Joaquín Baleztena Azcárate Explained

Joaquín Baleztena Azcárate
Birth Name:Joaquín Baleztena Ascárate
Birth Date:1883
Birth Place:Pamplona, Spain
Death Date:1978
Death Place:Pamplona, Spain
Nationality:Spanish
Known For:politician
Occupation:lawyer
Party:Comunión Tradicionalista

Joaquín Baleztena Azcárate (25 february 1883 – 26 June 1978) was a Spanish Carlist politician. During three consecutive terms between 1919–1923 he served as a Traditionalist member of the Cortes. In two separate strings of 1931–1942 and 1951–1957 he headed the regional party organization in Navarre; he remained one of key nationwide Carlist politicians from the late 1910s till the early 1970s. In 1937–1939 he was a member of the Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las JONS executive, Consejo Nacional.

Family and youth

Joaquín's paternal grandfather,[1] José Joaquín Baleztena Echeverría, a native of Navarrese Leitza and an ethnic Basque, was an indiano. He tried his luck in California and Cuba before returning to the home town, where he owned two buildings next to ayuntamiento.[2] His son and Joaquín's father, also an ethnic Basque, Joaquín Baleztena Muñagorri, formed part of new Navarrese economic and political elites.[3] Holding a number of rural properties in the comarca of Valles Merdionales,[4] he was co-founder of Conducción de Aguas de Arteta[5] and shareholder of a number of other local companies.[6] Elected consejal of Pamplona in the 1880s and 1890s,[7] he served as vice-president of the local Circulo Carlista.[8] Joaquín's mother, María Dolores Ascárate Echeverría, was also descendant to a Carlist family; her father served as officer under Carlos V during the First Carlist War.[9] Joaquín was born as the second of 9 children and the oldest of 3 brothers. Like all his siblings, he was raised in the fervently Catholic atmosphere flavored by strong Carlist political sympathies. His older sister, María Isabel, was initially supposed to marry the Traditionalist ideologue Juan Vázquez de Mella.[10] His younger brother and lifetime political partner, Ignacio, became an iconic Pamplona figure, expert and the moving spirit behind numerous provincial feasts, promoter of Basque folk culture and a politician himself.[11] His younger sister Dolores was a Carlist activist, who – apart from having been longtime chauffeur of Joaquín – made her name as organizer and author. His younger brother, Pedro María Baleztena Ascarate, became a nationally recognized pelota champion.[12] His paternal cousins, the Arraiza Baleztena brothers, sympathized with Carlism and held different posts in the Pamplona ayuntamiento in the early 20th century.[13] Some of his Baleztena Abarrategui nephews became public figures. Joaquín (Joaquíncho) was active in the board of El Pensamiento Navarro;[14] Javier was director of Archivo General de Navarra and is author of historical and historiographical works related to the province,[15] while Cruz Maria directed B-class movies.[16] Most of the family remained Carlist,[17] some of them engaged in politics.[18] Joaquín remained head of the family since the death of his father in 1917 until his own decease.[19]

In literature Joaquín Baleztena is often referred to as "abogado",[20] though none of the sources consulted offers any information on what, where and when he studied.[21]

Restoration

Joaquín commenced his public career when Navarrese Carlism recovered from post-war crisis and came to dominate the provincial politics.[22] Following the example of paternal Arraiza cousins,[23] Baleztena commenced his public career in local municipal elections and was successfully voted a Carlist concejal to the Pamplona ayuntamiento in the first decade of the 20th century,[24] re-elected also afterwards, at least in 1913. About the same time, also influenced by his kinsfolk, he got engaged in Sociedad Protectora "La Conciliación", one of the first Catholic trade unions in Navarre, and became active in its Junta Directiva.[25]

When growing controversy between Vazquez de Mella and the Carlist claimant exploded into a full-scale crisis, Baleztena sided with Don Jaime. As the Mellist secession of 1919 shattered the movement by defections of many recognized leaders, he remained loyal to the Carlist king. Since Victor Pradera, who previously represented the party in Cortes, joined the secessionists,[26] in the 1919 campaign Baleztena took his place in the Pamplona district and was successfully voted into the parliament.[27] The following year he again accessed the Carlist-Basque-conservative alliance; in Pamplona its candidates were not even challenged and he was declared victorious according to the famous Article 29.[28] During the last campaign of the Restauración in 1923 the claimant ordered party abstention in "farsa parlamentaria", though he permitted individuals to compete on their own.[29] Baleztena decided to run and was successful.[30] In early 1920s both Baleztena brothers worked for rapprochement between the Carlists and PNV, hoping to reinforce traditionally-minded Basques against the nationalists.[31] The result was Alianza Foral coalition, constructed to defend and promote traditional vasco-navarrese legal establishments.[32] It produced fairly successful co-operation especially during provincial elections,[33] though it also caused controversies within Navarrese Carlism.[34] The Baleztenas continued with their vasco-navarrese strategy also by means of cultural mobilization; in 1922 they joined Comisión para la Restauración de Monumentos de Navarra,[35] accused by Traditionalist pundits[36] of fostering separatism.

Dictadura and dictablanda

Though initially the coup of Primo de Rivera was welcomed by Navarrese Carlists,[37] it soon turned out that the dictatorship, apart from terminating Baleztena's parliamentarian career, sent the movement into the period of lethargy. Deprived of usual means of mobilization like elections and unable to take part in political game, provincial Traditionalists focused on the Baleztena-cherished foral issues. This approach soon set Carlism on collision course with the centralist policy of the dictator,[38] especially following the new municipal legislation of 1924 and new Convenio economico of 1927, deemed incompatible with fuerista traditions.[39] Relations with the regime went from bad to worse when Jaimistas refused to amalgamate in Union Patriotica, to join the Asamblea Nacional Consultiva,[40] and when none of their personalities entered the primoderiverista militia, Somatén.[41] While administrative sanctions harassed the movement[42] it got increasingly paralyzed; the provincial Carlist leadership – apart from Baleztena including Gabino Martínez, Joaquín Beunza Redín and Tomás Domínguez Arévalo – were losing their grip on the party.[43] Increasingly marginalized in politics, Baleztena focused on his professional legal duties, like engagement in Electra Puente-Marín,[44] a local hydroelectric company.[45] The fall of Primo de Rivera re-launched Baleztena's career. In the spring of 1930 the provincial Junta Regional was reconstructed. Some sources claim that he became its head, appointed by Don Jaime personally;[46] other sources suggest he merely entered the body, presided by the longtime Navarrese party leader, Gabino Martínez.[47] It is also possible that Baleztena and Martínez formed sort of duumvirate, since as late as in the spring of 1931 the two jointly represented provincial Carlism outside.[48] The Navarrese branch of the movement was not disinclined to taking part in "controlled" elections, intended by general Berenguer for early 1931, though it was Ignacio not Joaquín Baleztena mentioned as a candidate;[49] fall of the monarchy and proclamation of the republic cancelled these plans.

Republic

Before the first electoral campaign to Cortes Constituentes in 1931, Joaquín along his brother worked to forge a Carlist-Basque alliance,[50] though PNV leaders accused him of little genuine commitment to the common vasco-navarrese cause.[51] The coalition was sealed as lista católico-fuerista and initially Baleztena was reported as one of its candidates.[52] For reasons which are not clear he withdrew from the race, supporting the candidates as member of various comites de honor.[53] As a local party leader he could have boasted success: Navarre was the only province in Spain where centre-right gained victory with 63% of votes,[54] though he had to concede defeat in the capital Pamplona.[55]

The 1932 re-unification of Jaimistas, Integristas and Mellistas into Comunión Tradicionalista[56] strengthened Baleztena's position; the new claimant Alfonso Carlos confirmed him as leader of its Navarrese branch; moreover, another Navarrese leader conde Rodezno became the national jefe.[57] Crucial role of the Baleztenas in mounting a conservative opposition to militant republicanism[58] was sort of acknowledged by the latter when the family house in Pamplona was set ablaze by the Leftist hit-squad;[59] the measures adopted by the Republican administration amounted to an effective exile of Joaquín from Navarre.[60] Shaky alliance with the Basques fell apart in 1933, as the Carlists, discouraged by moving religious issues from autonomous to central portfolio, cooled down in their support for a vasco-navarrese autonomy;[61] finally the Navarros preferred to stay out.[62] When an Andalusian Manuel Fal Conde replaced Rodezno as Jefe Delegado in 1934, the position of Navarre within Comunión was somewhat weakened.[63] The appointment marked also the beginning of a 20-year-long difficult partnership between Fal and Baleztena, who, though confirmed as Navarrese jefe, was not appointed to any of the newly created national executive bodies of the party.[64] As starting mid-1930s Carlism started to gear up for a violent overthrow of the Republic,[65] the first controversies covered the rebellion strategy. In the spring of 1936 Fal put in motion the plans for a stand-alone Traditionalist uprising, while Baleztena and the Navarros preferred to act in liaison with the military conspirators.[66]

Civil War

Ten months between July 1936 and April 1937 mark the climax of Baleztena's political career, the only period when his stance has substantially shaped the history of Traditionalism and possibly, the history of Spain. His role was crucial first in forging the Carlist terms of access to the coup, and then in deciding the Carlist course towards unification within Francoism.[67]

During hectic early summer 1936 negotiations with Mola, Baleztena and the fellow Navarrese pushed for almost unconditional Carlist access to the rebellion.[68] Opposing cautious policy of Fal, they pursued a superseding strategy which bordered sabotage[69] and is sometimes considered an internal coup within Carlism.[70] As a result, the Requeté were committed to insurgency with no guarantees on part of the military.[71] The Navarrese formed their own wartime body temporarily headed by Baleztena,[72] Navarrese War Council,[73] which implemented an independent political line[74] and was only with difficulty acknowledged by the official Carlist wartime executive.[75] Though Baleztena is not considered leader of the group,[76] as head of the most important Carlist province he tilted the balance against the falcondistas.Faced with a perspective of Carlist amalgamation into a "partido unico" Baleztena formed ranks with Rodezno, Berasain and other Navarrese, pushing for compliance with the military pressure. Taking advantage of paralysis within Carlist governing bodies[77] they initially tried to negotiate own terms of unification.[78] Eventually the group accepted Franco's ultimatum, outplayed the opposition[79] and cornered the new regent-claimant with an internal ultimatum of their own,[80] though Baleztena did his best to maintain loyalty to Don Javier.[81] As a result, amalgamation of Comunión into FET commenced with no major difficulties.

Baleztena still enjoyed the claimant's confidence,[82] authorized to enter the Falangist Consejo Nacional.[83] He soon grew increasingly alienated by and indeed hostile to the emerging Francoism. When Franco visited Pamplona in the autumn of 1937, the dictator was greeted by ice-cold welcome of the Baleztenas,[84] who sort of reconciled with Fal.[85] As the Navarrese War Council was dissolved and handed its duties to Delegación Provincial de FET[86] late 1937, the claimant considered Baleztena a man of trust[87] and asked him to re-organize the Navarrese Carlism.[88] Though Don Javier intended to keep the unloyal rodeznistas at bay, Baleztena preferred to seek a compromise with them.[89]

Early Francoism

Baleztena assembled a new Junta Regional in 1939; his objective was to preserve independent Carlist infrastructure, and his strategy relied on dealing with the collaborationists. The successes recorded were saving El Pensamiento Navarro from amalgamation in the Francoist propaganda,[90] setting up a Carlist outpost of the Principe de Viana institute[91] and a number of local administrative appointments;[92] the cost was electing Rodezno vice-president of Diputación Foral in 1940.[93] Co-operation with Fal, still national political leader, continued to be difficult; in 1941, when composing new regional Junta, Baleztena insisted that merindades elect their jefes, while Fal opted for appointments.[94] During the Begoña crisis of 1942 the Baleztenas tried to avoid a showdown with Falange and urged moderation.[95]

Despite his efforts Baleztena was losing control over Navarrese Carlism, increasingly fragmented along different lines of conflict. The pro-Axis faction[96] was neutralized by the course of the Second World War rather than thanks to his efforts,[97] but the friction between intransigents and collaborationists continued. Dynastical issues added insult to injury. The fraction seeking compromise with the Alfonsist claimant Don Juan was getting more dynamic, Karl Pius Habsburg, styled as Carlos VIII, gathered his own group of followers,[98] while supporters of Don Javier split between those favoring a regency and those favoring his own claim to the throne. Some started to advocate a collegial regency.[99] Personal squabbles, question of integrating Navarrese Carlism within nationwide party structure and conflict over ownership of El Pensamiento Navarro made matters worse; in late 1942 Baleztena resigned, replaced as the regional party leader by Jesús Elizalde.[100] Decomposition of Navarrese Carlism continued in the late 1940s, demonstrated by the Pamplona riots of 1945,[101] pro-Juanist stance of El Pensamiento Navarro[102] and different factions competing for local administrative posts. The new Junta Regional appointed by Fal in 1947 and headed by Mariano Lumbier[103] failed to produce any change and Carlism lost its grip even on the Pamplona council.[104] Among overall disarray and increasing calls[105] for more active attitude of the claimant, in 1951 Don Javier appointed a new Junta Regional, with Joaquín Baleztena regaining the Navarrese presidency.[106]

Middle and late Francoism

Baleztena kept dissuading Don Javier[107] from any dynastical compromise.[108] Against the regime he pursued a decisively adverse policy, facilitated by death of Rodezno in 1952; the Baleztenas arranged one of the most humiliating snubs that Franco had to take.[109] In 1954 Joaquín presided over Carlist triumph in the longtime battle against the Falangist civil governors.[110] Thorny relations with Fal went on; apart from secondary issues[111] and a conflict over leadership style,[112] the "duros" kept accusing him of having been too soft on Francoism.[113] Some claim that Baleztena engineered a plot to remove Fal, dismissed by Don Javier in 1955.[114]

The change worked against the Baleztenas, as under the emerging leadership of Valiente Carlism steered towards collaboration. Baleztena did not enter either Junta Nacional, appointed in 1955,[115] or Secretariato Politico, appointed in 1956.[116] The same year he co-founded Junta Suprema de las Regiones, a somewhat rebellious body bent on preventing a pro-Francoist and pro-Juanista turn.[117] Though relations with Valiente[118] and Don Javier[119] deteriorated, late 1956 Baleztena was appointed to the new national executive, Junta de Gobierno de la Comunion.[120] This, however, was his swan song. Junta de Regiones was dissolved. In 1957 a young aetista[121] Juan de Diego, enraged by the pro-collaborationist turn of the party, attacked Valiente on the street. When most members of Junta de Gobierno agreed to expulse the assailant, Baleztena opted out[122] and resigned.[123] Still member of the Navarrese Junta, Baleztena stayed loyal to Don Javier and lambasted the 1957 Acto de Estoril,[124] though he maintained independent line in terms of both personalities[125] and strategy. In 1958-9 he lent Sivatte his support,[126] though he fell short of abandoning the javieristas and joined Regencia de Estella.[127] When the aetistas launched Carlos Hugo the Baleztenas remained skeptical[128] and tried to keep the prince in check also in the early 1960s.[129] In 1960 Don Javier appointed Baleztena to Junta Foral Vasco-Navarra.[130] When the power struggle between Traditionalists and Huguistas erupted in the mid-1960s, due to his age Baleztena hardly took part.[131] Supporting the former, he recorded last political success in 1970, when the Baleztenas pushed the progressists out of El Pensamiento Navarro.[132] The victory was short-lived[133] and in 1970 he was expelled from the progressist-dominated Carlist organization.[134]

See also

Further reading

External links

Notes and References

  1. see the Geni genealogical service available here
  2. named "Torrea" and "Petrorena"; Javier Baleztena Abarrategui, Premín de Iruña blog available here, entry 08.09.11
  3. Ángel García-Sanz Marcotegui, Elites económicas y políticas en la Restauración. La diversidad de las derechas navarras, [in:] Historia contemporánea, 23 (2001), pp. 623-5; Annuario Riera of 1902 lists him among 20 "most important" rural owners in the merindad of Pamplona, see here
  4. José Andrés-Gallego, Pedro Pegenaute Garde, Navarra ca.1900-ca.1975, s.l., available here, pp. 546-547
  5. compare David Allegría Suescun, Historia del abastecimiento de agua en la Comarca de Pamplona available here
  6. Albert Carreras, Doctor Jordi Nadal: la industrialització i el desenvolupament econòmic d'Espanya, vol. 2, Barcelona 1999,, 9788447521456 p. 910, Josean Garrues-Irurzun, Public utility of water and private service of production and distribution of electricity in Pamplona, 1893-1961, Madrid 2008, available here
  7. elected on the Carlist-Basque ticket listed, García-Sanz 2001, pp. 623-5
  8. see Joaquín Baleztena Muñagorri entry at Auñamendi Eusko Entziklopedia available here; alternatively, he is sometimes labeled a land-owner, see Índice Histórico de Diputados available here
  9. Premín de Iruña blog, entry 22.06.11
  10. Premín de Iruña blog, entry 17.10.11
  11. For a homage account see Premín de Iruña blog
  12. see BALEZTENA ASCARATE, Pedro María entry at Gran Enciclopedia Navarra available here, or Pedro María Baleztena Ascarate entry at Auñamendi Eusko Entziklopedia available here
  13. Eugenio was Teniente de Alcalde of Pamplona, while Juan Pedro was the Alcalde himself, see Araiza genealogy available here
  14. see obituary in ABC 22.10.13 available here
  15. for bibliography see Dialnet service available here
  16. for filmography, see here
  17. in 1988, during the first visit of Juan Carlos de Borbón and his wife to Pamplona, the Baleztenas kept all windows and shutters closed (except the premises inhabited by Joaquíncho Baleztena), see ABC 22.10.13 available here
  18. Silvia Baleztena Abarrategui unsuccessfully ran for the Cortes in 2011 on the Derecha Navarra y Española ticket. The Baleztena house in Leitza remains a highly contested political symbol until today; during the wedding of Joaquíncho in 1971 it was protected by the police against ETA; in 1996 and 2012 it was assaulted by the Basque nationalists with the Spanish banner torn away from the balcony and burnt down, see ABC 20.08.96 available here and ABC 16.08.12 available here
  19. Premín de Iruña blog, entry 21.2.11
  20. See e.g. Joaquín Baleztena Ascárate entry at Auñamendi Eusko Entziklopedia available here
  21. his younger brother Ignacio commenced studying law in the Jesuit Deusto college in Bilbao, Premín de Iruña blog, entry 17.11.10
  22. prevailing in local, regional and general elections, see Jesús María Fuente Langas, Elecciones de 1916 en Navarra, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 51 (1990), pp. 947–957
  23. see Francisco Javier Arraiza Baleztena, Pedro José Arraiza Baleztena and Eugenio Arraiza Baleztena entries at Auñamendi Eusko Entziklopedia
  24. Auñamendi Eusko Entziklopedia claims he was elected in 1910 and 1913. Contemporary press mentions "Joaquín Baleztena" as a Pamplona concejal also in 1906, though theoretically the note might have referred also to his father, who is known to have been a councilor in the late 19th century, see El Siglo Futuro 05.12.06, ABC 05.12.06
  25. Auñamendi Eusko Entziklopedia
  26. See Víctor Pradera Larumbe entry at Auñamendi Eusko Entziklopedia
  27. Índice Histórico de Diputados available here
  28. Índice Histórico de Diputados available here
  29. see letter from Don Jaime to marques de Villores, ABC 13.03.23
  30. out of 4 individual Carlist candidates in Navarre, only 2 were elected, ABC 23.3.23. One source names Baleztena head of the Carlist parliamentary group, see Marek Jan Chodakiewicz, John Radzilowski, Spanish Carlism and Polish Nationalism: The Borderlands of Europe in the 19th and 20th Centuries, Charlottesville 2003,, 9781412834933 p. 39, though this information is not confirmed elsewhere
  31. promoting traditionalist Euskalerria against the nationalist Euzkadi, see Premín de Iruña blog, entry 17.02.11
  32. Elena Floristan Imizcoz, María Luisa Garde Etayo, El manifesto constitutivo de la Alianza Foral (1921), [in:] Principe de Viana 49 (1988), p. 153
  33. Ignacio was elected to Diputacion Foral in 1921, Floristan, Garde 1988, p. 148, José Andrés-Gallego, Pedro Pegenaute Garde, Navarra ca.1900-ca.1975, s.l. 1975, p. 570
  34. Floristan, Garde 1988, p. 150, Fuente 1990, p. 419
  35. its key work was unveiling of the Maya monument, commemorating medieval defenders of Navarrese sovereignty against the Castilians, see Manuel Martorell Pérez, La continuidad ideológica del carlismo tras la Guerra Civil [PhD thesis in Historia Contemporanea, Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia], Valencia 2009, p. 359
  36. e.g. Victor Pradera
  37. Jesus Maria Fuente Langas, Los tradicionalistas navarros bajo la dictadura de Primo de Rivera (1923–1930), [in:] Príncipe de Viana 55 (1994), pp. 419-20, Francisco Miranda Rubio, Política y Foralidad en Navarra durante la Dictadura de Primo de Rivera, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 66,(2005), pp. 335-336
  38. Fuente Langas 1994, p. 418-420
  39. Miranda Rubio 2005, pp. 340-343
  40. Those who did were expulsed from the party
  41. Miranda Rubio 2005, pp. 356-358. Beyond Navarre some notable Carlists – including their political leader, Marques de Villores – volunteered to Somatén, see Boletín Oficial. Somatén Nacional de la 3. Region, 10.24 available here
  42. Fuente Langas 1994, p. 420-421, Miranda Rubio 2005, p. 336-337
  43. Fuente Langas 1994, p. 424
  44. Joaquín Baleztena Ascárate entry at Auñamendi Eusko Entziklopedia
  45. Electra Puente-Marín was one of the smaller Spanish hydroelectric companies, see data here
  46. Julio Aróstegui, Combatientes Requetés en la Guerra Civil española, 1936-1939, Madrid 2013, p. 71
  47. Fuente Langas 1994, p. 424
  48. compare El Dia 23.4.31, available here or La Epoca 25.4.31 available here. In March 1931 Martínez was member of Junta de Honor de Prensa Tradicionalista
  49. Ignacio has even issued an electoral manifesto; another Navarrese personality initially reported as running was Joaquín Beunza, see Alberto García Umbón, Las Proyectadas elecciones del general Berenguer en Navarra (1930), [in:] Cuadernos de sección. Historia-Geografía San Sebastián, 10 (2008), p. 218
  50. Manuel Ferrer Muñoz, Los frustrados intentos de colaboración entre el partido nacionalista vasco y la derecha navarra durante la segunda república, [in:] Principe de Viana 49 (1988), pp. 129, 132
  51. Martin Blinkhorn, Carlism and Crisis in Spain 1931-1939, Cambridge 1975,, p. 50
  52. Ana Serrano Moreno, Las elecciones a Cortes Constituyentes de 1931 en Navarra, [in:] Príncipe de Viana, 50 (1989), p. 702
  53. Serrano Morreno 1989, p. 712
  54. Serrano Morreno 1989, p. 732
  55. and two district capitals, Tudela and Tafalla; out of 5 Navarrese districts, the centre-Right lost also in the Tafalla district, Serrano Morreno 1989, p. 741, maps 771-776, and especially Ana Serrano Moreno, Los resultados de las elecciones a Cortes Constituyentes de 1931 en el municipio de Pamplona: un análisis espacial, [in:] Principe de Viana 49 (1988), pp. 457–464
  56. the alliance was sealed in the Baleztena house in Leitza in June 1931, José Carlos Clemente, El carlismo en el novecientos español (1876-1936), Madrid 1999,, 9788483741535, p. 80
  57. Blinkhorn 1975, p. 74
  58. the Baleztenas contributed financially to sustaining the Carlist organization, Blinkhorn 1975, p. 222
  59. after its partial burning in April 1932 the family moved to Leitza and San Sebastián, Premín de Iruña blog, entries 02.11.11 to 22.12.11; the author claims that the perpetrators were led by an unidentified Teniente de Alcalde, Premín de Iruña blog, entry 16.01.12. The Baleztenas accused Gobiernador Civil, Manuel Andrés Casaus, of inertia; the Baleztenas were also engaged in extinguishing fire following assaults on other institutions, like El Pensamiento Navarro, El Diario de Navarra and finally, in March 1936, on Diputación Foral, Premín de Iruña blog, entry 27.04.12
  60. he was represented in Navarre by his brother Ignacio, Premín de Iruña blog, entry 6.12.11
  61. Manuel Ferrer Muñoz, La Cuestión estatutaria en Navarra durante la Segunda República, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 52 (1991), pp. 197-221
  62. some scholars compare Navarrese stance towards the vasco-navarrese identity to the one demonstrated by Ulster versus the Irish question, see Martin Blinkhorn, The Basque Ulster': Navarre and the Basque Autonomy Question under the Spanish Second Republic, [in:] The Historical Journal 17 (1974), p. 595; except non-Basque Tafalla and Tudela merindades, only Estella voiced (closely) in favor of the autonomy, Ferrer Muñoz 1991, p. 212
  63. the candidature of Fal was launched and supported mostly by non-Navarros, like the Castillan José Lamamie de Clairac, the Levantine Manuel Senante and the Andalusian Fernando Contreras, Blinkhorn 1975, p. 137
  64. like special sections and delegations; he was also not appointed to the prestigious Council of Culture, see Blinkhorn 1975, pp. 207-210
  65. Baleztena did not take part in the subsequent elections
  66. Blinkhorn 1975, pp. 238-242
  67. one should also note that Baleztena tried to prevent atrocities, see Martorell Peréz 2009, pp. 112, 115, 118, especially that Baleztena issued an official order banning "private" reprisals, see Premín de Iruña blog, entries 31.7.12, 11.9.12, 31.7.12, 11.9.12, 17.9.12
  68. Blinkhorn 1975, pp. 246, 248
  69. some scholars consider the meeting of July 12, 1936 the beginning of a disobedience strategy, which culminated later in April 1937, see Juan Carlos Peñas Bernaldo de Quirós, El Carlismo, la República y la Guerra Civil (1936-1937). De la conspiración a la unificación, Madrid 1996,, 9788487863523, p. 35, naming Baleztena's policy " indisciplina flagrante respecto a la Junta Nacional", see Manuel Martorell Pérez, Carlismo, historia oral y las "zonas oscuras" de la Guerra Civil, [in:] Gerónimo de Uztariz, 23-24 (2008), p. 223
  70. Blinkhorn 1975, p. 288
  71. evaluation of this policy varies; some consider it a compromise which greatly contributed to the Nationalist victory and contrasted with particularisms of various factions forming the Republican alliance, see Stanley G. Payne, Prólogo, [in:] Navarra fue la primera 1936-1939, Pamplona 2006, ; some think it made Carlism hostage of Franco, see Peñas Bernaldo 1996
  72. the presidency issue is somewhat unclear; Baleztena was initially declared head of the Junta, but when approached by Fal, the body reported Martínez Berasain as president and Baleztena appeared as "Presidente de honor", Martorell Peréz 2009, p. 38, also Manuel Martorell Peréz, Navarra 1937-1939: el fiasco de la Unificación, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 69 (2008) p. 438, Peñas Bernaldo 1996 pp. 215-217, 268; for full composition of the Junta see Ricardo Ollaquindia Aguirre, La Oficina de Prensa y Propaganda Carlista de Pamplona al comienzo de la guerra de 1936, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 56 (1995), p. 499
  73. even its exact name remains contested; Peñas Bernaldo 1996 claims it was "Junta Central de Guerra de la Region de Navarra del Partido Carlista" while Martorell Peréz 2009 names it "Junta Central Carlista de Guerra de Navarra"
  74. and strived to preside over enormously complex, quasi-governmental structure, see Javier Ugarte Tellería, El carlismo en la guerra del 36. La formación de un cuasi-estado nacional-corporativo y foral en la zona vasco-navarra, [in:] Historia contemporánea 38 (2009), p. 61-66
  75. Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 270; Berasain was nominated "comisario carlista de Navarra", which provided a formal link between the Burgos Carlist Junta and the Pamplona Carlist Junta, Martorell Peréz 2009, p. 40
  76. this position is usually reserved for Rodezno, see Blinkhorn 241-250, 267-271, or for Berasain, see Ugarte Tellería 2009, p. 59, Martorell Peréz 2008, p. 439
  77. the Carlist king Alfonso Carlos passed away in September 1936 with no direct successor; Don Javier acted as regent though his status remained somewhat unclear. Fal Conde was exiled in Portugal and the Navarrese demonstrated ambiguous stance towards his lot, on one hand justifying his expulsion and on another asking Franco to lift the ban, see Martorell Peréz 2008, p. 441. The existing executive structures were plagued by indecision
  78. They suggested a new joint executive, a "directorio", composed of 12 members: 3 Carlists, 3 Falangists and 6 appointed by Franco; these proposals were in no way authorized by either Don Javier or Fal Conde, see Peñas Bernaldo 1996, pp. 262-263
  79. in absence of exiled Fal represented mostly by Valiente and Zamanillo
  80. Blinkhorn 1975, pp. 275, 288-9, Martorell Peréz 2008, p. 441, Ugarte Tellería 2009, p. 71 suggest that though Baleztena presided over the April 16 meeting, it was Berasain and Rodezno running the show. Baleztena, Gabino Martinez, Blas Ynza and Juan Ortigosa kept pressing Don Jaime also by mail, urging him not to do publish "un documento que marque a la Comunión, siquiera sea en la escasa medida possible de las circumstancias, una significación hostil a la constitución de la nueva Entidad política y social", see Mercedes Peñalba Sotorrío, Entre la boina roja y la camisa azul. La integración del carlismo en Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las JONS (1936-1942), Estella 2013, pp. 55, 132
  81. Blinkhorn 1975, p. 288
  82. unlike Rodezno or Berasain; by some they are not even considered genuine Carlists, Martorell Peréz 2009, p. 188
  83. out of 12 Carlists who formed part (Rodezno, Bilbao, Baleztena, Urraca, Fal, Oriol, Florida, Mazon, Arellano, Toledo, Muñoz Aguilar and Valiente), only Baleztena and Valiente were authorized by the claimant to do so, Blinkhorn 1975, p. 293, Martorell Peréz 2000, p. 49. Some authors, however, claim that all Carlists (including Baleztena) who entered Consejo were expulsed from the Comunión, see Josep Carles Clemente, Raros, heterodoxos, disidentes y viñetas del Carlismo, Madrid 1995,, 9788424507077, p. 195. Baleztena's term in Consejo Nacional expired in 1942 and was not renewed, Martorell Peréz 2009, p. 188
  84. Premín de Iruña blog, entry 05.03.13;
  85. the funeral of Sanjurjo turned into a huge Carlist and vaguely anti-Francoist demonstration, with Fal appearing from the ayuntamiento balcony greeted by thousands of boinas rojas and the cries of "Viva Cristo Rey", "Viva el Rey" and "Viva Fal Conde"; those who attempted to shout "Viva Franco" were threatened, see Martorell Peréz 2008, p. 455
  86. headed by Martínez Berasain, see ABC 28.12.60
  87. Aurora Villanueva Martínez, Organizacion, actividad y bases del carlismo navarro durante el primer franquismo [in:] Geronimo de Uztariz 19 (2003), p. 101
  88. Martorell Peréz 2009, p. 151
  89. Villanueva Martínez 2003, p. 101
  90. the plot consisted of converting the party newspaper into a commercial daily owned by a shareholding company, set up with this purpose and named Editorial Navarra; out of 600 of its shares issued, de Rodezno held 200, Arellano 150 and two Baleztena brothers 50 each, Eduardo González Calleja, La prensa carlista y falangista durante la Segunda República y la Guerra Civil (1931-1937), [in:] El Argonauta español 9 (2012), p. 29
  91. from that moment the Carlists commenced its cultural counter-offensive against Falange in Navarre, see Alvaro Baraibar Etxeberria, Una visión falangista de la foralidad navarra, [in:] Gerónimo de Uztariz 2006, p. 13
  92. the Carlist mayors of Pamplona were Garrán Moso (1940-41, son of Justo Garrán Moso), Echandi (1941-42), Archanco (1942-44) and Iruretagoyena (1946-47), who was followed by a non-Carlist alcalde, for detailed analysis see María del Mar Larraza-Micheltorena, Alcaldes de Pamplona durante el franquismo: Un retrato de conjunto, [in:] Memoria y Civilización 15 (2012), pp. 229-247
  93. Villanueva Martínez 2003, p. 103
  94. Villanueva Martínez 2003, p. 104
  95. Villanueva Martínez 2003, p. 106
  96. most prominent were Antonio Lizarza, Jaime del Burgo and Amadeo Marco
  97. Baleztena displayed a clear pro-Allies penchant, e.g. protesting a pro-German stand of El Pensamiento Navarro, Martorell Peréz 2009, pp. 263-4, though he also opposed plans to engage Requetes in pro-British espionage activities, Martorell Peréz 2009, p. 268, Manuel Martorell Pérez, Antonio Arrue, el carlista que colaboró en el relanzamiento de Euskaltzaindia, [in:] Euskaltzaindiaren lan eta agiriak 56 (2011), p. 856, for an anti-British view see here
  98. Lizarza, del Burgo, Marco
  99. [Mauricio Sivatte]
  100. Villanueva Martínez 2003, pp. 104-105contemporary scholar summarized the disarray by concluding that old regional leaders, somewhat detached from the masses, were unable to channel their antijuanismo and antifranquismo, while falcondistas were mobilizing the masses, but unable to grab political leadership in Navarre, Villanueva Martínez 2003, p. 109
  101. Francisco Javier Caspistegui Gorasurreta, Navarra y el carlismo durante el régimen de Franco: la utopía de la identidad unitaria, [in:] Investigaciones históricas 17 (1997), p. 293, Villanueva Martínez 2003, p. 630. According to the Guardia Civil intelligence report, the Navarrese Carlist leaders condemned the events, though no one of them was named, Villanueva Martínez 2003, p. 648
  102. Villanueva Martínez 2003, p. 110
  103. Villanueva Martínez 2003, p. 110 and passim
  104. see Larraza-Micheltorena 2012
  105. heard also from collaborationist but non-Juanist Carlists like Jose Angel Zubiaur and Jesus Larrainzar, Villanueva Martínez 2003, p. 112
  106. Villanueva Martínez 2003, p. 113
  107. with whom the family remained on friendly terms; whenever in Spain, Don Javier used to visit the Baleztenas in Leitza, compare many entries in the Premín de Iruña blog
  108. Mercedes Vázquez de Prada Tiffe, El papel del carlismo navarro en el inicio de la fragmentación definitiva de la comunión tradicionalista (1957-1960), [in:] Príncipe de Viana 72 (2011), p. 397
  109. Franco visited Pamplona to open new housing quarters and was scheduled to speak from the balcony of the ayuntamiento building. Despite lavish decorations elsewhere, the neighboring Baleztena house was all closed and seemed abandoned, with immense portrait of San Francisco Javier on its facade. The bottom line of the message was manifestation of support to the Carlist regent, Don Javier. Indignant Franco cut down his speech to a minimum; the Baleztenas received threats from the Falangist Frente de Juventudes afterwards, Martorell Peréz 2009, p. 343.
  110. the Navarrese gobernadores civiles, Juan Junquera (45-9) and Luis Valero Bermejo (49-54), were in constant conflict with the Carlists. The united Traditionalist front forced removal of Luis Bermejo in 1954; from that moment onwards, the successive gobernadores sought a modus vivendi with Carlism, see Maria del Mar Larazza Micheltorena, Alvaro Baraibar Etxeberria, La Navarra sotto il Franchismo: la lotta per il controllo provinciale tra i governatori civili e la Diputacion Foral (1945-1955), [in:] Nazioni e Regioni, Bari 2013, Baraibar 2006 p. 119, Martorell Pérez 2009, pp. 345-9
  111. conflict over jefes of the merindades dragged on, see Vázquez de Prada 2011, p. 395
  112. the Navarros and the Gipuzkoanos accused Fal of ruling the party with iron hand, with little attention paid to regional leaders, Mercedes Vázquez de Prada Tiffe, El nuevo rumbo político del carlismo hacia la colaboración con el régimen (1955-56), Hispania 69 (2009), p. 185
  113. Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 392; other scholars name the faction "guipuzcoanos", counting in also Arrue, Gambra, Iurria and Larramendi, claiming that the differences were rather of personal nature, Ramón María Rodon Guinjoan, Invierno, primavera y otoño del carlismo (1939-1976) [PhD thesis Universitat Abat Oliba CEU], Barcelona 2015, p. 115
  114. Don Javier visited the Baleztenas in Leitza shortly before removing Fal from leadership, see Mercedes Vázquez de Prada Tiffe, La reorganización del carlismo vasco en los sesenta: entre la pasividad y el "separatismo", [in:] Vasconia. Cuadernos de Historia-Geografía, 38 (2012), p. 1115
  115. Vazquez de Prada 2009, p. 184
  116. Vazquez de Prada 2009, p. 189
  117. though most members of the Junta were expelled from the party, Baleztena was not, Vazquez de Prada 2009, pp. 194-195; Junta is considered by some a clear proconfiguration of Regencia Nacional de Estella, set up in 1958, Vazquez de Prada 2009, p. 196, also Mercedes Vázquez de Prada, El final de una ilusión. Auge y declive del tradicionalismo carlista (1957-1967), Madrid 2016,, p. 43
  118. whom he accused of authoritarian leadership style, Martorell Pérez 2009 p. 394, Martorell Pérez 2011, p. 859
  119. in 1956 Baleztena threatened to challenge dynastical rights of Don Javier in case he moves toward a union with the Juanistas, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 394; he also suggested a proclamation, which according to the claimant would "set the carlist home ablaze", Vazquez de Prada 2009, p. 192, Vazquez de Prada 2012, p. 1116, also Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 42
  120. Vazquez de Prada 2009, p. 199, Vazquez de Prada 2011, p. 1116
  121. member of a Carlist student organisation AET (Agrupación de Estudiantes Tradicionalistas)
  122. Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 51. Some Carlists, like Astrain, suspected that Baleztena might have been involved himself, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 60-61
  123. Manuel Martorell Pérez, Carlos Hugo frente a Juan Carlos.: La solución federal para España que Franco rechazó, Eunate 2014,, 9788477682653, p. 115, Javier Levardin [José Antonio Parilla], Historia del ultimo pretendiente a la corona de España, Paris 1976, p. 160. As a Navarrese leader he was soon replaced by Francisco Javier Astráin, see Caspistegui 1997, p. 293. He was replaced by Francisco Javier Astrain, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 80
  124. Vázquez de Prada 2011, p. 402
  125. according to Astrain referred somewhat uncritically by Vázquez de Prada Tiffe 2011, p. 402, he tried to replace Astrain with Zubiaur in Junta de Gobierno
  126. Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 75
  127. see a 1959 letter from Baleztena to Sivatte: "Me entero de tus meritorios trabajos por la constitución y vida de la Regencia de Estella. Creo que acudes a esta denominación en deferencia a nuestro antiguo Reino, lo cual agradezco como navarro... Y seguro de qual tal empresa se desarollará limpia de máculas colaboracionistas y sin contacto con situaciones y dinastias que siempre nos fueron hostiles, porque no pueden dejar de serlo, te deseo el mayor éxito en la consecución de tu cometido", quoted after César Alcalá, D. Mauricio de Sivatte. Una biografia polírica (1901-1980), Barcelona 2001,, p. 155. Some scholars maintain that the 1957 appointments in Navarrese Carlism triggered the secession of Sivatte, ultimately disillusioned with Don Javier, see Vázquez de Prada 2011, p. 400-401
  128. suspecting him of collaborationist intentions, Vázquez de Prada 2011, p. 401; during presentation of Carlos Hugo at Montejurra Baleztena ceded the word to Gambra; among the party heavyweights it was only the Baleztenas who were missing, Vázquez de Prada 2016, pp. 58-59
  129. in 1963 the Baleztenas hosted princess Alicia, than 87, who was viewed as counterweight to the Carlos Hugo sister, princess Maria Teresa, at that time spending a year in Pamplona, see Levardin 1976, pp. 160, 163
  130. a new regional body which has never materialized, Vazquez de Prada 2012, pp. 1131-1132
  131. the most comprehensive work on the issue, Francisco Javier Caspistegui Gorasurreta, El naufragio de las ortodoxias: el carlismo, 1962-1977, Pamplona 1997,, 9788431315641 does not mention Joaquín Baleztena at all
  132. following removal of Javier María Pascual Ibañez as editor-in-chief after his 4-year tenure, see La Vanguardia 26.08.70 available here, also Martorell Peréz 2009, pp. 470-471; the partisan Huguista perspective in Josep Carles Clemente, Historia del Carlismo contemporaneo, Barcelona 1977,, esp. the chapter El "affaire" de "El Pensamiento Navarro", pp. 63-71; for details see Rosa Marina Errea, Javier María Pascual y "El pensamiento navarro": "con él llego el escándalo" (1966-1970), Pamplona 2007,, pp. 395-434. In 1966 Baleztena failed to recognize Pascual as a Progressist and endorsed him as a candidate, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 304
  133. another crisis in El Pensamiento Navarro followed in 1971, see La Vanguardia 21.12.71 available here
  134. Errea Iribas 2007, p. 409, Josep Carlos Clemente, Breve historia de las guerras carlistas, Madrid 2011, p. 248, the paragraph titled Ignacio y Joaquín Baleztena, caciques de Franco en Navarra; also Clemente 1977, p. 68

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