Suyá language explained

Suyá language should not be confused with Yarumá language (Carib).

Kĩsêdjê (Suyá)
Nativename:Khĩsêtjê kapẽrẽ
Pronunciation:pronounced as /[kʰĩˈsedʒe kaˈpẽɽẽ]/
States:Brazil
Region:Xingu Indigenous Park, Mato Grosso
Ethnicity:Kĩsêdjê (Suyá)
Speakers:350
Date:2006
Ref:e18
Familycolor:American
Fam1:Macro-Jê
Fam2:
Fam3:Cerrado
Fam4:Northern Jê
Fam5:Trans-Tocantins
Fam6:Trans-Araguaia
Fam7:Tapajós (Suyá)
Iso3:suy
Glotto:suya1243
Glottorefname:Suyá

Kĩsêdjê (Suyá, Kĩsêdjê: Khĩsêtjê kapẽrẽ pronounced as /[kʰĩˈsedʒe kaˈpẽɽẽ]/) is a Northern Jê language (, Macro-Jê) spoken in Mato Grosso, Brazil. It is closely related to Tapayúna; together, they form the Tapajós branch of Northern Jê.[1]

Kĩsêdjê is closely related to Tapayúna;[2] the common past on the Tapajós River, shared by the Kĩsêdjê and the Tapayúna, is still part of their oral history.[1] Phonological differences between the languages include the reflexes of Proto-Northern Jê *m/*mb, *mr/*mbr, *c (in onsets), (in codas), and *b (in stressed syllables). In Kĩsêdjê, these consonants are reflected as m/mb, mr/mbr, s, n, and p, respectively, whereas Tapayúna has w ([w̃]), nr ([ɾ̃]), t ([t̪]), j ([j]), and w ([w]) in the same words.[1]

Phonology

Consonants

Kĩsêdjê preserved the consonants of Proto-Tapajós almost intact, with the exception of the sound change *t̪ʰ > s.[3]

Onsets

The following table lists some of the possible onsets of Kĩsêdjê; in addition, most of these can further combine with /w/ or /ɲ/ (in words whose Proto-Northern Jê etyma contain one of *wa, *wə̂, or *jê, which are analyzed as complex nuclei). Underlying nasals acquire an oral phase preceding an oral nucleus.

Kĩsêdjê onsets
labiallabial + rhoticdental/(post)alveolarpalatalvelarvelar + rhoticglottalglottal + rhotic
plain stopsp /p/ [p]t /t/ [t̪]k /k/ [k]
aspirated stopsth /tʰ/ [t̠ʰ]kh /kʰ/ [kʰ]khr /kʰɽ/ [kʰɹ]
fricativess /s/ [s]h(w) /h(w)/ [h(w)]hr /hɽ/ [hɽ]
prenasalized stopnt /ⁿt/ [nt̪]
nasal stopsm/mb /m/ [m]/[mb]mr/mbr /mɽ/ [mɽ̃]/[mbɽ]n/nd /n/ [n]/[nd]nh/j /ɲ/ [ɲ]/[nj] ~ [j]ng /ŋ/ [ŋ]/[ŋg]ngr /ŋɽ/ [ŋɹ̃]/[ŋgɹ]
sonorantsw /w/ [w]r /ɽ/ [ɽ]

Vowels

The vowel inventory of Kĩsêdjê is shown below (the orthographic representation is given in italics; the characters in slashes stand for the IPA values of each vowel). Nonato (2014) reports that there is no allophonic variation. By convention, the tilde, which is part of the graphemes that denote nasal vowels, is left out in the orthography following , , and (but not ), as in [mɔ̃] ‘to go (plural)’. In addition, the vowels /ɘ̃/ and /ã/ are not differentiated in the orthography (both are written as <ã>).

OralNasal
i /i/y /ɨ/u /u/ĩ /ĩ/ /ɨ̃/ũ /ũ/
ê /e/â /ɘ/ô /o/ /ẽ/ã /ɘ̃/õ /õ/
e /ɛ/á /ɜ/o /ɔ/
a /a/ã /ã/

Echo vowels

Kĩsêdjê has a phenomenon whereby an echo vowel is obligatorily inserted in utterance-final words whose underlying form ends in a consonant;[4] [5] that way, all utterances end in vowels on surface in Kĩsêdjê. Vowel epenthesis often causes the underlying coda to lenite. The resulting alternations are represented orthographically, as in thep [ˈt̠ʰɛp̚] / thewe [ˈt̠ʰɛwɛ] ‘fish’, wit [ˈwit̚] / wiri [ˈwiɾi] ‘only’, ngrôt [ˈŋgɹot̚] / ngrôrô [ˈŋgɹoɾo] ‘the Pleiades’, khẽn [ˈkʰɛ̃n̚] / khẽne [ˈkʰɛ̃nɛ̃] ‘stone’, hwysysôm [hʷɨsɨˈsom̚] / hwysysômy [hʷɨsɨˈsomɨ] ‘mosquito’.[5] In words that end in an underlying rhotic coda, echo vowels are inserted regardless of whether the word is in the utterance-final position, as in ngõrõ [ˈŋɔ̃ɽɔ̃] ‘to sleep’ (forms such as *[ˈŋɔ̃ɽ] are unattested).[4]

Morphology

Finiteness

As in all other Northern Jê languages, verbs inflect for finiteness and thus have a basic opposition between a finite form (also form B[6] and main form[4]) and a nonfinite form (also form A[6] and embedded form[4]). Finite forms are used in matrix clauses only, whereas nonfinite forms are used in all types of subordinate clauses[4] as well as in some matrix clauses. Nonfinite forms are most often formed via suffixation and/or prefix substitution. Some verbs (including all descriptives with the exception of katho ‘to leave’, whose nonfinite form is kathoro) lack an overt finiteness distinction.

The available nonfinite suffixes are /-ɽ/ (the most common option, found in many transitive and intransitive verbs, with its allomorph /-j/ after the vowel /a/), /-n/ (found in some transitive verbs), as well as /-k/, /-m/, and /-t/ (found in a handful of intransitive verbs which take a nominative subject when finite), as shown in the table below.[4] [6]

Nonfinite suffixes in Kĩsêdjê
finite nonfinite gloss
suffix /-ɽ/ (/-j/ after /a/)
mo mo to go (plural)
to kill (singular)
to cross
jantô jantô to hang (plural)
py pyry to take (singular)
twâ twâ to bathe
ngre ngere to dance
mba mbaj to know, to hear, to understand
hwa hwaj to kill (plural)
kapa kapaj to extract (singular)
ka kaj to grill (singular)
suffix /-n/
ru run to spill
mbâ mbân to grab (singular)
kakhê kakhên to scratch
ahwê táhwên to work
jandê jandên to press, to squeeze
jarẽ jarẽn to say
suffix /-k/
thy thyk to die
rwâ rwâk to descend
ihwê hwêk to fart
suffix /-m/
thẽ thẽm to go (singular)
ikhõ khõm to drink
ta m to stand (singular)
suffix /-t/
angjê ngjêt to enter (plural)

In Proto-Northern Jê, several verbs derived their finite forms by means of leniting the stem-final consonant (*-t, *-c, *-k*-r, *-j, *-r).[3] In Kĩsêdjê, at least three verbs retain this pattern,[4] [6] though the relation between the finite and nonfinite forms has been obfuscated by a series of regular sound changes, including *-ôj > -wâj (-âj after a labial), *-c > -t.

Nonfinite suffixes in Kĩsêdjê
finite nonfinite gloss Proto-Northern Jê finite Proto-Northern Jê nonfinite
ngõrõ nhon to sleep
  • ŋõr
  • ñõt
pâj / pâji pôt to arrive
  • bôj
  • bôc
ro hwâj / ro hwâji ro hôt to extract (plural)
  • pôj
  • pôc

The erstwhile palatalizing prefix

In Proto-Northern Jê, a small set of verbs formed their nonfinite forms by employing one of the aforementioned processes and a morphophonological process whereby the onset of the stressed syllable became palatal, and the nucleus of the stressed syllable was raised (if possible); this has been attributed to the influence of an underlying palatalizing nonfinite prefix. In Kĩsêdjê, some of these verbs still follow the archaic pattern, though the relation between the finite and nonfinite forms has been obfuscated by a series of regular sound changes.[3]

finite nonfinite gloss
kutho (pl. jatho) kun (pl. jan) to ignite
kujathe kujak to push
ngõ nhon to sleep
ngõ nho to give
(khrã) tha (khrã) syry to cut off (singular)
ne nhyrỹ to do so, to say so

Prefix substitution or loss

In addition to the aforementioned processes, the finiteness inflection may involve prefix substitution or loss. For example, the valency-reducing prefixes are a(j)- (anticausative) and a- (antipassive) in finite verb forms, but wi- and tá-/tu-, respectively, in the nonfinite forms.[3] In addition, some verbs which denote physiological activities or movement have a prefix (i- and a-, respectively) in their finite forms but not in the nonfinite form. Some examples are given below.[7]

Finiteness and prefix alternations in Kĩsêdjê
finite nonfinite gloss
anticausatives
ajkhẽ wikhẽn to laugh
aj wipãn to be drunk
akhrõ wikhrõn to gather (of people, anticausative)
antipassives
ajarẽ tujarẽn to narrate
ambra mbra to shout
a pêrê to blow (of wind)
api piri to go up
akhĩn / akhĩni khĩn to shout
ahwê hwên to work
physiological verbs
ikhõ khõm to drink
ihwê hwêk to fart
movement verbs
a tárá to enter (singular)
angjê ngjêt to enter (plural)

Nominative–absolutive clauses

Future, progressive, continuous, completive, and negated clauses in Kĩsêdjê show a cross-linguistically rare morphosyntactic alignment pattern, known as the nominative–absolutive alignment.[8]

Kĩsêdjê has also been considered unusual in the literature because of its unexpected (from a cross-linguistic point of view) distribution of ergative and nominative marking of transitive agents in certain types of clauses, such as future and negative clauses.[9] More specifically, transitive agents expressed by a full noun phrase are nominative (marked by the subject marker ra in the examples below), whereas pronominal transitive agents are ergative, as in the following examples:[9]

Such split has been previously considered to be impossible by R. M. W. Dixon:[10]

Cross-referencing systems are thus basically pronominal (with the affixes having developed from free-form pronouns, in some earlier stage of the language). We would expect them to be on a nominative-accusative pattern, since this characterizes pronouns at the extreme left of the hierarchy … What we can predict is that, if there is a ‘split’ of this kind, then bound prefixes will be accusative and case-marking on free forms will be ergative. This is exactly what is found.

Notes and References

  1. Nikulin . Andrey . 2020 . Proto-Macro-Jê: um estudo reconstrutivo . Ph.D. dissertation . Brasília . Universidade de Brasília.
  2. Rodrigues . Cíntia Karla Coelho . 2011 . Comparando as consoantes das línguas Tapajúna e Suyá . Alfa: Revista de Linguística . 55 . 2 . 10.1590/S1981-57942011000200011 . 601–11. free .
  3. Nikulin . Andrey . Salanova . Andrés Pablo . Northern Jê Verb Morphology and the Reconstruction of Finiteness Alternations . International Journal of American Linguistics . October 2019 . 85 . 4 . 533–567 . 10.1086/704565. 204369114 .
  4. Nonato . Rafael . February 2014 . Clause Chaining, Switch Reference and Coordination . Ph.D. dissertation . Cambridge, MA . Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
  5. Book: Beauchamp, Jérémie . Reisinger . D. K. E. . Lo . Roger Yu-Hsiang. Proceedings of the Workshop on the Structure and Constituency of Languages of the Americas 23 . University of British Columbia . 2019 . 26–39 . Echo and default epenthesis in Kĩsêdjê .
  6. Ph.D. dissertation . Santos . Ludoviko Carnasciali dos . 1997 . Descrição de aspectos morfossintáticos da língua Suyá (Kĩsêdjê), família Jê . Florianópolis . Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina.
  7. Book: Nonato . Rafael . Suyá . Jamtô . Suyá . Kawiri . Dicionário Kĩsêdjê-Português . December 6, 2012 . Museu do Índio . Rio de Janeiro . 4 August 2020.
  8. Gildea . Spike . Castro Alves . Flávia de . Nominative-absolutive: Counter-universal split ergativity in Jê and Cariban . Typological Studies in Language . 2010 . 89 . 159–200 . 10.1075/tsl.89.07gil . 8 August 2020.
  9. Book: Gildea . Spike . Castro Alves . Flávia de . Barðdal . Jóhanna . Gildea . Spike . Luján . Eugenio R. . Reconstructing Syntax . Brill . 2020 . 47–107 . Reconstructing the Source of Nominative-Absolutive Alignment in Two Amazonian Language Families . 10.1163/9789004392007_003 . 978-90-04-39199-4. 225704728 .
  10. Book: Dixon, R. M. W. . Ergativity . Cambridge University Press . 1994.