.332 . 3085961.
  63. van Ruler . Han . Martin . Terence J. . Review of Truth and Irony: Philosophical Meditations on Erasmus, MartinTerence J. . Renaissance Quarterly . 2017 . 70 . 3 . 1168–1170 . 26560563 . 0034-4338.
  64. Even more important and impressive is how close Erasmus came in the “Paraclesis” to anticipating the teaching in Latin: [[Catholic theology of Scripture|Dei Verbum]] that Revelation is the revelation of a person." O’Malley . John W. . Theology before the Reformation: Renaissance Humanism and Vatican II . Theological Studies . June 2019 . 80 . 2 . 256–270 . 10.1177/0040563919836245. free.
  65. Web site: Pastoralis vigilantiae (June 25, 1891) LEO XIII . www.vatican.va.
  66. Web site: Vigilantiae studiique (30 Octobris 1902) LEO XIII . www.vatican.va.
  67. Collins . Thomas Aquinas . Cardinal Cajetan's Fundamental Biblical Principles . The Catholic Biblical Quarterly . 1955 . 17 . 3 . 363–378 . 43710142 . 0008-7912.
  68. Book: John XXIII . Pope . Ad Petri Cathedram . June 29, 1959 . 9 August 2023.
  69. The phrase was coined after Erasmus' time. A more accurate characterization of Erasmus' views might be that while a certain docility was ideal for laypeople in theological matters, the quid pro quo was that theologians and bishops should keep the defined doctrines to a minimum. For example, see Tracy . James D. . Erasmus and the Arians: Remarks on the "Consensus Ecclesiae" . The Catholic Historical Review . 1981 . 67 . 1 . 1–10 . 25020997 . 0008-8080. or Book: Cummings . Brian . The Literary Culture of the Reformation . 5 December 2002 . 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198187356.003.0005.
  70. Web site: John Paul II . Fides et Ratio (14 September 1998) . www.vatican.va.
  71. He believed that "learning and scholarship were a powerful weapon both for the cultivation of personal piety and institutional church reform." Book: Cunningham . Lawrence S. . The Catholic Heritage: Martyrs, Ascetics, Pilgrims, Warriors, Mystics, Theologians, Artists, Humanists, Activists, Outsiders, and Saints . 1 March 2002 . Wipf and Stock Publishers . 978-1-57910-897-7 . en.
  72. Catholic dogmatic theologian Aidan Nichols however notes that, in justice, "for Erasmus himself, the doctrine of redemption (understood as beginning with the incarnation of the Word) remained central as giving the whole world a Christocentric orientation: the goal of all living things is the harmony of all things, and especially human beings, with God, a harmony realized, in principle, in Christ." Book: Nichols . Aidan . Shape of Catholic Theology: An Introduction To Its Sources, Principles, And History . 28 August 2003 . A&C Black . 978-0-8264-4360-1 . en. p.313
  73. Book: EASTER VIGIL PART III: THE BAPTISMAL LITURGY Presider Book . 2020 . Catholic Dioscese of Madison . Madison, Wisconsin .
  74. Web site: Adopting a Protestant-Inspired Rite - Dialogue Mass 62 by Dr. Carol Byrne . www.traditioninaction.org.
  75. Web site: Folla . Pamela . The Sacrament of Confirmation . Catholicireland.net . 30 November 1999.
  76. For which he was predictably accused of heresy by his university opponents, who claimed he was inventing a new sacrament.
  77. "It is a remarkable fact that the attitude of the popes towards Erasmus was never inimical; on the contrary, they exhibited at all times the most complete confidence in him. Paul III even wanted to make him a cardinal," Catholic Encyclopedia
  78. By 1524, his disciples included, in his words, "the (Holy Roman) Emperor, the Kings of England, France, and Denmark, Prince Ferdinand of Germany, the Cardinal of England, the Archbishop of Canterbury, and more princes, more bishops, more learned and honourable men than I can name, not only in England, Flanders, France, and Germany, but even in Poland and Hungary..." quoted in Web site: Trevor-Roper . Hugh . Erasmus . Pro Europa . 30 July 2020 . 29 December 2023 . 29 December 2023 . https://web.archive.org/web/20231229081301/https://www.pro-europa.eu/europe/trevor-roper-hugh-erasmus/ . live .
  79. Erasmus . A Sermon on the Immense Mercy of God / Concio de immensa Dei misericordia . Spiritualia and Pastoralia . 31 December 1998 . 69–140 . 10.3138/9781442680128-003. 978-1-4426-8012-8 .
  80. Scheck . Thomas P. . Mark Vessey (ed.), Erasmus on Literature: His Ratio or 'System' of 1518/1519 (Review) . Moreana . June 2022 . 59 . 1 . 141–148 . 10.3366/more.2022.0119. 248601520 .
  81. O'Reilly . Terence . Erasmus, Ignatius Loyola, and Orthodoxy . The Journal of Theological Studies . 1979 . 30 . 1 . 115–127 . 10.1093/jts/XXX.1.115 . 23961674 . 0022-5185.
  82. Levi . Anthony . Notes and Comments: Ignatius of Loyola and Erasmus . The Heythrop Journal . October 1970 . 11 . 4 . 421–423 . 10.1111/j.1468-2265.1970.tb00170.x.
  83. Book: O'Reilly . Terence . The Spiritual Exercises of Saint Ignatius of Loyola: Contexts, Sources, Reception . 1 January 2021 . 10.1163/9789004429758_004. 241045104 .
  84. Web site: On this day: Erasmus . National Catholic Reporter . en.
  85. Coleman . David . Moral Formation and Social Control in the Catholic Reformation: The Case of San Juan de Avila . The Sixteenth Century Journal . 1995 . 26 . 1 . 17–30 . 10.2307/2541523 . 2541523 . 163720572 . 0361-0160.
  86. Martín Hernández . Francisco . Was Saint John of Avila an Erasmian? . Anuario de Historia de la Iglesia . 2012 . 21 . 63–76.
  87. Book: Ron . Nathan . Erasmus' and las Casas' Conception of Barbarian Peoples . Erasmus and the "Other" . 2019 . 77–96 . 10.1007/978-3-030-24929-8_6. 978-3-030-24928-1 .
  88. Book: Erasmus . Desiderius . The Correspondence of Erasmus: Letters 594-841 (1517-1518) . 31 December 1979 . 10.3138/9781442681019. 978-1-4426-8101-9 .
  89. Noël Beda . Oxford Reference . en.
  90. "The linear paradigm puts the emphasis on a one-dimensional human history which heads to a point of perfection, where it should come to an end." However, the views of reformers such as Giles of Viterbo tended to a negative linear view of spiritual decay, or was cyclical. Book: Semonian . Narik . Desiderius Erasmus: a spoiler of the Roman Catholic tradition? (Thesis) . 2016 . Leiden University . 5 December 2023.
  91. Rummel . Erika . Et cum theologo bella poeta gerit: The Conflict between Humanists and Scholastics Revisited . The Sixteenth Century Journal . 1992 . 23 . 4 . 713–726 . 10.2307/2541729 . 2541729 . 165507088 . 0361-0160.
  92. http://www.ctsfw.net/media/pdfs/reynoldserasmusresponsibleluther.pdf Concordia Theological Journal
  93. Heesakkers . Chris L. . Erasmus's "Controversies" . The Catholic Historical Review . 2009 . 95 . 1 . 79–86 . 27745444 . 0008-8080.
  94. Book: Ocker . Christopher . The Hybrid Reformation: A Social, Cultural, and Intellectual History of Contending Forces . 2022 . Cambridge University Press . 978-1-108-47797-0 . 157–184 . Erasmus and Biblical Scholasticism. 10.1017/9781108775434.011 .
  95. Book: Nesvig . Martin Austin . Ideology and Inquisition: The World of the Censors in Early Mexico . 2009 . Yale University Press . New Haven . 978-0-300-14040-8.
  96. Book: Charles . Henry . Chapters of the History of Spain connected with the Inquisition . 1890 . Lea Brothers . Philadelophia . 21 June 2023.
  97. Bloemendal . Jan . Praised and Maligned: Receptions of Erasmus' Paraphrases on the New Testament: 2023 Roland Bainton Lecture . Erasmus Studies . 6 March 2024 . 44 . 1 . 5–32 . 10.1163/18749275-04401004.
  98. Emerton (1889), p455
  99. Book: Rublack . Ulinka . Reformation Europe . 2017 . Cambridge University Press . 978-1-107-60354-7 . 92–123 . 2 . People and Networks in the Age of the Reformations. 10.1017/9781139087728.005 .
  100. Wilkinson . Maurice . Erasmus, the Sorbonne and the Index . The Catholic Historical Review . 1924 . 10 . 3 . 353–357 . 25012096 . 0008-8080.
  101. Web site: Index librorum prohibitorum sanctissimi domini nostri Leonis XIII pont. max. jussu editus . Turini: Typ. Pontificia et Archiepiscopalis Eq. P. Marietti . 1892.
  102. Book: Pabel, Himer M.. Praise and Blame: Peter Canisius's ambivalent assessment of Erasmus . Enenkel . Karl Alfred Engelbert . The reception of Erasmus in the early modern period . 2013 . 139 . 10.1163/9789004255630_007 . 9789004255630.
  103. Chapter 18, The Attitudes of the Jesuits toward Erasmus, Book: Grendler . Paul F. . Humanism, Universities, and Jesuit Education in Late Renaissance Italy . 2 May 2022 . 9789004510289 . Brill. 10.1163/9789004510289_020.
  104. Catechisms, preaching manuals, works of St Cyril of Alexandria, and a collection of St Jerome intended to counter the anti-monastic spin given in Erasmus'.Book: Donnelly . John . Peter Canisius . Shapers of Religious Traditions in Germany, Switzerland, and Poland, 1560-1600 . 1 January 1981. 10.2307/j.ctt211qw0c.13 .
  105. Richgels . Robert W. . The Pattern of Controversy in a Counter-Reformation Classic: The Controversies of Robert Bellarmine . The Sixteenth Century Journal . 1980 . 11 . 2 . 3–15 . 10.2307/2540028 . 2540028 . 165401003 . 0361-0160.
  106. "As a consultor to the Congregation of the Index, Robert Bellarmine recommended removing Erasmus from the list of heretics of the first class, since he did not consider Erasmus a heretic, despite his errors."Entries - Erasmus . The Cambridge Encyclopedia of the Jesuits . 16 August 2017 . 11–858 . 10.1017/9781139032780.002.
  107. Bellarmine himself had books placed on the same Roman Index as Erasmus'. Chapter 2, Book: Blackwell . Richard J. . Galileo, Bellarmine, and the Bible . 1991 . University of Notre Dame Press. 10.2307/j.ctvpg847x . j.ctvpg847x . 9780268010270 .
  108. Nellen . Henk . Bloemendal . Jan . Erasmus's Biblical Project: Some Thoughts and Observations on Its Scope, Its Impact in the Sixteenth Century and Reception in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries . Church History and Religious Culture . 2016 . 96 . 4 . 595–635 . 10.1163/18712428-09604006 . 26382868 . 1871-241X . 22 December 2023 . 22 December 2023 . https://web.archive.org/web/20231222115919/https://www.jstor.org/stable/26382868 . live .
  109. Book: Hsia . Ronnie Po-chia . A Jesuit in the Forbidden city: Matteo Ricci, 1552-1610 . 2010 . 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199592258.003.0001.
  110. Schloesser . Stephen . Accommodation as a Rhetorical Principle . Journal of Jesuit Studies . 1 April 2014 . 1 . 3 . 347–372 . 10.1163/22141332-00103001. free .
  111. "The method of accommodation, central in the missionary activity of Matteo Ricci, has its theological roots in the thought of Thomas Aquinas and Erasmus of Rotterdam" according to the Dean of Studies of the Pontifical Institute for Foreign Missions Web site: Criveller . Gianni . The Method of 'Accommodation' . Society of Jesus, Chinese Province . IHS . 26 December 2023 . 28 October 2010.
  112. Web site: Criveller . Gianni . The Background of Matteo Ricci The Shaping of his Intellectual and Scientific Endowment . Macau Ricci Institute . 26 December 2023.
  113. Book: Dijkstra . Trude . Printing and publishing Chinese religion and philosophy in the Dutch Republic, 1595-1700: the Chinese imprint . 2022 . Brill . Leiden Boston . 978-90-04-42639-9.
  114. Web site: Pocetto . Alexander T. . The Salesian Approach to Why I Remain a Catholic . DeSales University . 19 August 2023.
  115. Web site: Marie . Sister Susan . For Scholars: St. Francis de Sales and Erasmus, by Charles Bene . Visitation Spirit . 18 July 2022.
  116. Book: Wirth . Morand . Saint Francis de Sales - A program of integral formation . 2022 . LAS - Libreria Ateneo Salesiano . Rome . 978-88-213-1485-8 . 19 August 2023.
  117. Book: Donlan . Thomas A. . The reform of zeal: François de Sales and militant French Catholicism . 2018 . Centre for French History and Culture of The University of St Andrews . St Andrews . 978-1-907548-16-1.
  118. McGoldrick . Terence . The Ascent of Marriage as Vocation and Sacrament. Francis de Sales' Christian Humanist Theology of Marriage. A New and Old Vision between Two Competing Traditions on the Highest Vocation from the Apostolic Church to Erasmus . Salesianum . 2015 . 77 . 207–249 . 19 August 2023.
  119. Book: Edwards . Edward . Memoirs of Libraries: Part the first. History of libraries . 1859 . Trübner & Company . en.
  120. Book: Scheck . Thomas P. . Erasmus's Life of Origen . ERASMus's PROGRAM for THEOLOGICAL RENEWAL . 2016 . 1–42 . https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt19rmcgd.7 . Catholic University of America Press. 10.2307/j.ctt19rmcgd.7 . j.ctt19rmcgd.7 . 9780813228013 .
  121. Viz. his colleague Giles of Viterbo's comment on internality at the Fifth Lateran Council that "Religion should change men, not men religion" (i.e. doctrine) O'Malley . John W. . Historical Thought and the Reform Crisis of the Early Sixteenth Century . Theological Studies . September 1967 . 28 . 3 . 531–548 . 10.1177/004056396702800304. 147394335 .
  122. Erasmus and Biblical Scholasticism . The Hybrid Reformation: A Social, Cultural, and Intellectual History of Contending Forces . 2022 . 157–184 . 10.1017/9781108775434.011. 978-1-108-77543-4 .
  123. Bouyer . Louis . Erasmus in Relation to the Medieval Biblical Tradition . The Cambridge History of the Bible: Volume 2: The West from the Fathers to the Reformation . 1969 . 2 . 492–506 . 10.1017/CHOL9780521042550.011 . 978-1-139-05550-5 . en.
  124. Scheck 2021, op cit., pits the discernment of one pair of canonized saints (More and Fisher) against another pair (Canesius and Bellarmine), quoting historian Rudolph Padberg "They (More and Fisher) knew Erasmus, they defended him...their assessment of Erasmus weighs more heavily than the assessment of the next generation and of the period of Church revolution, which saw itself compelled to turn all instruments of peace into weapons." R. Padberg, Erasmus als Katechet (Freiburg im Breisgau: Herder, 1956) 18–19
  125. Mazzonis . Querciolo . A female idea of religious perfection: Angela Merici and the Company of St Ursula (1535–1540) . Renaissance Studies . 2004 . 18 . 3 . 391–411 . 10.1111/j.0269-1213.2004.00068.x . 24413514 . 0269-1213.
  126. Book: Orique O.P. . David Thomas . Roldán-Figueroa . Rady . Bartolomé de las Casas, O.P.: History, Philosophy, and Theology in the Age of European Expansion . 1 January 2019 . 10.1163/9789004387669_006. 222617652 . 978-90-04-36973-3. Brill . Volume 189 in series Studies in the History of Christian Traditions,
  127. Erasmus "surpassed his predecessors and contemporaries in his attempts to understand the Christian textual and theological tradition, not as one where we may cast back dogmatic formulations, onto first-century writers who had no notion of them, for example, but as one which developed according to the norms of particular times and places" Essary . Kirk . Review, Christine Christ-von Wedel, Erasmus of Rotterdam: Advocate of a New Christianity . Erasmus Studies . 1 January 2014 . 10.1163/18749275-03401006 .
  128. Book: Mansfield . Bruce . Erasmus in the Twentieth Century . 6 May 2003 . University of Toronto Press . 978-1-4426-7455-4 . en . Erasmus in the Twentieth Century: Interpretations 1920-2000. 10.3138/9781442674554 .
  129. "Origen (who was for me, as once for Erasmus, more important than Augustine) became the key to the entire Greek patristics, the early Middle Ages and, indeed, even to Hegel and Karl Barth." Hans Urs von Balthasar, My Work, apud Polanco . Rodrigo . Understanding Von Balthasar's Trilogy . Theologica Xaveriana . 2017 . 67 . 184 . 411–430 . 10.11144/javeriana.tx67-184.uvbt . en. free .
  130. "De Lubac's preface to G. Chantraine's Latin: 'Mystere' et 'Philosophie du Christ' selon Erasmus (1971) presents Erasmus as, above all, a theologian who concentrated on the Greek, Modern (1453-);: mysterium, Latin: philosophia Christi, and the bond between exegesis and theology. "https://muse.jhu.edu/article/637274/summaryDe Lubac thought Erasmus "bravely tried to relaunch spiritual exegesis at an unpropitious time." Book: Nichols . Aidan . Divine fruitfulness: a guide through Balthasar's theology beyond the trilogy . 2007 . T & T Clark . 978-0567089335 . London. p67
  131. Erasmus and the Humanist Experiment (1957) p.175 quoted in Trethowan . Illtyd . Reviews of Book: Erasmus and the Humanist Experiment . The Downside Review . April 1960 . 78 . 251 . 142–143 . 10.1177/001258066007825114.
  132. Summarized as "The evolution of Greek thought represented by Socrates ‘stands in close analogy’ with the evolution of Old Testament religiosity. Christianity is the result of their actual convergence." Gagné . Renaud . Whose Handmaiden? 'Hellenisation' between Philology and Theology . Classical Philology and Theology . 17 September 2020 . 110–125 . 10.1017/9781108860048.006. 978-1-108-86004-8 . 224955316 .
  133. O'Connell . Patrick F. . If Not for Luther? Thomas Merton and Erasmus . Merton Annual . January 2020 . 33 . 125–146.
  134. Book: Molen . Richard L. de . The spirituality of Erasmus of Rotterdam . 1987 . De Graaf . Nieuwkoop . 978-90-6004-392-9.
  135. Web site: Luther . Martin . The Table Talk of Martin Luther . H. G. Bohn . en . 1857. ' (translation: Hazlitt) Also "I hold Erasmus of Rotterdam to be Christ's most bitter enemy." "With Erasmus it is translation and nothing else. He is never in earnest. He is ambiguous and a caviller" apudWeb site: Armstrong . Dave . Catholicism . Biblical Evidence for . Luther's Insults of Erasmus in "Bondage of the Will" & "Table-Talk" . Biblical Evidence for Catholicism . en . 2 February 2017.
  136. Book: Schaff . Philip . History of the Christian Church, Volume VII. Modern Christianity. The German Reformation . 1910 . Charles Scribner's Sons . 19 August 2023.
  137. Book: Eckert . Otto J. . Luther and the Reformation . 1955 . 18 October 2023.
  138. Drickamer . John . Did Melanchthon become a synergist? . The Springfielder . 1979 . 40 . 2 . 2 May 2024.
  139. Book: Essary, Kirk . Erasmus and Calvin on the Foolishness of God: Reason and Emotion in the Christian Philosophy . 2017 . University of Toronto Press . 9781487501884.
  140. Web site: dseverance . 2019-10-14 . Erasmus and the Renaissance of the Bible Houston Christian University . 2024-06-25 . hc.edu . en-US.
  141. Book: Eire, Carlos M. N. . War Against the Idols: The Reformation of Worship from Erasmus to Calvin . 1989-01-27 . Cambridge University Press . 978-0-521-37984-7 . 77 . en.
  142. Nauert . Charles G. . Review of The Intellectual Origins of the European Reformation. . Renaissance Quarterly . 1988 . 41 . 4 . 725–727 . 10.2307/2861896 . 2861896 . 164003270 . 0034-4338.
  143. Kyle . Richard . (Review) Erasmus, the Anabaptists, and the Great Commission . directionjournal.org . 1999 . 28 . 1 . 126–127 . 19 August 2023.
  144. Book: Williamson . Darren T. . Erasmus of Rotterdam's Influence upon Anabaptism: The Case of Balthasar Hubmaie . 2005 . Simon Fraser University . 6 August 2023.
  145. Book: Davis . Kenneth Ronald . Anabaptism and Asceticism: A Study in Intellectual Origins . 1974 . Herald Press . 978-0-8361-1195-8 . en.
  146. Web site: TeSlaa . Kevin . Treick . Paul . Arminius and the Remonstrants . Heidelberg Seminary . 19 August 2023 . 31 December 2018.
  147. Book: Stanglin . Keith D. . McCall . Thomas H. . Jacob Arminius: Theologian of Grace . 15 November 2012 . OUP USA . 978-0-19-975567-7 . en.
  148. Book: Lim . Hyeongkwon . John Milbank and the Mystery of the Supernatural: His Postmodern Engagement with Henri de Lubac . 2013 . HAL . en.
  149. Massing, 2022 ( publisher's abstract)
  150. Letter 480, to Budé (ed. Allen)
  151. Page, James. 2015. Fixing global governance, Online Opinion, 29 October 2015.
  152. Knowles . Dom David . Ch XI - Erasmus . The Religious Orders in England . 27 September 1979 . 10.1017/CBO9780511560668.012.
  153. Catholic Encyclopedia: Desiderius Erasmus . www.newadvent.org .
  154. Book: Ozment . Steven . The Age of Reform 1250-1550: An Intellectual and Religious History of Late Medieval and Reformation Europe . 28 September 1980 . Yale University Press . 978-0-300-18668-0 . en.
  155. "One difference between him (Edmund Campion) and Erasmus surely was that Erasmus was a humanist who could not help being a Catholic; Campion, irrevocably a Catholic with a convinced longing to be a humanist: and, again, Campion urged positive ideals and criticized others only in so far as they fell short of his standard; Erasmus really disliked men personally." Web site: Martindale . C. C. . Saint Edmund Campion . www.ecatholic2000.com . 22 March 2024.
  156. Savage . Howard J. . The First Visit of Erasmus to England . PMLA . 1922 . 37 . 1 . 94–112 . 10.2307/457209 . 457209 . 163841538 . 0030-8129.
  157. Williams . W. J. . Erasmus the Man . Studies: An Irish Quarterly Review . 1927 . 16 . 64 . 595–604 . 30094064 . 0039-3495 . 7 April 2024 . 7 April 2024 . https://web.archive.org/web/20240407113754/https://www.jstor.org/stable/30094064 . live .
  158. Minnich . Nelson H. . Meissner . W. W. . The Character of Erasmus . The American Historical Review . 1978 . 83 . 3 . 598–624 . 10.2307/1861840 . 1861840 . 11610344 . 0002-8762.
  159. Mout . Nicolette . Against a Feline Erasmus: On the Occasion of the Publication of the Fiftieth Volume of Erasmi Opera Omnia—Amsterdam, 19 January, 2018 . Erasmus Studies . 6 September 2019 . 39 . 2 . 129–145 . 10.1163/18749275-03902003. free .
  160. Book: Huizinga . Johan . Flower . Barbara . Erasmus and the Age of Reformation . 1952 . Harper Collins . 15 July 2023.
  161. Tracy . James D. . (Review) The Tragedy of Erasmus . The Sixteenth Century Journal . 1 October 1975 . 6 . 2 . 119–120 . 10.2307/2539752. 2539752 .
  162. May . Harry S. . ה' . מאי . ארסמוס והיהודים – מחקר פסיכו-היסטורי / Erasmus and the Jews — a Psychohistoric Reëvaluation . Proceedings of the World Congress of Jewish Studies / דברי הקונגרס העולמי למדעי היהדות . 1973 . ו . 85–93 . 23529114 . 0333-9068.

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