José María Zavala Castella Explained

José María Zavala Castella
Birth Date:1924
Birth Place:Guadalajara, Spain
Death Date:1992
Death Place:Madrid, Spain
Nationality:Spanish
Known For:politician
Occupation:insurance employee
Party:Carlism

José María Zavala Castella (1924–1992) was a Spanish politician, active in particular during late Francoism and during transition to democracy. In 1966–1979 he was Secretary General to mainstream Carlist organizations, first Comunión Tradicionalista and since 1971 Partido Carlista. In historiography he is presented as the chief architect of an attempt to transform Carlism from a far-right traditionalist movement into a far-left radical socialist party.

Family and youth

The Zavala family originated from Gipuzkoa. The one who brought it to prominence was Domíngo de Zavala y Martínez de Arremendía; he commanded Spanish warships, took part in the Battle of Lepanto, rose to contador of Felipe II and in the late 16th century set up a landholding, which became the family nest for generations to come.[1] The Zavalas got very branched; some lines provided many officials and military commanders. One source suggests that José María descended from Juan de Zavala y de la Puente, very briefly the prime minister of the First Republic in 1874,[2] but the information is not confirmed elsewhere and genealogical data hardly match.[3] It is not clear what was the branch José Mariá's father, Miguel Zavala Lara (1883–1973)[4] descended from. He was born in the Andalusian town of Bailén (Jaén province), yet nothing is known of his family.[5] He also opted for the military career, though in its medical branch; in 1911 he graduated as farmacéutico segundo and was posted to the garrison of Vitoria.[6]

In 1915[7] Zavala Lara married Concepción Castella y García Duarte (1889–1966), an Andalusian girl from Baena (Cordoba province); she was daughter to an established bourgeoisie family[8] and granddaughter to Eduardo García-Duarte, professor of medicine and rector of the Granada University.[9] The couple shuttled across Spain and Morocco following military assignments of Zavala Lara, including Larache (1916),[10] Seville (1920),[11] Granada (1922),[12] Guadalajara (1923),[13] again Seville (1929),[14] again Larache (1932),[15] Canary Islands (1932)[16] and Burgos (1935).[17] Zavala Lara rose to the rank of farmacéutico mayor.[18] When he retired in 1939,[19] his wife became sort of a public figure. In 1936–1950 and as Concepción Castella de Zavala she published some 15 novels;[20] currently viewed as second-rate literature, they combined action and romance with praise of traditional values and patriotic virtues.[21] The couple had 6 children, all of them sons, born between the mid-1910s and the mid-1920s; José María was the youngest one.[22] Born when his father served in Guadalajara,[23] he commenced schooling during his parents' spell in Tenerife and then in Burgos, in both cases in schools run by the religious.[24] At outbreak of the civil war the family lived in Burgos; at least one older brother volunteered to Carlist troops.[25] In 1937 as a 13-year-old José María escaped from home and also joined a Navarrese requeté unit; no details are available. In the 1940s he lived with his parents in Madrid and having completed school education he commenced work in an unspecified insurance company.[26] In parallel, he pursued evening studies in law, but it is not clear if and when he graduated.[27] In 1949 he married Maruja Díaz García-Moreno; nothing is known of her or of her family.[28] They had one child, Jesús Zavala Díaz; neither he nor his descendants became public figures.[29] The best known Zavala's relative was his older brother Juan Zavala Castella, a career officer; moderately known as military historian[30] and Carlist propagandist,[31] during late Francoism he became director general de prisiones.[32]

Early Carlist engagements (until mid-1950s)

Both Zavala's parents were Carlists. Because of political preferences his father faced some problems in the army,[33] while his mother strongly flavored her novels with the Traditionalist spirit; some authors note that he was "descendiente de familia de pura reigambre carlista".[34] His older brothers as teenagers engaged in para-political propaganda in the mid-1930s,[35] and at least one volunteered to requeté in 1936. As a young teenager José María inherited the Traditionalist outlook, which triggered the episode of his escape from home and joining Carlist militia in 1937, though some much later accounts played down his zeal and presented him as one of "jóvenes atrapados en las contradicciones y los horrores de la guerra".[36] It is not clear how long his frontline episode lasted; in late 1937 he was noted as member of the Burgos branch of Agrupación Escolar Tradicionalista.[37] During the early post-war years of the 1940s he remained influenced by his brother, ex-requeté Juan, who developed a strong anti-Francoist knack; it is not clear whether in his late teens José María used to join Juan when staging impromptu demonstrations against the regime.[38] When getting married in 1949, he was godparented by the then Carlist national political leader, Manuel Fal Conde.[39]

In the early 1950s Zavala retained membership in requeté, though its nature is not clear.[40] At the time he joined the group of young Madrid Carlist students active in semi-legal Agrupación Escolar Tradicionalista and frequenting so-called Academia Vázquez de Mella, a Carlist self-education platform, though he did not attend the classes himself.[41] Led by Ramón Massó, the group included the likes of Ignació Ipiña, Víctor Perea, Pedro and Ignacio Echevarría, Fernando Truyols, Ángel Romera, José Antonio Parilla, Pedro and Luis Olazábal, and others. They were critical as to what they perceived somnabulic Carlist structures, and they also remained somewhat skeptical as to grand Traditionalist theories developed by pundits like Gambra or Elías de Tejada; they were principally interested in action.[42] In the mid-1950s the Massó-led group, including Zavala, focused their attention on the young prince Hugues de Borbón-Parma, son of the Carlist regent-claimant Don Javier.[43] Following initial talks the prince agreed to throw himself into Spanish politics, though there were debates about the strategy to be adopted. Some thought that he should build his position beyond lethargic Carlist structures and offer some sort of alternative; Zavala was among these who argued that the prince should act from the inside, "within the old Comunión, of which he was a natural leader, and transform it".[44] This stand has eventually prevailed. Some authors claim that as early as in 1955 Zavala entered the personal Secretaría Política of prince Hugues, a platform to formalize the group of his advisors.[45] Later he labored to prepare Hugues’ entry into Spanish politics, and some authors even claim that he headed the group.[46] The entry materialized as a fulminant Hugues’ appearance at the 1957 rally at Montejurra.[47]

Ascendance to power (1957–1965)

At the turn of the decades the Massó-led Secretaría was gradually making inroads into the Carlist organisation.[48] Some authors almost ignore Zavala in their accounts of this period.[49] Some claim that there were already some cracks within the group, as Massó remained linked to traditionalism, while Zavala represented “sector popular”[50] or those who “bebían en las fuentes populares”.[51] Some scholars do not see any differences, and see the group as a rather coherent contingent bent on reforming Carlism along anti-traditionalist, proto-socialist lines.[52] Its importance changed from a minor youth faction into an influential, well-organized team when the prince, now assuming the name of Carlos Hugo, settled permanently in Madrid in the early 1960s.

In 1962 the Secretaría was enlarged;[53] within its internal division of labor Zavala focused on organisation matters.[54] Moreover, the same year he became a secretary of the newly created Hermandad de Antiguos Combatientes de Requetés, an ex-combatant organisation allowed by the regime.[55] Still in 1962 Zavala entered Consejo Nacional, a largely consultative body freshly created within the Carlist structures.[56] New roles gave the Massó-led group, the men mostly in their 30s, new locus standi in the organisation; they took advantage of it e.g. by touring regional branches and winning allies.[57]

The secretarios were increasingly under fire from some Traditionalists, who suspected them of subversive ideas. However, the so-called camarilla counter-attacked using loyalty to the prince and the dynasty as the lever;[58] the campaign resulted in ousting the chief opponent, Zamanillo, in 1963. The same year produced a wave of personal changes in technical and apparently minor positions in the organisation; Zavala became a liaison officer between the party executive and the France-based Don Javier.[59] Massó later described it as "golpe de mano fulminante".[60] In terms of political course the group remained somewhat ambiguous. On the one hand, in 1964 they sought understanding with Movimiento and approached Solís for Cortes nominations to Massó, Zavala and Echevarría.[61] On the other, the same year the Madrid AET guided by Zavala published Esquema doctrinal, a Q&A-format doctrinal lecture which advanced a blend of monarchism[62] and Marxism.[63] In the mid-1960 Carlos Hugo was already playing a key role in Carlist politics. Guided by Massó and Zavala, in 1965 he dissolved old governing structures and nominated new Junta de Gobierno, theoretically the key party executive, composed either of traditionalists or fence-sitters. However, in an array of auxiliary bodies he set up also Secretaría Técnica, headed by Zavala.[64] Though formally a technical body intended to run the daily party business, in the increasingly diluted governing structure it turned into the nucleus of power within the organisation, the unit which controlled nominations, agendas, meetings and finances. Scholars note that at this point Zavala effectively became the key man behind the party machinery.[65] Even José María Valiente, Jefé Delegado and as such nominally the political leader of the organisation, acknowledged the change and in matters of internal policy delegated to Zavala.[66] Some historians claim that 1965 marked the real "golpe de mano" within Carlism.[67]

Power-sharing with Valiente (1965–1968)

The mid-1960s produced a break within the former secretarios. Massó concluded that the campaign to get Carlos Hugo nominated by Franco as the future king was lost and decided to withdraw from politics; he agreed to stay only temporarily.[68] Zavala was determined to go on, fearing that otherwise Don Juan Carlos would ascend to the throne. With 1965 Massó's move to Pamplona, Zavala was left sharing power only with the nominal party leader, Valiente.[69] There are historians who maintain that the Zavala-led part of the camarilla have already abandoned the monarchic bid and concluded that their best policy was "to try to carry the Carlist majority with them by accelerating the pace of ideological change".[70] Others claim to the contrary, namely that following sidetracking of Massó, Zavala "continued along the same line" as "el nuevo hombre fuerte del partido".[71] The rift was completed two years later, when during an obscure episode related to scandal[72] of allegedly Massó's letter,[73] the latter and most former secretarios[74] abandoned Carlism.[75]

In 1966 the claimant authorized another restructuring of command layer and created Junta de Gobierno with Zavala as its member. National commands of AET, Requeté, Margaritas and MOT were dissolved, and specialized branches got fragmented into provincial organisations.[76] Some historians think it a move which eliminated dissent.[77] Moreover, Secretaría Técnica was replaced with Secretaría General, headed by Zavala.[78] It had even more powers, e.g. Zavala single-handedly nominated the entire regional Navarrese executive;[79] in case of most regional appointments he acted carefully, and tried not to trigger all-out war against the traditionalist orthodoxes.[80] He continued the policy of cautious collaboration with the regime.[81] In 1967 he labored to get the Carlists he considered allies or at least useful into the Cortes as so-called procuradores familiares;[82] he also talked to the Movimiento leaders, hoping for seats in its Consejo Nacional.[83] The campaign bore no fruit.[84] Opposition against Zavala was on the rise. Some local organisations were abandoned by orthodoxes discouraged by new progressist course,[85] electoral campaigns produced protests against his dictatorial leadership,[86] and recognized personalities published statements naming him the new Maroto, a traitor to the cause.[87] Calls to oust him[88] were backed by charges of financial irregularities.[89] He faced opposition also from the left, e.g. in 1967 the Madrid AET organisation abandoned Carlism as not sufficiently democratic.[90] Zavala responded by massive questionnaire campaign, which reportedly confirmed support for the left-wing turn.[91] He faced little challenge from Junta de Gobierno, composed mostly of elderly people; increasingly bewildered, they stuck to loyalty to the dynasty as their last-resort guideline.[92] The senile claimant was hardly contactable, while his son Carlos Hugo turned Zavala's greatest ally. Conflicts between Zavala and the official party leader Valiente were mounting,[93] but the latter was increasingly tired. Eventually he managed to get his resignation accepted; it was made public in 1968.[94] There was no new jefé delegado appointed; instead, the claimant formed a collegial executive[95] headed by Juan José Palomino.[96]

Power-sharing with Palomino (1968–1971)

During the previous 4 years Zavala as Secretario Técnico/General was co-signing key party documents with Valiente;[97] now he was co-signing with Palomino,[98] though at times he was making statements himself on behalf of the Junta Suprema.[99] Some historians suggest that the 73-year-old Palomino was either acquiescent or disoriented,[100] others count him among promoters of the new left-wing course;[101] most agree that in fact, power was left in hands of Zavala and Carlos Hugo.[102] With a myriad of bodies forming the party high command, Zavala was the only one in full decision-making capacity.[103] At the turn of the decades he formed a group of collaborators, usually in their 30s or 20s, composed of José Carlos Clemente, Pedro José Zabala, Evaristo Olcina Jiménez, Arturo Juncosa Carbonell, Laura Pastor Collado and others, dubbed "edecanes", "staff", "aparato" or "camarilla".[104]

The year of 1968 marked a fundamental change in Carlist stand versus Francoism; with expulsion of Carlos Hugo from Spain the policy of cautiously courting the regime crashed, and from this moment the party adopted an openly hostile and increasingly radical left-wing course. The same year Zavala launched a campaign of cursillos,[105] party-organized classes supposed to educate a new generation of leaders; they advanced socially radical message which combined Marxism, gauchisme and monarchism.[106] The courses were parallel to launch of Información Mensual,[107] a semi-legal bulletin which Zavala personally edited[108] until the late 1970s;[109] other formative and radically left-wing bulletins were cured by his collaborators.[110] The official monthly Montejurra was closed by the authorities in 1971, as its openly anti-Francoist course was considered off-limits by censorship.[111] However, there were limits to radicalization;[112] Zavala condemned the activity of GAC, a terrorist Carlist group which emerged beyond the official party structures.[113] As Secretario General Zavala took part in numerous public rallies and events; he attended the gatherings at Montejurra[114] and Montserrat,[115] toured Spain with the Borbón-Parmas[116] and participated in gatherings of regional Carlist executive bodies.[117] He was awarded Cruz de la Legitimidad Proscrita[118] and was present abroad during events related to the dynasty, be it in Portugal[119] or in France.[120] He was no longer a grey eminence: in name of the party he was giving press conferences[121] and since 1970 he was delivering key addresses during the prime annual Carlist event, the Montejurra celebration.[122] As the authorities started to prohibit openly anti-regime meetings[123] he tried to dodge the ban[124] and fearing detention, for some time went into hiding.[125] When in 1971 Palomino was dismissed, Zavala formally was the third in command of Comunión Tradicionalista.[126] Until 1971, when following internal coup the traditionalists regained control of Hermandad de Antiguos Combatientes de Requetés,[127] he was also the secretary of the organisation.[128]

Politician for the future (1971–1975)

At the turn of the decades Zavala became a chief engineer of a maneuver intended to transform the movement into a modern, fighting mass party, founded on the principles of socialism, self-management and federalism.[129] Formally the objective was achieved during gatherings styled as I. and II. Congreso del Pueblo Carlista, staged in southern France respectively in 1970 and 1971.[130] The second of them produced transformation into Partido Carlista, formally presided by Carlos Hugo; Zavala was elected as general secretary[131] with great powers[132] and he immediately proceeded to enforce the radical socialist course across all local Carlist jefaturas in Spain, demanding that these doubting the change step aside and make room for the new generation.[133] The campaign of cursillos continued, though as the authorities cracked down on openly subversive activities, they were moved to southern France;[134] Zavala kept supervising them.[135] In 1972 he supervised the launch of Federación Obrera Socialista, a Partido-Carlista-parented workers' organization.[136]

On the internal front Zavala was almost fully in control; entirely supported by Carlos Hugo, he enlarged his internal team with a group of 20-year-olds like Carlos Carnicero or José Manuel Sabater,[137] but also with 50-year-olds like Mariano Zufía.[138] Traditionalist opposition in the party was reduced to a relatively small group of older veterans, some of them quite prestigious; trapped between bewilderment and fatigue they sort of complied but eventually resolved to campaign of open letters, intended to bypass Zavala and address the Borbón-Parmas. Ignored, most of them withdrew in 1974–1975.[139] In rare cases of a rally going off track, like during the 1974 Montejurra, he intervened personally.[140] Zavala claimed that the young, reinvigorated party was attracting new militants, with new círculos opened across the country.[141] On the external front the strategy was to get visibility by seizing public posts, especially Cortes seats reserved for deputies elected in so-called tercio familiar. However, the strategy backfired as heavy-handed leadership and ideological zeal produced resignation of few party-aligned procuradores, like Auxilio Goñi and José Angel Zubiaur.[142] During the very last years of Francoism Zavala was approaching other radically left-wing groupings. Though as late as in 1972 he conferred in Vienna with Bruno Kreisky and leaders of the Austrian social-democratic party,[143] in 1973 he was already seeking understanding with Partido Comunista Español; local Partido Carlista cells maintained clandestine contacts with PCE units, and Zavala himself for hours conferred with Santiago Carillo in Paris.[144] In late 1974 PC joined the newly founded and France-based Junta Democrática, a co-ordination platform grouping radical left-wing parties strongly influenced by PCE; the same year Zavala joined its Spanish executive, Comisión Permanente.[145] At the time Zavala's perspectives in Spanish politics might have seemed bright; in the atmosphere of imminent change just behind the corner, some press titles listed him among "25 politicians for the future".[146]

Climax and decline (1975–1981)

Once in 1976 Junta Democrática merged into Platajunta, Zavala entered its co-ordination board;[147] he viewed the body as a way towards a federation of socialist parties, including Partido Carlista.[148] He spoke against gradual transformation; he viewed it as a smartly engineered manipulation of Francoist oligarchy[149] and saw the Suarez government as part of a plot, intended to ensure continuity of the regime.[150] He played down the importance of Ley para la Reforma Política and called for boycott of the referendum.[151] Instead, Zavala advocated a ruptura, radical if not revolutionary change which would do away with all remnants of the old system.[152] His 1977 book, Partido Carlista, was a Marxism-inspired[153] manifesto of "self-managing socialism"[154] and formed part of so-called "clarificación ideológica", intended to build a new Carlism.[155] The work enhanced his image from an energetic politician to a theorist.

At the time political strength of Partido Carlista remained unknown; some speculated it might emerge as a significant force and Zavala might become one of key Spanish statesmen. Press published interviews with him[156] and even top national papers questioned him about future developments;[157] he was among politicians consulted by the government.[158] The cabinet had some apprehensions about potentially disruptive capacity of PC[159] and the party was among the few which were not legalized prior to the 1977 general elections;[160] its candidates ran on makeshift electoral lists and Zavala himself did not stand.[161] The first test of the party strength proved disastrous; PC gained 0.05% of the votes.[162] Zavala was subject to internal criticism, also for dictatorial leadership[163] and "represión sistemática" of his opponents.[164] In response, he organized IV Congress;[165] his "simple cure for all these ills was a call to action".[166] He stuck to the radical course; though he called for support of the constitution draft in the 1978 referendum, he declared it a transitory measure and not a firm foundation for the new Spain.[167] Before the 1979 elections PC has been legalized; Zavala headed the list in Murcia. The result was another heavy blow; the party gathered 0.28% of the votes[168] and Zavala himself attracted only 0.41% of the voters.[169] Instead of a notable force, Partido Carlista turned a third-rate grouplet. In May 1979 Zavala resigned as secretario general.[170] Later that year he and Carlos Hugo suggested dissolution of the party; it was saved mostly by a handful of Navarrese militants. In October 1979 Zavala resigned from all functions and withdrew;[171] he did not take part in the V. Congress in December.[172] Following some unclarity,[173] in early 1980 together with Carlos Hugo he launched a think-tank[174] Centro Europeo de Estudios Sociológicos[175] and became its vice-president.[176] However, once the prince left for the United States in 1981, the CEES went into inactivity. Zavala almost withdrew into privacy, moderately active in the Madrid Círculo Cultural Valle Inclán.[177] In 1986 he was briefly involved in launch of Izquierda Unida.[178] He maintained close contacts with Carlos Hugo and in 1990 he accompanied the prince during the journey to the Holy Land.[179]

In historiography

Zavala is not viewed as a noteworthy figure in Spanish history, and he is missing even in works dedicated to transición.[180] However, he attracted much attention of historians dealing with Carlism of late Francoism.[181] He is generally presented as one of key party militants who contributed to emergence of the progressist group, which challenged the Traditionalist ideological core and at one point dominated Carlism. Named "hombre clave en la evolución ideológica y política del Carlismo"[182] or leader of the group which inspired ideological evolution,[183] depending upon political preferences of partisan authors he is presented either as an evil spirit who contributed to destruction of the grand movement[184] or as a far-sighted politician who steered Carlism through purification process from reactionary grip back to its socialist roots.[185] Except Carlos Hugo, no other politician is more frequently mentioned as a protagonist of transformation of the movement in the 1960s and the 1970s.[186]

There are different views as to Zavala's political trajectory. One opinion is that from the onset he was bent on introducing a profound change and turning Carlism into a left-wing movement.[187] Another opinion is that initially he merely had a vague sense of direction, but was unsure about final objectives; reportedly it was only some time mid-way that he got radicalized.[188] According to some he was a great intellectual, a theorist and a man with vision who designed and developed the concept of socialismo autogestionario.[189] Others prefer to view him rather as a pragmatic man of action, who at an early phase remained in the shadow of Ramón Massó and at a later one as a theorist was overtaken by Pedro José Zabala or José Carlos Clemente.[190] While some historians tend to view Zavala as the one who possibly inspired and influenced Carlos Hugo,[191] others present Zavala rather as a man who carried out the change, designed by the prince.[192] Even if sympathetic, some academics view his theoretical framework as flawed by simplifications;[193] others might deem it absurd.[194] Also the political stand adopted by Partido Carlista during transición might be viewed as entirely miscalibrated; most Spaniards opted for gradual, evolutionary transición and were entirely mistrustful about radical ruptura,[195] including a leap into the unknown of "self-managing socialism".

Carlos Hugo, the personal friend of "fidelísimo Pepe" or "Pepe Zavala", as he was commonly known,[196] in his obituary article declared him one of the most relevant figures of recent history. He was reportedly the man unjustly forgotten, who should be present in collective memory as the one who helped to bring democracy to Spain.[197] Other obituaries were somewhat more cautious; one portrayed him as a man of genuinely democratic convictions, who however "got lost in the labyrinth of a party with no perspectives and plagued by contradictions".[198] Progressist authors currently related to Partido Carlista might name Zavala a "controversial figure",[199] though he is moderately present on PC websites.[200] Traditionalist authors deny him the Carlist identity altogether.[201] At times he might be confused with other individuals.[202]

See also

Further reading

External links

Notes and References

  1. Carlos Javier de Carlos Morales, Domingo de Zavala y Martínez de Arramendía, [in:] Real Academia de la Historia service, available here
  2. about his brother Juan
  3. Juan de Zavala y de la Puente had 2 sons, born 1844 and 1853; they commenced the lines of Zavala Santamarca and Zavala Heredia. Neither appears to have been the father of Miguel Zavala Lara, the father of José María Zavala Castella, compare Luis de Zavala y Guzmán entry, [in:] Geneanet genealogical service, availalable here
  4. Concepción Castellá y García Duarte, [in:] Real Academia de la Historia service, available here
  5. 1886 a Miguel Zavala Escobar was serving in court of Audiencia Territorial in Alhama (Granada province), but it is not clear whether he was anyhow related to Zavala Lara, Guía Oficial de España 1886, p. 343, available here
  6. Revista de Sanidad Militar 01.06.11, available here
  7. Revista de Sanidad Militar 15.02.11, available here
  8. she was daughter to lawyer Ricardo Castella y González-Aurioles and Blanca García-Duarte González, both from Granada, Concepción Castellá y García Duarte, [in:] Real Academia de la Historia service, available here
  9. Concepción Castellá y García Duarte, [in:] Real Academia de la Historia service, available here. Her maternal aunt, Luz García-Duarte Gonzalez was mother to Francisco Ayala García-Duarte, a writer, who was her cousin, Luis García Montero, Francisco Ayala. El escritor en su siglo, Granada 2009, ISBN 9788478074822, p. 11
  10. Anuario Militar de España 1916, available here
  11. Anuario Militar de España 1920, available here
  12. Anuario Militar de España 1922, available here
  13. Anuario Militar de España 1923, available here
  14. Anuario Militar de España 1929, available here
  15. Anuario Militar de España 1932, available here
  16. Revista de Sanidad Militar 15.04.32, available here
  17. La Gaceta de Tenerife 14.12.35, available here
  18. in 1927, Anuario Miltiar de España 1927, available here
  19. BOE 27.07.39, available here
  20. Guerra en el frente, paz en las almas (1936), Hágase tu voluntad (1937), La Rosa del Maestrazgo (1939), Ópalos de fuego (1940), Santina (1940), Las nietas del Cid (1941), El castillo de Fierro-Negro (1943), Isabel Reyes (1945), Las que saben amar (1945), Nómadas del destino (1945), Dogal de oro (1947), Tristeza de amor (1948), Rosas de fuego (1949), La razón de vivir (1950) and Tierra en los ojos (1950)
  21. compare Didier Corderot, "Biblioteca Rocío" (1937–1939) o las virtudes de la novela rosa durante la Guerra Civil española, [in:] Tropelias: Revista de teoría de la literatura y literatura comparada 23 (2015), pp. 26–48
  22. Juan, Miguel, Ricardo, Manuel, José María and Ángel. The RAE biography of Zavala declares him the youngest son, see Josep Carles Clemente, José María Zavala y Castella, [in:] Real Academia de la Historia service, available here. However, the same source in the biography of his mother lists him as the second last, see Concepción Castellá y García Duarte, [in:] Real Academia de la Historia service, available here
  23. it is not clear what region of Spain Zavala felt attached to. His paternal roots have not been identified, the maternal ones were related to Granada. He spent childhood in Guadalajara, early teens in Tenerife and Burgos, and since late teens he resided all his life in Madrid. Some authors refer to him as "castellano", Josep Carles Clemente, Historia del Carlismo contemporaneo 1935–1972, Barcelona 1977, ISBN 9788425307591, p. 50
  24. his biographer claims that José María frequented schools managed by the Jesuits, see Josep Carles Clemente, José María Zavala y Castella, [in:] Real Academia de la Historia service, available here
  25. Juan Zavala is 27 times noted in a monograph on requeté, Julio Aróstegui, Combatientes Requetés en la Guerra Civil española, 1936–1939, Madrid 2013, ISBN 9788499709758, p. 969
  26. Josep Carles Clemente, José María Zavala y Castella, [in:] Real Academia de la Historia service, available here. No details are available. In the early 1940s his older brother, Juan, was close friend to Ignacio Hernando de Larramendi, at the time employed in Dirección General de Seguros, a state regulatory body. In 1952 Larramendi moved to private insurance business. It is not clear whether there was a link between Larramendi's and Zavala's professional lot
  27. Josep Carles Clemente, José María Zavala y Castella, [in:] Real Academia de la Historia service, available here
  28. ABC 13.11.49, available here
  29. ABC 23.11.92, available here, see also El País 23.11.92, available here
  30. he was member of the editorial board and contributor to late francoist review, Revista Española de la Opinión Pública
  31. with Luis Redondo he was the co-author of El requete (La tradicion no muere), Madrid 1957
  32. Memoria de la Dirección General de Instituciones Penitenciarias 1971, Madrid 1971, p. 137. He recently earned a monograph, see Javier de Zavala Fernández, La sensación me das de un roble milenario. Biografía de Juan de Zavala y Castella, Madrid 2022. Franco offered him the post military assistant to the adolescent Juan Carlos, but he refused, Ramón María Rodón Guinjoan, Invierno, primavera y otoño del carlismo (1939–1976) [PhD thesis Universitat Abat Oliba CEU], Barcelona 2015, p. 189
  33. Concepción Castellá y García Duarte, [in:] Real Academia de la Historia service, available here. It is not clear what sort of problems are referred to. It is known that when at the Canary Islands during the Second Republic, he was made "disponibile forzoso", a status in-between reserve and suspension, El Castellano 27.11.35, available here
  34. Clemente 1977, p. 50
  35. see press notes on his activity in Catholic right-wing organisations in Tenerife, La Gaceta de Tenerife 28.03.35, available here
  36. in obituary note Carlos Hugo wrote "a los 13 años. se escapó de su casa para alistarse en un tercio de requetés, como uno más de los jóvenes atrapados en las contradicciones y los horrores de la- guerra civil que empujó a media España en defensa de sus ideales contra la otra media que defendía igualmente sus valores en la barricada. Para él, aquella contienda fue una experiencia dolorosa que le empujó, como a tantos otros españoles, a buscar otros caminos para superar la confrontación, recuperar la paz y alcanzar la libertad. Entre los defectos que se le pudieran adjudicar nunca estaría el de la indiferencia ante sus semejantes o el mundo que le rodeaba", El País 23.11.92, available here
  37. El Castellano 22.12.37, available here
  38. Juan Zavala Castella has even pondered upon taking advantage of his wartime contacts and mounting a coup against Franco. These somewhat ruritanian schemes in practice boiled town to "saltos", i.e. group appearances in public space, like the Retiro park or paseo de Recoletos, and shouting anti-regime and pro-Carlist slogans. The activity involved also editing some leaflets and self-education, see Ignacio Hernando de Larramendi, Así se hizo MAPFRE. Mi tiempo, Madrid 2000, ISBN 9788487863875, p. 90, and Manuel Martorell Pérez, La continuidad ideológica del carlismo tras la Guerra Civil [PhD thesis in Historia Contemporanea, Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia], Valencia 2009, p. 204
  39. Fal Conde was not present personally; he was represented by marqués de Santa Rosa, ABC 13.11.49, available here
  40. Josep Miralles Climent, El carlismo militante (1965–1980). Del tradicionalismo al socialismo autogestionario [PhD thesis Universidad Jaume I], Castellón 2015, p. 147
  41. Martorell Pérez 2009, pp. 385–383
  42. Miralles Climent 2015, p. 147
  43. Josep Carles Clemente, Seis estudios sobre el carlismo, Madrid 1999, ISBN 9788483741528, p. 87
  44. "junto a la vieja Comunión, de la que era jefe natural, y transformarla", María Teresa de Borbón Parma, Joaquín Cubero Sánchez, Josep Carles Clemente, Don Javier, una vida al servicio de la libertad, Madrid 1997, ISBN 8401530180, p. 69
  45. Josep Carles Clemente, José María Zavala y Castella, [in:] Real Academia de la Historia service, available here
  46. Fermín Pérez-Nievas Borderas, Contra viento y marea. Historia de la evolución ideológica del carlismo a través de dos siglos de lucha, Pamplona 1999, ISBN 9788460589327, p. 188
  47. Josep Carles Clemente, José María Zavala y Castella, [in:] Real Academia de la Historia service, available here
  48. Francisco Javier Caspistegui Gorasurreta, El naufragio de las ortodoxias. El carlismo, 1962–1977, Pamplona 1997; ISBN 9788431315641, pp. 74–75, Jordi Canal, El carlismo, Madrid 2000, ISBN 8420639478, p. 359, Francisco Manuel Heras y Borrero, Carlos Hugo el Rey que no pudo ser: la lucha por el trono de España de Carlos Hugo de Borbón Parma, la última esperanza del carlismo, Madrid 2010, ISBN 9788495009999, p. 74
  49. there is very little on Zavala written on early history of the group by an insider, see Javier Lavardín, Historia del ultimo pretendiente a la corona de España, Paris 1976. "Javier Lavardín" is a pen-name; according to some scholars the person behind it is José Antonio Parilla, according to the others Ramón Massó
  50. Robert Vallverdú i Martí, La metamorfosi del carlisme català: del "Déu, Pàtria i Rei" a l'Assamblea de Catalunya (1936–1975), Barcelona 2014, ISBN 9788498837261, p. 155
  51. Josep Carles Clemente Muñoz, Los días fugaces: el carlismo: de las guerras civiles a la transición democrática, Cuenca 2013, ISBN 9788495414243, p. 57. For an early rift between Masso and Zavala see also Mercedes Vázquez de Prada, El final de una ilusión. Auge y declive del tradicionalismo carlista (1957–1967), Madrid 2016, ISBN 9788416558407, p. 186
  52. see Jacek Bartyzel, Don Carlos Marx, Wroclaw 2011, ISBN 9788393274116; see also the earlier version, Jacek Bartyzel, “Don Carlos Marx”. Studium przypadku rewolucyjnej transgresji tradycjonalizmu w socjalizm w hiszpańskim karlizmie, [in:] Studia Philosophica Wratislaviensia V/4 (2010), pp. 65–95
  53. Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 151
  54. Clemente 1977, p. 50
  55. Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 118
  56. Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 160
  57. e.g. in 1962 in Andalusia, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 172
  58. in October 1962 Massó and Zavala mounted counter-attack against José Luis Zamanillo and José Sáenz-Díez, who attacked Secretaría; their cautious attitude towards Carlos Hugo was used as a lever and a sign of disloyalty, Vázquez de Prada 2016, pp. 174–175
  59. Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 186
  60. Vázquez de Prada 2016, pp. 186–187
  61. Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 236
  62. e.g. the question "what is monarchy?" was answered "monarchy is political system created by the peoples in defence against capital", Bartyzel 2011, pp. 27–28
  63. e.g. the question "what is the social question?" was answered "grave problem produced by capitalism against the society. Its essence is class conflict initiated by bourgeoisie against the peoples" Clemente 1977, pp. 212
  64. Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 96, Canal 2000, p. 368
  65. Vázquez de Prada 2016, pp. 250–251. In 1965 "power effectively passed to its [governing junta] technical secretary, the energetic José María Zavala", Jeremy MacClancy, The Decline of Carlism, Reno 2000, ISBN 978-0874173444, p. 100
  66. Vázquez de Prada 2016, pp. 256, 260
  67. Mercedes Vázquez de Prada, El tradicionalismo carlista ante la libertad religiosa, [in:] Investigaciones históricas: Época moderna y contemporáne 37 (2017), p. 499
  68. Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 263
  69. Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 264; Zavala used to co-sign official documents with Valiente, Montejurra 30 (1967), p. 16
  70. MacClancy 2000, p. 100
  71. Manuel Martorell Pérez, Carlos Hugo frente a Juan Carlos. La solución federal para España que Franco rechazó, Madrid 2014, ISBN 9788477682653, p. 212
  72. Vázquez de Prada 2016, pp. 326–331
  73. the episode is a very obscure one. A Carlist review ¿Que pasa? published what was presented as Massó’s letter to Zavala, in which he cheered the ousting of Zamanillo and regretted that Valiente had not been ousted as well. A scandal ensued; Massó claimed the letter was false, Lavardin 1976, p. 282 Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 330, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 78
  74. including José Ignacio Olazábal, Pedro Echevarría, José Antonio Parilla and others; the only ones left were Zavala and Angel Romera, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 282
  75. late Pedro José Zabala lambasted those who left as "los validos", the term used to denote 17th-century royal favorites, Miralles Climent 2015, p. 105
  76. Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 275
  77. Miralles Climent 2015, p. 102
  78. Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 289, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 99, Canal 2000, p. 368
  79. Mercedes Vázquez de Prada, El carlismo navarro y la oposición a la política de colaboración entre 1957 y 58, [in:] Navarra: memoria e imagen: actas del VI Congreso de Historia de Navarra, Pamplona 2006, Vol. 2, ISBN 8477681791, p. 803
  80. Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 304
  81. Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 289. In 1966, when faced with the problem of Carlist stand during the referendum on Ley Organica de Estado, Zavala decided to support it if it turns a step towards democratization; however, he left all Carlist free to decide in line with their own conscience, Pérez-Nievas Borderas 1999, p. 172
  82. Vázquez de Prada 2016, pp. 305, 323
  83. Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 323
  84. even in Navarre, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 290
  85. it seems that Zavala on purpose did not appoint new regional jefes, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 261; the purpose might have been to get rid of dissenters
  86. Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 324
  87. see the text of Roberto García Bayod, titled ¿Quién es el último Maroto? The conclusion that Maroto – a 19th Century Carlist and in the Carlist narrative a symbol of a traitor – was Zavala, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 327, Daniel Jesús García Riol, La resistencia tradicionalista a la renovación ideológica del carlismo (1965–1973) [PhD thesis UNED], Madrid 2015, p. 101
  88. Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 332
  89. Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 333. Some critics claimed that Zavala was cashing monthly 30,000 ptas, supposed to cover all his expenses including travelling, accommodation etc., Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 99. In 1968 the minimum salary in Spain was around 3,600 ptas, Adrian Francisco Varela, Así ha evolucionado el salario mínimo, [in:] Business Insider 25.01.20, available here
  90. Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 307
  91. Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 287
  92. Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 304
  93. García Riol 2015, p. 55
  94. Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 337
  95. named Junta Suprema Tradicionalista, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 305
  96. Vázquez de Prada 2016, pp. 333–337
  97. see Montejurra 30 (1967), p. 16
  98. Palomino co-signed as "Presidente de Junta Suprema" and José Ma de Zavala as "Secretario General", Montejurra 49 (1969), p. 12
  99. Montejurra 51 (1970), p. 14
  100. Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 300
  101. one historian claims that the new, progressist Carlist policy was "impulsada por Carlos Hugo, Zavala y Palomino", García Riol 2015, p. 115; another scholar considers him "reprezentant ‘nového karlismu’", Jiří Chalupa, Don Carlos a ti druzí: Karlistické války ve Španělsku v letech 1833–1939, Praha 2008, ISBN 9788087027578, p. 256
  102. Heras y Borrero 2010, p. 91
  103. Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 129. Until 1971 Carlos Hugo formally did not held any role in the party structures as he represented the dynasty
  104. José-Ángel Zubiaur Alegre, José-Ángel Zubiaur Carreño, Elecciones a Procuradores familiares en Navarra en 1971, [in:] Aportes 27/79 (2012), p. 160
  105. Miralles Climent 2015, p. 137
  106. cursillos were launched in 1968, initially in Pamplona, see Montejurra 39–40 (1968), p. 5. Later they were staged in Valladollid, Montejurra 39–40 (1968), p. 27, Oviedo and Gijón, officially named Cursillo para Promoción de la Juventud Carlista, Montejurra 42 (1968), p. 20
  107. MacClancy 2000, p. 157
  108. he was "alma y auténtico promotor de boletín", Miralles Climent 2015, p. 205
  109. Zavala edited it across all 5 phases identified, until the summer of 1978, Miralles Climent 2015, p. 207-208
  110. especially the Zaragoza-based Esfuerzo común, edited mostly by Pedro José Zabala
  111. José Carlos Clemente, El carlismo en su prensa, 1931–1972, Madrid 1999, ISBN 9788424508159, pp. 54–55
  112. though according to some accounts he FARC, Miralles Climent 2015, p. 199
  113. following the bombing of El Pensamiento Navarro in 1970 Zavala was reportedly shocked that "his students [probably a reference to the cursillos]" resolved to such measures, MacClancy 2000, p. 166
  114. e.g. in 1968, Montejurra 37 (1968), p. 17. In 1970 he spoke at Montejurra for the first time, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 303, also García Riol 2015, p. 127
  115. Rodón Guinjoan 2015, p. 415
  116. Montejurra 36 (1968), p. 20. His wife Maruja formed a standard entourage of females from the Borbón-Parma dynasty, see Montejurra 38 (1968), p. 10, Montejurra 36 (1968), p. 12, also Miralles Climent 2015, p. 345
  117. e.g. in Andalusia, Montejura 43 (1968), p. 20. However, though in the 1970s Zavala triggered de-centralisation of Partido Carlista structures into a federal format, he did not appear to have much influence on regional branches; a monograph on Catalan Carlism in the post-war era mentions him only once, see Vallverdú i Martí 2014
  118. Montejurra 33 (1968), p. 25. However, other sources point to the year of 1970, Zubiaur Alegre, Zubiaur Carreño 2012, p. 157
  119. Montejurra 33 (1968), p. 25
  120. Zubiaur Alegre, Zubiaur Carreño 2012, p. 157
  121. e.g. following the 1968 expulsion of Carlos Hugo, see Clemente 1977, p. 62, or following the 1971 expulsion of Cecilia, Montejurra 60 (1971), p. 23
  122. Montejurra 37 (1968), p. 17, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 303, García Riol 2015, p. 127
  123. in 1971 Zavala officially declared that Comunión Tradicionalista was in opposition against the regime, Montejurra 59 (1971), p. 9
  124. e.g. in 1971 the authorities disallowed the usual rally in Estella; Zavalla delivered his addresses at the top of Montejurra, declaring that constitutional guarantees need to be restored and repression must stop, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 303, Clemente 1977, p. 80, García Riol 2015, p. 127
  125. MacClancy 2000, pp. 164–165
  126. during last days of Comunión Tradicionalista, in May 1971, the formal executive was José Puig Pellicer (president of Junta Suprema), Manuel Piorno Martín de los Ríos (vice-president), Zavala (general secretary), José Luis Palomino, Elías Querejeta Zubía, Ignacio Romero Osborne and Ricardo Ruiz de Gauna (all members of Junta Suprema). They were all members of Junta de Gobierno, which included also regional jefes and procuradores, Rodón Guinjoan 2015, p. 511
  127. García Riol 2015, p. 313
  128. Diario de Burgos 09.03.68, available here
  129. "partido socialista, autogestionario y federal", Canal 2000, p. 373
  130. Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 201
  131. Bartyzel 2011, p. 32
  132. Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, pp. 206, 209
  133. MacClancy 2000, p. 163
  134. Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 191
  135. Canal 2000, p. 369, Heras y Borrero 2010, p. 98, Pérez-Nievas Borderas 1999, p. 181
  136. Josep Miralles Climent, Estiudantes y obreros carlistas durante la dictadura franquista. La A.E.T., el M.O.T. y la F.O.S., s.l. 2007, ISBN 9788495735331, pp. 104, 106
  137. Rodón Guinjoan 2015, p. 490
  138. he also entered the newly formed Gabinete Ideológico, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 204
  139. the orthodoxes denounced Zavala-endorsed terminology of permanent social revolution, class struggle and a party system; they underlined that there was no Carlism which was socialist, antireligious or opposed to the spirit of 18 July, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, pp. 216–217, also Rodón Guinjoan 2015, pp. 586–589, also Ramón Rodón Guinjoan, Una aproximación al estudio de la Hermandad Nacional Monárquica del Maestrazgo y del Partido Social Regionalista, [in:] Aportes 88 (2015), p. 185
  140. during the Montejurra rally of 1974 José María Codón Fernández started speaking about the need to seek understanding with the army; Zavala immediately snatched the microphone away from him, MacClancy 2000, p. 149
  141. Miralles Climent 2015, pp. 112–113
  142. Zubiaur and Goñi were asked to sign undated letters, declaring their resignation from the Cortes; they were intended as disciplinary measures in case both go off track. Both felt outraged and refused. Zavala tried to press them, ridiculed moral doubts of Zubiaur, and called his lawyer "cochina fascista", Zubiaur Alegre, Zubiaur Carreño 2012, pp. 161–163
  143. Aragón Express 28.02.76, available here
  144. Miralles Climent 2015, p. 365
  145. Miralles Climent 2015, p. 372
  146. Aragón Express 01.02.72, available here
  147. Aragón Express 10.09.76, available here
  148. Miralles Climent 2015, p. 341
  149. see his interview for Diario 16, referred after Miralles Climent 2015, p. 389. Zavala saw the Montejurra 1976 incident as part of the plot, compare his Montejurra 76: independencia ideológica del carlismo, [in:] Montejurra 1976–2006, Madrid 2006, ISBN 9788495735256
  150. Lluís Duran, Josep Badia, carlisme, socialisme i cristianisme, [in:] Bulleti de la Societat Catalana d’Estudis Historics XXVII (2016), p. 115
  151. Zavala declared the referendum undemocratic, because it was launched by the Francoist Cortes
  152. Aragon Express 09.12.76, available here
  153. Bartyzel 2010, p. 73
  154. Zavala claimed that "Los elementos constitutivos de la monarquía carlista surgirán de la soberanía popular que reconocía a esta dinastía como posible representante de una forma monárquica que garantizara la continuidad y permanencia intangible de las libertades forales y los principios de justicia", Duran 2016, p. 100. However, in October 1976 he declared that Partido Carlista had neither monarchical nor dynastic aims and that Carlos Hugo was merely the party president, not a claimant intending to challenge Juan Carlos, Diario de Burgos 23.10.76, available here
  155. Canal 2000, p. 378
  156. also in 1977 he published a lengthy interview, titled El modelo carlista de transición al socialismo, see Sergio E. Fanjul (ed.), Modelos de transición al socialismo: España 1977, Madrid 1977, ISBN 8474210178, available online here
  157. ABC 15.11.78, available here, also Diario de Burgos 02.07.76, available here, also Diario de Burgos 04.07.76, available here
  158. ABC 28.11.76, available here
  159. as late as in May 1977 the wife of Carlos Hugo, princess Irene of the Netherlands, was detained by Guardia Civil in a Navarrese town of Puente la Reina, escorted to the French frontier and expulsed. During the same intervention Zavala was temporarily detained, Hoja Oficial de Lunes 07.05.77, available here
  160. Miralles Climent 2015, p. 441
  161. Diario de Burgos 21.04.77, available here
  162. Partido Carlista candidates, appearing on various makeshift lists across the country (e.g. in Navarra as Agrupación Montejurra) gathered together 8,461 votes
  163. in wake of the 1977 elections "Zavala’s critics regarded his desire for discipline as bordering on the dictatorial at times" and "words about internal democracy and self-management at all levels sound particularly hollow" MacClancy 2000, p. 190
  164. Miralles Climent 2015, p. 445
  165. On the IV Congreso del Pueblo Carlista, organised in February 1978, Carlos Hugo was elected the president, Zavala secretario general, Carnicero secretario de organización, Sabater secretatio de relaciones políticas, Clemente secretario de prensa, Rincon secretario sindical and Pastor secretario de cultura; all formed Comité Ejecutivo, Aragon Express 20.02.78, available here
  166. MacClancy 2000, p. 190
  167. Miralles Climent 2015, p. 488
  168. across the country Partido Carlista gathered 50,522 votes. Until today it is the best ever result obtained by a party claiming Carlist identity in elections of post-Francoist Spain, e.g. in 1994, during elections to the European Parliament, Partido Carlista gathered 4,650 votes (0.02%), Nicola Del Corno, Federalismo e socialismo autogestionario. La clarificación carlista durante la transizione, [in:] Spagna contemporanea 35 (2009), p. 67
  169. the Carlist list in Murcia gained 1,847 votes out of 452,938 (0.41%), Robert Herin, Geografia electoral de la región de Murcia. Segun las elecciones legislativas de julio de 1977 y marzo de 1979, y las elecciones municipales de abril de 1979, [in:] Geografía humana 9 (1984), p. 57
  170. Canal 2000, p. 387; when resigning Zavala quoted personal reasons, Heras y Borrero 2010, p. 141
  171. MacClancy 2000, p. 198
  172. Miralles Climent 2015, p. 457
  173. initially the plans hovered around a loose formula, as in late 1979 Carlos Hugo declared the will to "crear un gabinete personal que tiene como misión penetrar en el campo político: partidos, sindicatos y mundo económico. Tiene una misión especial y complementaria. No es un organismo paralelo al partido, sino complementario”
  174. Miralles Climent 2015, p. 456
  175. Miralles Climent 2015, p. 457
  176. Hoja Oficial de Lunes 14.04.80, available here
  177. García Riol 2015, p. 386
  178. García Riol 2015, pp. 386–387
  179. in 1990 with Carlos Hugo and his 3 sisters went to tierra santa to celebrate 60's birthday of the prince. On this trip he was accompanied by José María Zavala and his wife Maruja, Clemente 1999, p. 113. Despite embracing radical socialism, Zavala and his wife remained Catholics
  180. compare e.g. Esperanza Yllán Calderón, La transición española, Madrid 1998, ISBN 9788446008330
  181. e.g. in a recent PhD dissertation he is mentioned 48 times, Juan Carlos Senent Sansegundo, El carlismo entre el tardofranquismo y la democracia: la redefinición ideológica [PhD thesis UNED], s.l. 2021
  182. Pérez-Nievas Borderas 1999, p. 163
  183. Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 193
  184. this is the perspective offered in works of Jacek Bartyzel
  185. this is the perspective offered in works of Josep Carles Clemente
  186. Zavala is 74 times mentioned in Miralles Climent 2015, 40 times in Vázquez de Prada 2016, 33 times in García Riol 2015, 22 times in Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997 and 19 times in Rodón Guinjoan 2015. Others, listed far less freqeuently, are Maria Teresa de Borbon Parma, Carlos Carnicero, Josep Carles Clemente, Arturo Juncosa, Ramón Masso, Evaristo Olcina, Ignacio Romero Osborne, José Manuel Sabater, Pedro Jose Zabala, Mariano Zufía and others
  187. "w tym okresie [early 1960s] największy ciężar realizacji ideologicznego uzasadnienia reorientacji karlizmu wziął na siebie José Maria de Zavala y Castella", Bartyzel 2011, p. 27
  188. also the opinion of Bartyzel, but from an earlier work, see Bartyzel 2010, p. 91
  189. El País 23.11.92, available here
  190. MacClancy 2000, p. 117
  191. "había seguido e inspirado la entrada y evolución ideológica del hijo de D. Javier", Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 193; similar approach in Bartyzel 2010 and 2011
  192. Blinkhorn 1990, Pérez-Nievas Borderas 1999, Del Corno 2009, and especially Clemente 1977, 1999, 2013. Zavala is almost ignored in Lavardin 1976, which might seem surprising given the work was written by one of the secretarios; perhaps this perspective reflects the later personal animosity between Massó and Zavala
  193. see e.g. the opinion of Jeremy MacClancy, a British scholar rather sympathetic towards the Carlist progressists; he noted that Zavala's theory that in the 1830s the Carlists "instinctively" opposed the capitalist oligarchy is hardly acceptable from the scholarly point of view, MacClancy 2000, p. 121. Another British academic with much understanding for the progressist attempt is Martin Blinkhorn, see his Élites in search of masses. The Traditionalist Communion and the Carlist Party, 1937–1982, [in:] F. Lannon, P. Preston (eds.), Élites and Power in Twentieth-Century Spain, Oxford 1990, pp. 179–201
  194. Bartyzel 2010, p. 87
  195. compare e.g. Robert M. Fishman, Labor and the Return of Democracy to Spain, [in:] Kellogg Institute Working Paper 118 (1989), p. 17
  196. Heras y Borrero 2010, p. 158
  197. Carlos Hugo declared Zavala "una personalidad relevante en la historia reciente de nuestro país que no debe quedar al margen de la memoria colectiva.Es muy posible que los más jóvenes desconozcan lo que ha significado José María de Zavala, un hombre que pertenció a ese puñado de españoles que hicieron posible la llegada de las libertades democráticas a España tras 40 años de dictadura", El País 23.11.92, available here
  198. "perdido en el laberinto de un partido sin perspectivas, plagado de contradicciones, hizo un supremo esfuerzo de coherencia democrática", opinion of Lorenzo Contreras, ABC 26.11.92, available here
  199. Miralles Climent 2015, p. 146
  200. compare Lealtad a la Lealtad website, available here
  201. Rafael Gambra, El partido (seudo) carlista, [in:] La Nacion 1992, available here
  202. especially in case of individuals, involved in Carlism of late Francoism. He might be confused with his brother Juan, especially if any of them appears as "J. Zavala". However, the most frequent case is confusion with Pedro José Zabala Sevilla (1934–2021), a Partido Carlista ideologue from Zaragoza; it happens especially when spelling conventions of "Zavala" and "Zabala" are mixed up. Some works (Lavardin 1976) might systematically refer to "José María Zabala" (pp. 139, 252 and passim) and "Pedro José Zabala" (pp. 101, 103 and passim), which produces total confusion when just a "Zabala" is mentioned (pp. 84, 141 and passim). Some works (Vallverdú i Martí 2015) might refer to "J. M. Zabala" as "secretary of the Comunión" (pp. 185, 212 and passim) apart from "J. M. Zavala" (p. 153) or "Zavala" (p. 155); the same work notes also "José Pedro Zabala" (p. 185) and, to add to confusion, "J. M. Zabalza i Castella" (p. 209). In some works (García Ríol 2015) Pedro José Zabala might appear as "Pedro José Zavala" (p. 141) and José María Zavala might appear as "José María Zabala" (p. 338). In some works (Rodón Guinjoan 2015) Pedro José Zabala, throughout most of the narrative referred correctly, might at times appear as "Pedro José Zavala" (p. 406), and similarly José María Zavala, throughout most of the narrative spelled accurately, might at times appear as "José María Zabala" (p. 281). The same author credits "J. Zabala" for authorship of El Requeté (la tradición no muere), which evokes confusion between Pedro José Zabala Sevilla and Juan Zavala Castella (p. 83). Some works (Ramón Massó Taruella, Otro rey para España: crónica del lanzamiento y fracaso de Carlos Hugo, Barcelona 2004) when referring José Maria Zavala might use the familiar name of "Pepe Zabala" (p. 407). Some works (Clemente 1977) adhere both to "José María de Zabala" (p. 50) and "José María de Zavala" (p. 62) spelling, in one place introducing also "José María de Zavala y Castellá" (p. 62). Also contemporary texts provide confusing spelling; in the press of the 1970s the version of "José María Zabala" prevailed, see e.g. Dimite el secretario general del Partido Carlista, [in:] El País 15.05.79), for scholarly references to "José María Zabala Castellá" see e.g. Josep Melià, El largo camino de la apertura: del referéndun a las asociaciones, Madrid 1975, ISBN 8472352188, p. 154. The confusion has already been noted in Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 468. There is also some room for confusion given vast popularity of the present-day author, José María Zavala Chicharro (born 1962)

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