Joan Bardina Castarà Explained

Joan Bardina Castarà
Birth Date:27 May 1877
Birth Place:Sant Boi de Llobregat, Barcelona, Spain
Death Place:Valparaíso, Chile
Nationality:Spanish, Chilean
Citizenship:Spain, Chile
Known For:theorist of education
Education:PhD
Occupation:publisher, scholar, writer, Law Professor
Party:Carlism, Lliga Regionalista

Joan Doménec Bardina Castarà (Spanish; Castilian: Juan Bardina Castará) (1877-1950) was a Spanish-Chilean theorist of education, acknowledged for his innovative approach to pedagogy and for his contribution to renewal of the Catalan schooling system. In Chile he is known also as a scholar in law; in Spain, and especially in Catalonia, he is recognized as a member of the Catalanist movement. Active in Carlism during his youth, he is considered a typical case of a transitional political identity, moving from Carlism to peripheral nationalism. Increasingly concerned with social issues, by the end of his life he sympathized with Francoism and Nazism; he also focused more on his extended family and became increasingly religious. His manuals, published anonymously and related mostly to health, hygiene and cuisine, were fairly popular in Spain in the 1920s and 1930s.

Family and youth

Joan Bardina Castarà descended from a working class Catalan family. His paternal grandparents, Josep Bardina and Maria Savarich, lived in a Pyrenean "village of Santa Creu" "Llogaret de Santa Creu" located in the region of Urgel SW of Andorra, Alto Urgel county, and had 12 children.[1] The youngest of them, Joan Bardina Savarich (died 1891),[2] left the family home early and in search of work settled in Sant Boi de Llobregat, a town at the outskirts of Barcelona. It is there where he commenced working, first as a locksmith and then as a blacksmith. He married a local girl, Dolores Castarà Sigró. She also came from a humble, though somewhat better positioned family; her parents, Josep Castarà Marigó and María Ciuró (originally Sigró) Puig, were handicraftsmen specializing in lace-making; especially the latter was recognized in the town.[3] The newly married couple had one child, a daughter, before Dolores died. A widower, Joan married her younger sister, Josepa Castarà Ciuró. They had 4 children, Josepa, Joan, Baldiri and Magdalena.[4]

Educated in a kindergarten, at the age of 5 Joan was able to read and write.[5] In 1884 he moved to elementary school, excelling as an extraordinary student. It was the headmaster who suggested that the boy pursues a more ambitious career. In line with the advice,[6] in 1887 Joan entered the Barcelona seminary.[7] He kept collecting awards[8] until the mid-1890s,[9] as a teenager developing interest in photography, folk customs and tourism.[10] However, path towards an ecclesiastical career[11] was abruptly abandoned. Trying his hand in local journals, Bardina published a pamphlet deemed disrespectful towards the cardinal Sancha y Hervás;[12] he considered a heavy reprimand received unfair. When his work on Kant, winning the first prize at a Valencia Seminary contest, was declared arrogant in his home seminary, in 1898[13] Bardina left the school.[14] He obtained bachillerato in 1899 in Instituto de Girona and graduated in philosophy and letters from University of Barcelona in 1900.[15] Himself exempted from military service,[16] in 1901 he volunteered to spare conscription of his sickly brother Baldiri.[17] At that time he was already trying to make a living by contributing to Barcelona periodicals and publishing own booklets.[18] In 1906 Bardina married Josepa Soronellas Brosé (1880-1910),[19] a feminist activist;[20] her father was involved in housekeeping, printing and distribution of a periodical Bardina worked with.[21] In 1907 their only child, Remedios (Reimei) Bardina Soronellas, was born.[22] The girl initially lived with her parents and then with her widowed father in Barcelona, after his departure to stay with her grandmother. Remedios was the first female law graduate of the University of Barcelona and among the first three female PhD graduates from the University of Madrid, to gain another PhD from the University of Berlin. She married Yen Huai Liu, a fellow PhD student from China.[23] In the 1930s the couple settled in China and later, together with seven children, in Taiwan.[24] In 1921, already in Chile, Bardina remarried with a local girl Raquel Venegas (born 1902);[25] none of the sources consulted offers any information on her family.[26] The couple had 4 children, Joan, Raquel, Rebeca and Marta, born between 1922 and 1927.[27] Joan Bardina Venegas married Yolanda Carvajal from Peumo, Chile, in 1946 and had four children: Yoli (1948), Joan (1949), Jorge (1950) and Veronica Remei (1954). All of Joan Bardina Castara's grandchildren married and had a total of 25 great-grandchildren;[28]

Carlist

Bardina did not demonstrate political sympathies[29] until the mid-1890s; influenced by the spirit of fellow seminarians,[30] he neared Carlism. In 1895 he published first poems in the Carlist press,[31] signed with a histrionic pen-name "Valcarlos",[32] and kept contributing[33] to various Traditionalist titles;[34] his pieces featured belligerent tone and scarce maturity.[35] In 1897 he co-founded the Barcelona section of Joventut Escolar Tradicionalista,[36] an activity which triggered correspondence between the minister of justice and ecclesiastic authorities.[37] The same year Bardina joined a newly launched[38] Carlist satirical weekly in Catalan, Lo Mestre Titas,[39] and quickly emerged as one of its key contributors.[40]

Lo Mestre Titas remained on the margins of the Catalan Carlism, ignored by the regional party mouthpiece, El Correo Catalan;[41] its heterodoxy consisted of unusually militant tone,[42] regionalism exceeding the standard party levels, and antipathy towards the regional leader Llauder.[43] Bardina's contributions fell into 3 fields: lambasting Liberal governments, discussing political stand of the Church, and promoting Catalanism; he wrote poetry and essays.[44] His advances against pro-Alfonsist course of the Church cost Bardina a conflict with seminarian superiors and led to leaving the seminary.[45] His zealous, Carlism-formatted Catalanism cost Bardina a conflict with periodicals close to Unió Catalanista;[46] it also cost Bardina a conflict with Llauder, who considered his Catalanist-Carlist propaganda beyond the party orthodoxy.

The climax of Bardina's Carlist engagement fell on 1899-1900, when he published an unorthodox[47] biography of Aparisi Guijarro,[48] first volume of an intended series on history of Carlism[49] and two treaties discussing his vision of Carlist Catalonia;[50] they raised many eyebrows, and in 1900 Llauder explicitly prohibited Bardina propagating his Catalanist-Carlist outlook.[51] Militant tone of Lo Mestre Titas brought administrative fines, which in April 1900 led to disappearance of the title.[52] Bardina was trialed for instigating to rebellion and fined;[53] indeed by scholars he is considered representative of a “catastrophist” approach.[54] It is not clear whether Bardina took part in Carlist military gear-up to overthrow the regime in 1899-1900; his publications, including a self-devised infantry tactical rulebook,[55] were clearly pointing in this direction. The conspiracy boiled down to few isolated attempts in October 1900, and most of those detained afterwards were Bardina's friends.[56] He was profoundly disappointed by ambiguous stand of the claimant,[57] whose official condemnation of those involved alienated Bardina further on.[58] His Carlism started to assume increasingly offshoot tone. In 1901-1902 he was engaged in El Cañón, an even more heterodox successor of Lo Mestre Titas, and niche Catholic periodicals La Barretina[59] and Luz Católica.[60] He might have been involved in conspiracy to replace Don Carlos with his son, Don Jaime.[61] In a symbolic gesture, he shortened his pen-name from “Valcarlos” to “Val”.[62] Bardina's anti-regime stand cost him another detention; he was spared sanctions thanks to private links.[63] In 1903 he openly[64] lambasted Carlist executive for ineptitude. Ridiculed by the party press as ex-Carlista,[65] Bardina declared having been a Traditionalist but never a Carlist,[66] and in his later booklet openly challenged the “Carlo-traitors”.[67]

Between Carlism and Catalanism

Support for historical territorial identities and for loose organization of state has been major component of the Carlist vision; initially it seemed that Bardina's view on the Catalan question was firmly anchored within this outlook. Feeling profoundly Catalan, in line with orthodox Carlism he confronted the emerging Catalan nationalism as a chaotic medley; lacking tradition and social base, according to Bardina it was advocated by a handful of intellectuals and students,[68] indulging in sectarian exaltation and producing discord.[69] Tending to separatism, they were “descendants of the federalists and republicans in political terms, atheists in religious terms, and Jacobins in social terms”.[70] The only viable offer for Catalonia – Bardina argued - was this of Carlos VII, who already in the 1870s hailed Catalan identity and pledged to restore traditional regional establishments.[71] Writing to Lo Mestre Titas, Bardina engaged in hostile exchange of arguments with Catalanist periodicals La Renaixensa or La Nació Catalana, lambasting their anti-Carlism.[72]

By the turn of the centuries militant and zealous Bardina's tone gave way to somewhat moderated polemics, mostly with Enric Prat de la Riba; discussing differences of programs and contradictory positions of Carlism and nationalist Catalanism, he abandoned earlier venom.[73] Declaring himself a Catalanist and a Carlist at the same time, he criticized the latter for scarce use of Catalan, provincial organization, cuñerismo,[74] and giving precedence to Rey over Patria.[75] Bardina's treaties published started to stress an autonomous concept of Catalonia.[76] Though explicitly rejecting full political independence in favor of a self-government, his vision was mounted in a general, federal or confederal view of an Iberian peninsula as a conglomerate of kingdoms, principates, señorios and other entities.[77] Such Catalonia would be a confessional Catholic entity with an own concordat,[78] with freemasonry banned and no freedom of religion. It would be based on democratic principles, including political parties and universal suffrage, crowned with own Catalan parliament;[79] the only official language would be Catalan.[80] Though Carlism adopted an ambiguous position on the question of autonomy and though federative concepts were vaguely advanced by some key Carlist pundits, definitive and adamant stand of Bardina was barely acceptable for the party executives.[81] Aware of this skepticism, in 1900 Bardina declared he was prepared to abandon the Carlists if they adopt a centralist position.[82] His relations with Prat de la Riba changed into rapprochement,[83] acknowledged by his contributions to La Veu de Catalunya[84] and other similarly formatted periodicals.[85] In late 1902 he was entrusted with drafting educational program of Lliga Regionalista[86] and in 1904 entered its Comisión de Escuelas,[87] though Bardina is not known to have held any posts in the party. In the mid-1900s he was already within the “intellectuales orgánicos” circle of Prat de la Riba,[88] individuals staying clear of politics but engaged in ground-level work within the conservative, bourgeoisie Catalanism. Starting mid-1900 Bardina was to engage in a variety of Catalanist educational initiatives, be it congresses, lectures, newspapers, schools, self-governmental or private institutions and various associations.

Catalanist educator

Apart from work as a private tutor in well-to-do Barcelona families[89] Bardina had no experience as to education, though he grew enthusiastic about the subject and befriended individuals from the scholarly realm; among them were the Giner de los Rios brothers, chief promoters of Krausism in Spain.[90] His interest in Catalanism and education led to taking part in the 1903 Congreso Universitario Catalán, one of mushrooming Catalanist education-related initiatives.[91] He offered own views on a future Catalan academic system,[92] declaring also that all primary education should be in Catalan.[93] At the time La Lliga attempted to re-format education system along Catalanist lines;[94] one of the instruments envisioned was Patronato de Escuelas, intended to supervise a network of Catalan schools for the working class.[95] Starting 1904 Bardina worked closely with Prat de la Riba to finalize the project;[96] eventually La Lliga failed to push it through the Catalan self-governing bodies.

In the mid-1900s Bardina was contemplating educative plans of his own; he launched Biblioteca Escolar Moderna, a series intended to provide comprehensive textbooks.[97] His most notable initiative was a college for future teachers. As Hermenegildo Giner de los Rios was teniente de alcalde in the Barcelona ayuntamiento, the plan got heavily subsidized by municipal[98] and provincial[99] authorities and materialized as Escola de Mestres in 1906. Allocated prestigious premises, well-staffed and perfectly equipped,[100] it was a fusion of Krausism[101] and Catalanism,[102] with Lliguista political designs in the background.[103] With some 40 teenagers pursuing the curriculum every year,[104] it became “Institució única en la história de l’educació catalana”.[105] In 1908 Bardina opened another school, Collegio del Remei,[106] where first alumni of Escola de Mestres assumed teaching.[107] The period was marked by his hectic activities; Bardina took part in linguistic[108] and pedagogic[109] congresses, published textbooks,[110] launched periodicals,[111] gave lectures[112] and set up new institutions.[113] He remained engaged in numerous self-governmental activities.[114] The most important of them was Presupuesto Extraordinario de Cultura, a long term educational project developed by the Barcelona city council and launched in 1908. Asked by Prat de la Riba to work on the document a few years earlier,[115] Bardina heavily contributed to its pedagogical section, mostly within the Krausist-Catalanist framework and occasionally assuming a somewhat anti-conservative flavor.[116] In the summer of 1909 Barcelona and Catalonia were rocked by Anarchist-dominated and anti-religious riots, known as Semana Trágica. With army restoring order and massive casualties, political establishment took a decisively conservative turn; also Prat de la Riba and La Lliga re-considered the question of alliances and enemies. Liberal educational initiatives became the focus of suspicion. The Presupuesto project was cancelled by the civil governor.[117] Francesc Ferrer Guardia, founder of Escuela Moderna, was sentenced and executed; also Bardina got ostracized and stigmatized, and police developed interest in his activities.[118] 1909 marks the breakup date between him and Prat de la Riba.[119] Subsidies for Bardina's projects dried out. Unable to cope financially on their own, both Escola de Mestres and Collegio del Remei closed in 1910;[120] Bardina became sort of an outcast.

At the crossroads

Cut off from public money, Bardina ensured private support. In 1911 the Dural couple, owners of a well-to-do trading company, agreed to finance a new school. It materialized as Institución Spencer;[121] Bardina, apart from having been a headmaster, taught math, geography, languages and history. The enterprise was largely a private Durall tuition affair, as the only alumni known were their numerous children and Bardina's own oldest daughter. For financial reasons or reasons which are not clear, the school closed after just one year, in 1912.[122]

Bardina found himself in financial dire straits, especially that creditors of Escola de Mestres threatened him with legal action.[123] With life in Barcelona becoming unbearable, he pondered upon starting an entirely new life elsewhere.[124] In 1912 with some of his former alumni he moved to Paris to learn the French educational system, the stay financed initially with private money; having obtained public grant,[125] he then extended the mission to Belgium and Britain.[126] He viewed it already as a way to leave Spain forever,[127] but at this stage things did not work out that way. He had to return to Barcelona; in 1914 the newly formed Mancomunitat launched a number of new educational establishments, but Bardina was not invited to take part in any.[128] He resumed collaboration with La Veu de Catalunya;[129] under a pen-name "Capitán de Estado Mayor", in 1914-1917 he contributed fairly popular chronicles of military developments of the Great War.[130] In the 1910s he published also a few self-devised and hugely successful manuals on hygiene, medicine, self-defense, savoir-vivre and home cuisine.[131]

In the mid-1910s Bardina's idea of leaving Spain focused on Colombia, where some of his alumni settled.[132] However, in 1916 it was the government of Bolivia which sought assistance in Madrid to fill the post of philosophy and letters director at Instituto Normal Superior in La Paz. As initial recruitment process, staged by Ministry of Education, proved fruitless,[133] advised by a Bolivian consul in Barcelona Bardina applied for the job. It is not clear whether his PhD dissertation, accepted in early 1917, was anyhow related to the recruitment process;[134] one month later he signed a contract with the Bolivian government.[135] In May 1917 Bardina already assumed his duties in La Paz, having found Instituto as a miserable institution adhering to medieval educational standards.[136] He immediately attempted to implant his unorthodox methods, which instantly produced acute conflict with local staff.[137] After 45 days in charge, Bardina resigned.[138] In La Paz Bardina befriended Rafael Edward Salas, head of military ordinariate of the Chilean armed forces. Acting on his advice, Bardina accompanied Salas on his return trip to Santiago de Chile and settled in the city.[139] He took up assignment at a local religious school and commenced collaboration with a Catholic Valparaíso periodical, La Unión; it is also in Santiago where he remarried.[140] Shortly afterwards La Unión managers offered Bardina a job in Valparaíso, the proposal he accepted. In 1921 he moved to the coastal city, where he would remain until the end of his life.[141]

Pundit

In Valparaíso Bardina commenced teaching at Seminario San Rafael,[142] a very prestigious establishment set up by the local archbishop and aimed at modelling not only future priests, but also as a stepping stone towards a lay career.[143] He started contributing to Boy, a periodical issued by the college and in 1925 renamed to Lux. In the 1920s he published numerous pieces, centered on education though at times dealing also with social and political issues;[144] set in the Catholic framework, they nevertheless kept advancing innovative views on schooling. He also dedicated himself to family life, enjoying birth and education of his four children. At unspecified time in the 1920s he commenced teaching at a customs officer training center, which proved to be a safe source of income and provided him with esteem of the civil servant.[145]

In the early 1920s Bardina and his local collaborator Joaquín Blaya launched Annuario Internacional Americano, a business magazine focused on commerce. The project proved hugely successful, with the review distributed in many American countries; it also consumed much of his time, as gathering information and establishing new links Bardina started to travel across the continent; his trips took him to Peru, Colombia, Venezuela, Argentina and Ecuador. For the first time he enjoyed affluence, travelling extensively, staying in the best hotels and basking in the growing prestige.[146] As he maintained contacts with his former Barcelona editors, he kept re-issuing manuals written back in Spain; posing as an expert and hailed by friendly periodicals as “celebre Dr. Saimbraum”, one of the pen-names he assumed, Bardina used to recommend booklets of “Dra. Fanny”, another nom de plume of him.[147] Apart from contributing to periodicals issued by Seminario San Rafael, Bardina kept supplying other newspapers and reviews, like Diario Hispano-Americano of Valparaíso or Diario Ilustrado of Santiago de Chile; some, however, refused to publish his pieces due to “exceso de originalidad”.[148] His key partner remained La Unión, the assignment which originally brought him to Valparaíso; in fact, his contributions assumed massive scale. Bardina's flagship product was La Semana Internacional, a weekly Monday column discussing international politics which kept appearing until the early 1930s.[149] His pieces fell chiefly into three fields: education, international politics and internal social and political issues, the last one covered mostly from the Catholic social perspective.[150] It was his contributions to La Unión which over time earned Bardina the status of a pundit and high position in the Valparaíso societé. However, co-operation with the daily ended abruptly. In 1932 Bardina sided with the striking staff against the La Unión management; as a result he had to leave the newspaper.[151]

Scholar

In 1928 Bardina was appointed professor of labor law at Escuela de Derecho, a newly established[152] Valparaíso outlet of Universidad de Chile.[153] Since he had neither juridical education nor juridical practice, circumstances of his nomination are not clear.[154] The academic post gradually became his principal activity. He retained jefatura of Cátedra del Derecho de Trabajo throughout the 1930s and most of the 1940s, putting into practice his concepts of education. Bardina remained very distinct from other professors; he is remembered by his former disciples as attentive, encouraging, partner-like and sort of an “iconoclast”. Instead of lecturing the audience, he preferred – much in line with his educational outlook, though also perhaps not unrelated to his lack of juridical background – to engage in discussion.[155] Periodically he was entrusted also with other academic assignments, e.g. temporarily holding Cátedra de Sociología y Economía Social.[156]

In 1932 Bardina set up another weekly on his own, La Semana Internacional. The periodical, very much a one-man show, kept appearing for some 15 years and was distributed in America and in Europe. It turned into his personal tribune; apart from review of international politics, it covered a vast array of other topics,[157] earning him position also abroad.[158] Le Semana demonstrated Bardina's increasingly democratic penchant[159] combined with concern about social issues and poverty. Initially sympathetic towards the Spanish Republic, he later started to view it as incapable of solving structural issues; following a period of hesitation, during the Civil War he tended to side with the Nationalists.[160] Posing as an impartial observer, he welcomed Falange's program[161] and Franco’s social legislation, considered “más acentuadamente social que la legislación obrera de la República”, yet he criticized Francoism for crackdown on Catalan and Basque culture.[162] Bardina's sympathy for Nazism[163] developed along the same lines; he considered Hitler[164] a champion of genuine democracy, the voice of the people, against façade democracy and capital-driven imperialism of Britain,[165] France[166] and their sidekicks like Poland.[167] Politically he neared Movimiento Nacional-Socialista de Chile of Jorge González von Marées.[168] The 1930s are perhaps the period of Bardina's professional and social climax. Holding a prestigious academic post, he enjoyed friendship with some highly positioned Chilean dignitaries, including the president of Chile, Carlos Ibañez del Campo; young people were turning to him when seeking jobs.[169] He was offered newspaper management posts back in Spain,[170] awarded prestigious medals[171] and other international honors.[172] The period of prospect lasted until the mid-1940s, when fortune abandoned Bardina again. Due to its pro-Nazi sympathies, La Semana was blacklisted by the US authorities, which caused problems in print and in distribution;[173] the weekly went into decline. His manuals, reprinted for years in Spain, were already 20 years old and dried out as a source of royalties.[174] Though in 1945 Bardina was still noted as an energetic, elderly gentleman,[175] his health soon deteriorated rapidly and he had to abandon the academic post.[176] As a result, his last years were plagued by financial problems.[177]

Thought

Bardina's views on education are reconstructed predominantly on basis of his theoretical works. His opus consists mostly of articles, scattered across numerous periodicals issued in Spain or in Chile.[178] His manuals, published anonymously and few of them covering education-related topics, attracted far less attention. How Bardina put his ideas into practice remains rather obscure; the 1906-1910 period at Escola de Mestres is analyzed in detail,[179] but there is no study of his term in the Santiago seminary in the late 1910, in the Valparaíso college in the 1920s, in Escuela de Derecho in the 1930s and 1940s or in fiscal and customs training schools in Chile.

It is not completely clear how Bardina developed his interest in education and what his inspiration was. His ideas on the long term relationship between forming teachers and its socio-economic consequences are only reflected on his work. Some scholars assume that his first observations were a negative one, namely own 9-year period in the seminary.[180] Having learnt the basics[181] during university studies, he kept reading; personally he neared the Gines de los Rios brothers. Later on he admitted influence of Torres, Rey, Bolívar, Ortega, Bartolomé, father Manjón, Ribera and Altamira,[182] which adds up to an amalgamate of innovators encompassing Escuelas del Ave María, technocrats, Liberals and heterodox from Institución Libre.

Bardina rejected what he perceived as antiquated education system and strove to build a new one. Its objective was not to pass on knowledge, but to prepare for life within a system.[183] The means was to reinvigorate and channel natural potential of students;[184] this in turn was to be achieved by focus on effort instead of result, on searching instead of absorbing, on satisfaction instead of awards/penalties and on co-operation instead of competition.[185] The role of teachers was an apostolic one; to inspire and lead by example rather than to enforce and execute.[186] School was to be a natural setting – hence the stress on Catalan as native tongue,[187] excursions, hygiene, physical exercises,[188] experiments and interfacing with the non-scholarly realm in general;[189] mixed-sex education and a social mix[190] were considered components of this natural realm. Catholic moral formation was an indispensable part of the curriculum;[191] it was formatted in functional rather than transcendent terms[192] with stress on freedom of choice rather than obedience.[193] Though Bardina remained highly sympathetic towards ILE, his vision differed by stress on Christian values and role of the family.[194] Also the Montessori school was charged with excessive “institucionalismo”, apart from issues related to mixing ages and inward-leaning perspective.[195] Padre Manjón was suspected of excessive stress on rules and the followers of Spencer were criticized for chaotic “robinsonismo” in education;[196] a libertarian pedagogue Alexis Sluys found himself under particularly heavy fire for archaic concept, a clash perhaps related to Bardina's episode in Bolivia.[197] Currently Bardina is counted among scholars forming l’Escola Nova,[198] a common term applied retroactively[199] to a number of Catalan educators who commenced activity in the late 19th century and consolidated in the 1920s.[200] According to some, he was its “activista e impulsor”,[201] and l’Escola de Mestres “provided an extraordinary momentum which from the onset directed all pedagogical renewal in Catalonia”.[202]

Reception and legacy

During the period of 1904-1909 Bardina seemed a rising star of the Catalan education system; afterwards he remained sidetracked, to disappear entirely in 1917. Some scholars claim that schooling initiatives of Mancomunitat, launched in the 1910s and 1920s, were influenced by the Bardinian vision,[203] though they note also that he was merely one of many contributors to the ongoing change in education.[204] The most visible sign of Bardina's presence in Spain in the 1920s and 1930s were countless[205] editions of his anonymous manuals.[206] In the local Valparaíso realm he gained recognition as a press pundit; his academic role earned Bardina appreciation among the disciples, though he is not noted as an influential figure among Chilean scholars of law. It is rather his commentaries on international politics, especially on the American continent, which were acknowledged in Chile and some other Latin American countries. In 1944 he first earned a biography in Diccionario Biográfico de Chile, to be dropped in subsequent editions published after his death.[207]

Upon the news of Bardina's demise, in 1951 his former disciples and alumni[208] organized a homage in his native Sant Boi.[209] Soon afterwards three of them started to collect data for his brief biography, which was published in 1959;[210] in 1961 one of them issued a 20-page booklet, apart from biographical info attempting also a summary of his pedagogical thought.[211] In 1966 a new schooling establishment in Sant Boi was named Grup Escolar Joan Bardina;[212] renamed to Col·legi Joan Bardina, it keeps operating until today. Bardina was elevated to the status of a revolutionary Catalan educational thinker in 1980,[213] entered into the public discourse and earned a number of later publications, the key of them a PhD thesis published in 1996.[214] In Chile he attracted scholarly attention in the 1990s, focused on as a great figure of "educación chilena"[215] and noted also in other Latin American countries.[216] In 2008 Fundació Privada Joan Bardina was set up.[217] Currently Bardina is recognized in Catalonia and in Chile as an innovative theorist of education;[218] though his direct influence was limited to own disciples, be it those of Escola de Mestres or Escuela de Derecho, he is credited for contributing to a new school of pedagogy. A few streets in Catalonia, including the one where he was born, are named after him. Centre d’Estudis Joan Bardina, a 1984-founded Catalan think tank promoting “a third way” within democracy between socialism and capitalism, chose him as their icon.[219] Within a decisively hagiographic ambience, Bardina's pro-Francoist and pro-Nazi views are generally ignored.[220] In social history he is considered a typical case of transitional identity in-between Carlism and a peripheral nationalism.[221] Numerous self-devised manuals he published are barely noted[222] and await evaluation. So far it remains unclear whether Bardina's textbooks on topics ranging from infantry tactics to grammar, self-defense, hygiene, savoir-vire and home-made confectionery are charlatanry[223] or rather useful contributions to popular education.

See also

Further reading

External links

Notes and References

  1. Anna Forés i Miravelles, Joan Bardina Castarà: Educator Catalán y sus proyecciones pedagógicas en Chile [PhD thesis [[Universidad de Barcelona]]], Barcelona 1996, p. 52, Artur Martorell, Enric Cassasses, Josep Parunella, Joan Bardina I Castará. Dades Biográfiques recollides per alumnes de l’Escola de Mestres, Barcelona 1959 [reproduced as Annex 18 in Forés i Miravelles 1996], p. 18
  2. Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 13, Martorell, Cassasses, Parunella 1959, p. 9
  3. Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 52
  4. Forés i Miravelles 1996, pp. 52-53
  5. Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 53, Martorell, Cassasses, Parunella 1959, pp. 5-6
  6. and somewhat against the standard practice, since the oldest son was supposed to succeed his father
  7. Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 54
  8. Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 55
  9. Forés i Miravelles 1996, pp. 56-58
  10. Forés i Miravelles 1996, pp. 55-56
  11. in 1897 he was close to signing up to ecclesiastical service in Mexico, with other seminarians, Martorell, Cassasses, Parunella 1959, p. 156
  12. titled El Cardenal Sancha y otros excesos = media vuelta a la derecha es igual que media vuelta a la izquierda, pero todo lo contrario. Though Bardina signed the piece, published in Lo Mestre Titas, as “Valcarlos”, it was well known who the author was, Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 13, Martorell, Cassasses, Parunella 1959, p. 155
  13. exact date is not clear, some sources mention 1896. However, later on Bardina explicitly referred to “nine years spent in the seminar”, Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 13
  14. Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 59
  15. thesis titled Orígenes de la Tradición y del Régimen Liberal, Forés i Miravelles 1996, pp. 14, 68. Some authors claim he graduated in 1904, see Jordi Canal, El carlismo catalanista a la fi del segle XIX: Joan Bardina i Lo Mestre Titas (1897-1900), [in:] Recerques 34 (1996), p. 50; this seems to be a mistake. Bardina’s biographer claims that 1904 was the year when his thesis was published
  16. as the oldest son of a widow, Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 68
  17. the sacrifice was useless; Baldiri died shortly afterwards, Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 68-69. The military service was not very challenging anyway; during few months Bardina had to show up at a Barcelona military office to perform bureaucratic duties, Martorell, Cassasses, Parunella 1959, pp. 159-160
  18. Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 13; since the early 1890s he was used to earning money by winning various literary contests, the first one in 1889, Martorell, Cassasses, Parunella 1959, p. 18, p. 152. With premature death of his father, his widowed mother and his sisters moved to Barcelona, Martorell, Cassasses, Parunella 1959, pp. 18, 155
  19. Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 15
  20. she was the nominal author of Historia Sagrada Educativa, fathered probably (at least partially) by Prat de la Riba, issued 1906, El Presupuesto Extraordinario de Cultura y la Institución de Cultura Popular (1908) del Ayuntamiento de Barcelona, [in:] filosofia.org service, available here; Bardina wrote a prologue to the book
  21. Martorell, Cassasses, Parunella 1959, pp. 18, 164
  22. Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 15, Artur Martorell, Joan Bardina i l’Escola de Mestres, Barcelona 1961, p. 16
  23. Yen Huai Liu was a famous Chinese explorer of the Great Gobi Desert, a college Professor, author of many college textbooks, and a decorated war hero. He served in the Nationalist Kuomintang Air force fighting the Japanese invasion
  24. the children were: John, b. 1933 (pilot in USA; three daughters), Henry- 1936-2009 (PhD Professor & inventor in USA- three sons), George - 1939-2012 (USA- one daughter one son), Mary- 1942 (PhD in USA; one daughter and one son), Annie- 1946 (IT in Australia; two sons), Helen- 1948 (IT in USA; one daughter), Vincent-1952 (inventor & engineer in USA; two sons). Yen Huai Liu died in Taiwan in 1982 and Remedios passed away in San Diego, USA in 1999. Remedios' life in China was captured in her self-published memoir: "My Fifteen Years In China" by R. Bardina Liu, 1996.
  25. death date unknown (after 1950)
  26. she was personal assistant to Bardina, Anna Forés Miravelles 1996, p. 223
  27. Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 18, Martorell 1961, pp. 75-76
  28. d; Bardina lived just to see some of his Chilean grandchildren being born. in Chile and Argentina, Martorell, Cassasses, Parunella 1959, p. 194
  29. it is not clear whether there were any political antecedents among Bardina’s ancestors; as to their general outlook it is only known that his parents, and especially his mother, were profoundly religious
  30. "la gran mayoria de los seminaristas es carlista" – read an internal ecclesiastical document, Canal 1996, p. 52; Carlism was not an unusual preference among lower clergy, in some seminaries and in some religious orders - John N. Schumacher, Integrism. A Study in XIXth Century Spanish politico-religious Thought, [in:] Catholic Historical Review, 48/3 (1962) pp. 347, 356-7, for Catalan realm see Canal 1996, p. 51
  31. in a satirical weekly El Voluntario, Canal 1996, p. 48
  32. a village on the Spanish-French frontier; it is there where defeated during the Third Carlist War and heading for exile in France, in 1876 the claimant Carlos VII declared “I will come back!” The statement became a Carlist war cry and kept raising the Carlist spirits for decades to come
  33. initially poems; e.g. one of them, A mi novio, was styled as a letter from a girl to his fiancé; she explained why she would never marry a Liberal; in another one, A Carlos VII, en lo dia del seu sant, Bardina was offering his life to the claimant, Carlos VII
  34. El Nuevo Cruzado, publication of Joventut Carlista de Barcelona, or Lo Geni Català, publication of a Carlist circle in Vilafranca de Penedès, Canal 1996, p. 49, Jordi Canal, ¿En busca del precedente perdido? Tríptico sobre las complejas relaciones entre carlismo y catalanismo a fines del siglo XIX, [in:] Historia y Politica 14 (2005), p. 71
  35. Canal 1996, p. 48, Canal 2005, p. 70
  36. and co-signed a manifiesto titled A ls estudiantes tradicionalista del distrito universitario de Barcelona, Canal 1996, pp. 50-51
  37. Canal 1996, p. 51-52, Canal 2005, p. 71
  38. Lo Mestre Titas was already third incarnation of the title previous ones were 1868-1872 and 1888-1890, Canal 1996, p. 54
  39. in somewhat archaic Catalan "lo mestre titas" (according to another orthographic version also “lo mestre tites”) means "master of the hens". It was a proverbial reference to a helpful but poor teacher, whose educational premises were used also for breeding chicken, see elnasdecardedeu service, available here. The director was Juan Maria Roma, Canal 2005, p. 69
  40. according to some scholars periodically Bardina provided most of the contents, Canal 1996, p. 55; it is quite possible, given the weekly usually did not exceed 4 pages, in one fourth filled with cartoons. Bardina contributed under various pen-names; the ones identified so far – not only in case of Lo Mestre Titas – are "Said", "Pepet de les Pomes", "Abel", "Fusta", "Tofolet", "Dra. Fanny", "Dr. Saimbraun", "Lautaro", "Un Capitán de Estado Mayor" and "C.E.M.", Martorell, Cassasses, Parunella 1959, pp. 156, 193, Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 59
  41. Canal 1996, p. 54, Canal 2005, p. 72
  42. compare e.g. the graphics featuring hanged Restoration dignitaries, accompanied by “this is how 1900 should commence” title, Lo Mestre Titas 30.12.89, available here
  43. considered an obstacle to activism of the youth Canal 1996, p. 55, Canal 2005, pp. 71-72
  44. bombastic and satirical alike, Canal 1996, p. 55
  45. Canal 1996, p. 56, Martorell, Cassasses, Parunella 1959, p. 155
  46. La Renaixensa and La Nació Catalana
  47. Bardina hailed Aparisi as “el primero que presentó el carlismo a los españoles como el partido más firmemente liberal y cristianamente democrático”, Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 61
  48. Joan Bardina, Aparisi y Guijarro. Apuntes biogràficos del que fue honra de Epaña y Gloria de la comunión tradicionalista, Barcelona 1900
  49. Orígenes históricos del carlismo, Barcelona 1900. It was intended as first out of three, but the second one went to print in 1916, Canal 1996, p. 65, Canal 2005, p. 78
  50. Catalunya autònoma. Programa carlí català en forma de Constitució Codificada, Barcelona 1899 (two editions) and Catalunya y els carlins, Barcelona 1900
  51. Canal 1996, p. 69, Canal 2005, p. 83
  52. in April 1900 Lo Mestre Titas fell under the penalties applied; inability to pay was the reason why the weekly was definitely suspended, Martorell, Cassasses, Parunella 1959, p. 157
  53. Canal 2005, p. 78; in 1900 Bardina accused Guardia Civil of torturing the Carlists; the issue was banned and Bardina was fined, Canal 1996, pp. 63-4, Canal 2005, p. 77. Another fine followed once he attacked the Cortes deputies and was mentioned in Cortes himself, Canal 1996, p. 64, Canal 2005, p. 78
  54. a theory that a crash of the Restoration system – perhaps a violent one – is inevitable, Canal 2005, p. 77
  55. Táctica de Infantería, Barcelona 1899 (another edition followed in 1900). The booklet triggered juridical investigation, which was terminated with no action undertaken, Martorell, Cassasses, Parunella 1959, p. 158, Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 60
  56. Martorell, Cassasses, Parunella 1959, p. 161, Canal 2005, p. 81
  57. Canal 1996, pp. 67-68
  58. he was present at the funeral of general Soliva in 1901 and later supported his cause as "Dr. Leal", lambasting general Moore and Carlos VII as traitors, Canal 1996, p. 68
  59. Martorell, Cassasses, Parunella 1959, pp. 157-158
  60. a periodical of father Corbato, who remained anti-Carlist Traditionalist in a somewhat millenarian format, messianic and supporting Milicias de la Cruz, Canal 2005, p. 82
  61. Canal 2005, p. 81
  62. Canal 1996, p. 68, Canal 2005, p. 81
  63. the 1902 La Barretina piece juxtaposed hunger and misery of the people and luxury gifts given out by the king. A mother of the children he was teaching was friend to wife of the military governor, and intervened successfully. The governor called Bardina, interviewed him, released him, and made him the teacher of his own children, Martorell, Cassasses, Parunella 1959, p. 160
  64. in La Veu de Catalunya
  65. Canal 2005, p. 79, Canal 1996, p. 66
  66. Canal 1996, p. 66, Canal 2005, p. 79
  67. C. P. M. Apsmav (José Domingo Corbató), Dr. Leal (Juan Bardina), Los Carlo-traidores, Barcelona 1904
  68. Canal 2005, p. 70
  69. Canal 2005, p. 71
  70. Canal 1996, p. 62
  71. Canal 1996, p. 63, Canal 2005, p. 70; The Catalanist manifiesto known as Bases de Manresa (1892) was, according to Bardina, copying 20-year-old manifestos of Carlos VII, Canal 2005, p. 76
  72. Canal 1996, pp. 57-58, Canal 2005, p. 72
  73. Canal 2005, p. 73
  74. the practice of endorsing cuckoo candidates
  75. Canal 1996, p. 59, Canal 2005, p. 74
  76. it was selling well and the second edition soon went to print, Canal 2005, p. 74
  77. Canal 1996, p. 60, Canal 2005, p. 75; according to some scholars, his vision “podría condensarse en independencia de Catalunya, dentro de una unidad federal ibérica” - Buenaventura Delgado, Ramon Cortada, Josep Gonzalez-Agapito, Claudio Lozano, Joan Bardina. Un revolucionario de la pedagogia catalana, Barcelona 1980,, p. 29
  78. Canal 1996, p. 61
  79. Canal 1996, p. 60, Canal 2005, p. 75
  80. Canal 2005, p. 75
  81. Canal 1996, p. 63
  82. Canal 1996, p. 59
  83. Canal 1996, p. 65, Canal 2005, p. 79
  84. Canal 2005, p. 79, Martorell, Cassasses, Parunella 1959, p. 161
  85. starting 1904 Bardina started to contribute Catalanism-flavored pieces to Pla de Bages, a daily from Manresa Martorell, Cassasses, Parunella 1959, p. 162
  86. Canal 2005, p. 79
  87. El Presupuesto Extraordinario de Cultura y la Institución de Cultura Popular (1908) del Ayuntamiento de Barcelona, [in:] filosofia.org service, available here
  88. Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 79, 81
  89. Martorell, Cassasses, Parunella 1959, p. 160
  90. Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 77
  91. Estudios Universitarios Catalanes, Los Estudios Normales de la Mancomunitat, Patronato Escolar de Barcelona, los Grupos Escolares, El Instituto Escuela, la Escuela Normal de la Generalitat, Escuela Vallparadís, Colegio Mont Cor, Escuela Blanquerna, Escuela Sant Jordi and other, Martorell, Cassasses, Parunella 1959, p. 162
  92. Martorell, Cassasses, Parunella 1959, p. 163, Forés i Miravelles 1996, pp. 14, 83-84
  93. Claudio Lozano, La pedagogia política de Bardina, [in:] Buenaventura Delgado, Ramón Cortada, Josep Gonzalez-Agápito, Claudio Lozano, Joan Bardina. Un revolucionario de la pedagogía catalana, Barcelona 1980, p. 27
  94. El Presupuesto Extraordinario de Cultura y la Institución de Cultura Popular (1908) del Ayuntamiento de Barcelona, [in:] filosofia.org service, available here
  95. Martorell, Cassasses, Parunella 1959, p. 168; it was also intended to fence off the influence of the Left-wing groupings
  96. El Presupuesto Extraordinario de Cultura y la Institución de Cultura Popular (1908) del Ayuntamiento de Barcelona, [in:] filosofia.org service, available here
  97. 5 volumes were issued prior to 1908, covering math and grammar, Martorell, Cassasses, Parunella 1959, pp. 165-166
  98. Buenaventura Delgado, Joan Bardina y la Insitucion Libre de Ensañanza, [in:] Buenaventura Delgado, Ramón Cortada, Josep Gonzalez-Agápito, Claudio Lozano, Joan Bardina. Un revolucionario de la pedagogía catalana, Barcelona 1980, p. 63
  99. it was opened “under protection” of Diputación Provincial, Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 122
  100. Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 123
  101. Bardina knew Giner de los Ríos brothers personally, Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 77
  102. the school was referred to as “seminario de maestros nacionalistas, El Presupuesto Extraordinario de Cultura y la Institución de Cultura Popular (1908) del Ayuntamiento de Barcelona, [in:] filosofia.org service, available here; its purpose was “per a la recuperació i regeneració de la personalitat catalana, el camp de l'educació era molt més operatiu que el politic”, Jiménez Serradilla, p. 17
  103. it was triggered by Romanones banning teaching religion in Catalan, though also hostile to lerreouxismo, Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 130
  104. in total there were around 160 people educated in the school, 100 males and 60 females, Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 124
  105. María Natividad Jiménez Serradilla, L’Escola Nova Catalana i Joan Bardina, [in:] epedagogia service, available here, p. 16
  106. Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 16
  107. Forés i Miravelles 1996, pp. 134-135
  108. Primer Congreso Internacional de la Llengua Catalana of 1906; Bardina took part especially its philology and philosophy section, though also in the social and juridical ones, Martorell, Cassasses, Parunella 1959, p. 163, Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 85
  109. Congreso Pedagógico de Primera ensañanza of 1909-1910; Bardina presided over one of its sections, Martorell, Cassasses, Parunella 1959, p. 182, Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 89
  110. Gramàtica pedagògica de la llèngua catalana (1907), Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 15
  111. in 1909 he launched Revista Catalana de l’Educació, Forés i Miravelles 1996, pp. 16, 137. Only one issue went to print before Bardina lost control over the review and it re-formatted into Spanish as Revista de Educación, Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 138
  112. he spoke, among others, in Ateneo Obrero, Centro Excursionista and Juventud Nacionalista, Martorell, Cassasses, Parunella 1959, pp. 181-182
  113. he entered Sociedad barcelonesa de Amigos de la Instrucción, Martorell, Cassasses, Parunella 1959, p. 182, Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 89
  114. e.g. he was appointed member of a jury reviewing application for grants, Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 15; in 1908 he was to become secretario of a planned Institución de Cultura Popular, El Presupuesto Extraordinario de Cultura y la Institución de Cultura Popular (1908) del Ayuntamiento de Barcelona, [in:] filosofia.org service, available here
  115. El Presupuesto Extraordinario de Cultura y la Institución de Cultura Popular (1908) del Ayuntamiento de Barcelona, [in:] filosofia.org service, available here
  116. Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 99
  117. Forés i Miravelles 1996, pp. 99-100
  118. Jiménez Serradilla, p. 17
  119. Lozano 1980, p. 29
  120. Martorell, Cassasses, Parunella 1959, pp. 166-181
  121. named after Herbert Spencer
  122. Martorell, Cassasses, Parunella 1959, pp. 183-185, Forés i Miravelles 1996, pp. 135-137
  123. the school closed with 30,000 ptas in debt, Jiménez Serradilla, p. 16
  124. Jiménez Serradilla, p. 16
  125. Martorell, Cassasses, Parunella 1959, pp. 186-188
  126. Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 17
  127. Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 137
  128. in 1914 Prat launched L’Institut d’Estudis Catalans, la Biblioteca de Catalunya, Les Biblioteques Populars, La Universitat Industrial, La Instrucció Pedagògica, but there is no mention of Bardina engaged in any of them, Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 79
  129. it was terminated in 1910, Martorell, Cassasses, Parunella 1959, p. 162
  130. it seems that editor-in-chief of the daily was unaware of identity of his correspondent. The column was quite popular and at one point it drew attention of the military; the army requested to see the “captain”; Bardina did not show up and from that moment onewards he used to sign as "C.E.M.", Martorell, Cassasses, Parunella 1959, pp. 189-190
  131. as "Dra. Fanny" Bardina published Cómo dabo compromarme en Sociedad (Barcelona 1917), Repostería y confitería caseras (Barcelona 1917), La cocina casera (Barcelona 1917), El medico en casa (Barcelona 1918; prologued by Dr. Saimbraum, who wrote: “Si algún libro merece el calificativo de indispensable, lector amigo, es sin duda alguna este que me complazco en presentarte. Conservar la salud y recuperarla cuando la hemos perdido ¿no es la primera y la más legitima de las aspiraciones?... Libros como éste hacen mucha falta en España y deben estar en todas las manos”, La Unión Ilustrada 09.11.24, available here), Bebidas caseras (Barcelona 1940). As "Dr. Saimbraum" Bardina published Gimnasia de las profesiones (Barcelona 1911), Salud, fuerza y belleza por medio de la Gimnasia Sueca (Barcelona 1912), Teoría y práctica de la gymnasia respiratoria (Barcelona 1912, with numerous re-editions), Los hijos bien educados. Guía practica para la educación de los niños en la familia (Barcelona 1918), Metodo de defenderse en la calle sin armas. Lecciones populares de boxeo, lucha grecoromana, jiu-jitsu (Barcelona 1921), Higiena popular (Barcelona 1921), Tratado popular de medicina. Redactado por un cuerpo de reputados medicos e higienistas (Barcelona 1935). It seems that he has even written anonymous articles, referring to “methods of doctor Saimbraum, see Madrid Sport 18.07.18, available here
  132. Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 216
  133. out of 30 candidates applying, the one selected by Madrid was rejected by the Bolivians on political grounds, Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 216
  134. titled Educación mediante el entrenamiento libre y graduado; it is not clear at which university it was accepted. Bardina himself admitted that his work was of limited originality (“tiene un cierto aire de originalidad”), Forés i Miravelles 1996, pp. 18, 212-215, Canal 1996, p. 50
  135. Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 217
  136. Forés i Miravelles 1996, pp. 217-220
  137. the school was initially organized by the Belgian legacy, and there were still some Belgians among its directors, Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 221
  138. Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 221
  139. Forés i Miravelles 1996, pp. 222-223
  140. Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 223
  141. Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 227
  142. Forés i Miravelles 1996, pp. 228, 231
  143. see the official web page of the Seminario, available here
  144. see the list published in Forés i Miravelles 1996, pp. 229-230
  145. referred as “escuela de Aduanas”, Martorell, Cassasses, Parunella 1959, p. 196
  146. Martorell, Cassasses, Parunella 1959, p. 196
  147. La Hormiga de Oro 22.07.26, available here
  148. El mundo español, Martorell, Cassasses, Parunella 1959, p. 193
  149. the list in Forés i Miravelles 1996, pp. 235-240
  150. Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 241; he was perceived as “infatigable difusor de la doctrina Social Católica”, see comments on him in a Chilean periodical Lux in 1938, referred at estudiobardina website, available here
  151. Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 242
  152. compare Agustín Squella, Ricardo Loyola, Escuela de Derecho. Breve historia ilustrada, Valparaíso 2011,
  153. Martorell, Cassasses, Parunella 1959, p. 197
  154. he claimed having undergone scrupulous scrutiny before landing the job, Martorell, Cassasses, Parunella 1959, pp. 197-8, perhaps also his already recognized standing in the Valparaíso realm was not unrelated
  155. Mario Alegría Alegría, Recuerdos de un almuno de Don Juan Bardina y Castara, [in:] Crónicas de Valparaíso, 12.04.05, available here
  156. Martorell, Cassasses, Parunella 1959, p. 200
  157. Forés i Miravelles 1996, pp. 246-7
  158. one of his readers in Europe was Agustí Chalaux
  159. he has long abandoned earlier monarchism, turning not only a republican, but also supporter of universal suffrage, including the feminine vote, compare his comments on the Spanish republican constitution, La Semana Internacional 16.04.34, available here
  160. Bardina viewed the Spanish Civil War as a social conflict, though his view was from orthodox. According to him, the Republicans offered unworkable recipes of false democracy, while the Nationalists sought a holistic solution; "El general Franco, en dos de sus discursos, ha esbozado un excelente programa de gobierno, cuya mitad ya quisiéramos ver realizado. Con ello bastaría para salvar a España", La Semana Internacional 24.10.36, available here
  161. " la juventud falangista de Badajoz publicaba un programa que verá la luz en estas columnas. En él se atacaba fuertemente al capitalismo individualista y se decía que era necesario acercar la propiedad privada a todos., dando al campesino su propia tierra", La Semana Internacional 24.10.36, available here
  162. La Semana Internacional 27.05.39, available here ; Bardina claimed that Franco confused “unidad” with “uniformidad”, La Semana Internacional 24.06.39, available here
  163. “Quien esto escribe no es hitlerista. Y siente por Hitler una profunda simpatía y por su régimen –que es de transición- un gran respeto”, La Semana Internacional 06.02.37, available here
  164. see e.g. his opinion on Hitler, written in May 1945, La Semana Internacional 12.05.45, available here
  165. e.g. in 1945 he considered monarchic claims of Don Juan merely a vehicle of pursuing imperialist British interests, “los reyes son los brazos desnacionalizantes de Gran Bretaña, tanto en Grecia y Yugoslavia como en España. Son rebrotes afrancesados cuya nacionalización no se ha realizado todavía. Un Bobón es un impermeable”, and criticised Franco for his complacency versus Britain, La Semana Internacional 28.07.45, available here
  166. “claro está que esta Libertad y Democracia, aunque lleven Mayúscula, han de caer irremisiblemente bajo el desprecio de los pueblos, antes que nadie de los pueblos francés y británico”. According to Bardina, Hitler was an icon of democracy as “en ese movimiento liberador del pueblo alemán, a nombre de la democracia y autodeterminación de los pueblos, Adolfo Hitler ha tenido papel tan descollante, que nadie estaría en razón si no colocase a ese hombre en la cumbre de los que actúan en estos instantes”, La Semana Internacional 20.04.40, available here
  167. Poland was presented as imperialist country, with its raison d’etre oppressing other nations, which in 1939 fell victim to its own imperialism, La Semana Internacional 02.09.39, available here
  168. William Thayer Arteaga, Humanismo cristiano chileno (1931-2001): sus inspiradores, sus seguidores, sus polémicas y luchas, Santiago de Chile 2002,, p. 135
  169. Alegría Alegría 2005
  170. at the Carlist Barcelona daily, El Correo Catalan. Bardina neither accepted nor rejected; he commenced discussion on terms and conditions. Outbreak of the Civil War in 1936 ruined the plans, Martorell, Cassasses, Parunella 1959, pp. 198-9
  171. in 1936 the president of Bolivia conferred upon him Golden Cross of Orden Nacional del Condor de Los Andes, a recognition of his Americanist contributions
  172. like the 1938 Premio de Exposición Internacional de Publicaciones in Cuba Martorell, Cassasses, Parunella 1959, p. 200
  173. Martorell, Cassasses, Parunella 1959, pp. 200-201
  174. the last one identified is La cocina casera (Barcelona 1941), compare antiquamarilda service, available here
  175. Alegría Alegría 2005
  176. Martorell, Cassasses, Parunella 1959, p. 201
  177. Martorell, Cassasses, Parunella 1959, pp. 201-202
  178. their number is not clear. Those referred in works dealing with Bardina do not exceed one hundred
  179. and not necessarily representative of his concept of education. Escola de Mestres was not designed as a model school; it was envisaged as a specific institution, supposed to provide cadres for the future education
  180. Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 13
  181. some scholars claim that was aware of trends in education all over the world, Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 113, which is probably correct when applied to his Chilean period
  182. Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 77
  183. Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 111
  184. Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 106
  185. Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 106
  186. Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 106
  187. Jiménez Serradilla, p. 16
  188. detailed discussion in Xavier Torrebadella Flix, La aportación bibliográfica de Joan Bardina a la Educación Física moderna (1911-1939), [in:] Cabás 9 (2013), pp. 1-22
  189. Jiménez Serradilla, p. 12
  190. Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 180
  191. some scholars claim that his vision was based on religious neutrality, Jiménez Serradilla, p. 16
  192. the stress was on common good, support and love for the neighbours, with Franciscan-flavor of enjoying beautiful world made by God, embodied in Jesus - a friend of children and fishermen, Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 155-156
  193. Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 251
  194. Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 78
  195. Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 108
  196. Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 112
  197. Escola Normal Superior in La Paz, where Bardina commenced teaching, was organized along the lines advised by the Belgian legacy
  198. Jiménez Serradilla, pp. 12-14
  199. himself he spoke of “Educación Nueva”, Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 105
  200. for their 30 principles see Jiménez Serradilla, pp. 13-14
  201. Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 105
  202. Otilia Defis, Artur Martorell, l’home, Barcelona 1995,, p. 85.
  203. his heritage is influencing the Catalan educational thought of the era but also spirit of the institutions ran by Mancomsunitat: Patronat d'Escoles, Consell de Pedagogia, Quaderns d’Estudi, and on his alumni, Jiménez Serradilla, p. 18
  204. apart from l’Escola Sant Jordi of Flos i Calcat, L’escola Horaciana of Pau Vila, Integral of Alban Rossell and a number of Mancomunitat initiatives, Jiménez Serradilla, pp. 12-14
  205. La cocina casera was issued by the publishing house Hymsa at least 7 times
  206. the last one identified was published in 1940
  207. Martorell, Cassasses, Parunella 1959, pp. 2, 12
  208. Joan Gibert Camins, Alexandre Galí, Josep Agell, Ramon Sastre, Joan Llongueras, Miguel Fornaguera and others
  209. Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 276
  210. Artur Martorell, Enric Cassasses, Josep Parunella, Joan Bardina I Castará. Dades Biográfiques recollides per alumnes de l’Escola de Mestres, Barcelona 1959
  211. Artur Martorell, Joan Bardina i l’Escola de Mestres, separate from Miscellania Fonstere
  212. see the official college website, available here
  213. Buenaventura Delgado, Ramón Cortada, Josep Gonzalez-Agápito, Claudio Lozano, Joan Bardina. Un revolucionario de la pedagogía catalana, Barcelona 1980
  214. Anna Forés i Miravelles, Joan Bardina Castarà: Educator Catalán y sus proyecciones pedagógicas en Chile [PhD thesis [[Universidad de Barcelona]], Facultad de Pedagogía, Departamento de Teoría e Historia de la Educación], Barcelona 1996
  215. Juan Carlos Campbell, Algunas ideas de Joan Bardina acerca de la Universidad, [in:] Perspectiva Educacional 18 (1991), Jorge Villagrán, Joan Bardina Castara en Bolívia y Chile, [in:] Perspectiva Educacional 18 (1991), and his later works
  216. for Colombia compare papers of 1. Congreso Iberoamericano de Docentes e Investigadores en Historia de la Educación Latinoamericana (Bogota 1992), for Argentina see those of Jornadas Docentes Universitarias de Historia de la Educación (San Juan 1992)
  217. see the official college website, available here
  218. some name him “revolutionary of education” and list among Plato, Rousseau, Ferrer i Guardia and Unamuno Forés i Miravelles 1996, p. 271
  219. founded in 1984 by Agustí Chalaux i de Subirà and Lluís Maria Xirinacs; its declared objectives are fighting “bribery, corruption, poverty, budget shortages and abuse of power”, see the official Institute website, available here
  220. though not entirely, compare Precisiones sobre el ideario político, social y económico, an analysis by Estudis Bardina, available here
  221. compare extensive passages in Canal 2005
  222. except those dealing with physical education, see Torrebadella Flix 2013, pp. 10-18
  223. a dilettante in many fields he wrote about, throughout all his life Bardina wrote as an expert; under a pen-name he wrote recommendations for another of his pen-names, and under this one to write prologues to works written also by himself, but under one more pen-name. At least some of his works contain entirely erroneous claims, compare his discussion on history of the Spanish national flag, written in 1936 for the Latin American audience, La Semana Internacional 24.10.36, available here