J. G. A. Pocock Explained

J. G. A. Pocock
Birth Name:John Greville Agard Pocock
Birth Date:7 March 1924
Birth Place:London, England
Death Place:Baltimore, Maryland, US
Nationality:New Zealand
Children:2
School Tradition:Cambridge School
Doctoral Advisor:Sir Herbert Butterfield
Discipline:History
Notable Works:The Machiavellian Moment (1975)
Barbarism and Religion (1999–2015)

John Greville Agard Pocock (; 7 March 1924 – 12 December 2023) was a New Zealand historian of political thought. He was especially known for his studies of republicanism in the early modern period (mostly in Europe, Britain, and America), his work on the history of English common law, his treatment of Edward Gibbon and other Enlightenment historians, and, in historical method, for his contributions to the history of political discourse.

Born in England, Pocock spent most of his early life in New Zealand. He moved to the United States in 1966. He taught at Washington University in St. Louis and from 1975 to 2011 at Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore. He was a member of both the American Academy of Arts and Sciences and the American Philosophical Society.[1] [2]

Early life and career

Pocock was born in London on 7 March 1924, but in 1927 moved with his family to New Zealand where his father, Greville Pocock, was appointed professor of Classics at Canterbury College.[3] He received bachelor's and master's degrees from Canterbury College before returning to England to study at the University of Cambridge, earning his PhD in 1952 under the tutelage of Herbert Butterfield.[3] [4] He returned to New Zealand to teach at Canterbury University College from 1946 to 1948, and to lecture at the University of Otago from 1953 to 1955.[3] From 1955 to 1958, he was a Fellow of St John's College, Cambridge. In 1959, he established and chaired the Department of Political Science at the University of Canterbury.[3] He moved to the US in 1966, where he became the William Eliot Smith professor of history at Washington University in St. Louis, Missouri.[3] In 1974, Pocock moved to Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore, Maryland, where he taught until 2011.[3]

His first book, entitled The Ancient Constitution and the Feudal Law examined the workings and origins of common law mind, showing how thinkers such as the English jurist Edward Coke (1552–1634) built up a historical analysis of British history into an epistemology of law and politics; and how that edifice later came to be subverted by scholars of the middle to late seventeenth century. Some of this work has since been revised.[5]

Later work

By the 1970s, Pocock had changed his focus from how lawyers understood the evolution of law to how philosophers and theologians did. The Machiavellian Moment (1975), a widely acclaimed volume, showed how Florentines, Englishmen, and Americans had responded to and analysed the destruction of their states and political orders in a succession of crises sweeping through the early modern world. Again, not all historians accept Pocock's account, but leading scholars of early modern republicanism show its influence – especially in their characterisation of political theorist James Harrington (1611–1677) as a salient historical actor.[6]

Subsequent research by Pocock explored the literary world inhabited by the British historian Edward Gibbon (1737–1794), and how Gibbon understood the cataclysm of decline and fall within the Roman Empire as an inevitable conflict between ancient virtue and modern commerce. Gibbon, it turns out, evinces all the hallmarks of a bona fide civic humanist,[7] even while composing his great "enlightened narrative".[8] The first two volumes of Pocock's six-volume magnum opus on Gibbon, Barbarism and Religion, won the American Philosophical Society's Jacques Barzun Prize in Cultural History for the year 1999.

The Cambridge School

See main article: article and Cambridge School (intellectual history). Pocock is celebrated not merely as an historian, but as a pioneer of a new type of historical methodology: contextualism, i.e., the study of "texts in context". In the 1960s and early '70s, he, (introducing "languages" of political thought) along with Quentin Skinner (focusing on authorial intention), and John Dunn (stressing biography), united informally to undertake this approach as the "Cambridge School" of the history of political thought.[9] Hereafter for the Cambridge School and its adherents, the then-reigning method of textual study, that of engaging a vaunted 'canon' of previously pronounced "major" political works in a typically anachronistic and disjointed fashion, simply would not do.

Pocock's "political languages" is the indispensable keystone of this historical revision. Defined as "idioms, rhetorics, specialised vocabularies and grammars" considered as "a single though multiplex community of discourse",[10] languages are uncovered (or discovered) in texts by historians who subsequently "learn" them in due course. The resultant familiarity produces a knowledge of how political thought can be stated in historically discovered "linguistic universes", and in exactly what manner all or parts of a text can be expressed.[11] As examples, Pocock has cited the seventeenth- and eighteenth-century political languages of the "common law", "civil jurisprudence" and "classical republicanism", through which political writers such as James Harrington, Thomas Hobbes and John Locke reached their rhetorical goals.

In a new article in January 2019, Pocock answered parts of the criticism against the contextualism of the "Cambridge School": "The beginnings of the ‘global’ critique are well known and may as well be accepted as common ground. They reduce to the assertion that ‘Cambridge’ scholarship in this field is ‘Eurocentric’ [...] This is obviously true, and calls for reformation."[12]

British history

From 1975, Pocock began advocating the development of a new subject which he called "British History" (also labelled "New British History", a title that Pocock has expressed his wish to shake off).[13] Pocock coined the term Atlantic archipelago as a replacement for British Isles: "We should start with what I have called the Atlantic archipelagosince the term "British Isles" is one which Irishmen reject and Englishmen decline to take quite seriously".[14] He also pressed his fellow historians to reconsider two issues linked to the future of British history. First, he urged historians of the British Isles to move away from histories of the Three Kingdoms (Scotland, Ireland, England) as separate entities,[15] and he called for studies implementing a bringing-together or conflation of the national narratives into truly integrated enterprises. It has since become the commonplace preference of historians to treat British history in just that fashion.[16] Second, he prodded policymakers to reconsider the Europeanisation of the UK still underway, via its entry into the European Union. In its abandonment of a major portion of national sovereignty purely from economic motives, that decision threw into question the entire matter of British sovereignty itself. What, Pocock asks, will (and must) nations look like if the capacity for and exercise of national self-determination is put up for sale to the highest bidder?[17]

New Zealand

Alongside his work on Gibbon came a renewed attention to his nation of citizenship, New Zealand. In a progression of essays published since 1991, Pocock explored the historical mandates and implications of the 1840 Treaty of Waitangi (between the British Crown and the indigenous Māori people) for Māori and the descendants of the original 19th-century European (but mainly British) settlers, known as Pākehā. Both parties have legitimate claims to portions of their national sovereignty.

Pocock concludes that the issue of New Zealand's sovereignty must be an ongoing shared experience, a perpetual debate leading to several ad hoc agreements if necessary, to which the Māori and Pākehā need to accustom themselves permanently. The alternative, an eventual rebirth of the violence and bloodshed of the 19th century New Zealand Wars, cannot and must not be entertained.

In the 2002 Queen's Birthday and Golden Jubilee Honours, Pocock was appointed an Officer of the New Zealand Order of Merit, for services to the history of political thought.[18]

Personal life

In 1958, Pocock married Felicity Willis-Fleming; they had two sons and were married until her death in 2014.[3]

Pocock died from heart failure at a care home in Baltimore on 12 December 2023, at the age of 99.[3] [4]

Monographs

Pocock published the following monographs:

In addition, Pocock published more than 260 scholarly articles and reviews.

Further reading

Notes and References

  1. Web site: John Pocock. 2022-02-22. American Academy of Arts & Sciences. en.
  2. Web site: APS Member History. 2022-02-22. search.amphilsoc.org.
  3. News: J.G.A. Pocock, Historian Who Argued for Historical Context, Dies at 99. Genzlinger. Neil. 19 December 2023. 19 December 2023. limited. The New York Times.
  4. Web site: Renowned historian J.G.A. Pocock, who upended the study of political thought, dies at 99. Wallach. Rachel. 18 December 2023. 19 December 2023. The Hub. Johns Hopkins University.
  5. Glenn Burgess, The Politics of the Ancient Constitution: an introduction to English political thought, 1603–1642. (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1993).
  6. Among several, see Jonathan Scott, Commonwealth Principles: Republican writing of the English revolution (Cambridge: 2004); Eric M. Nelson, "James Harrington and the 'Balance of Justice', in The Greek Tradition in Republican thought (Cambridge: 2001); James Cotton, James Harrington's Political Thought and its context (New York: Garland Publishers, 1991).
  7. Pocock, "Between Machiavelli and Hume: Gibbon as Civic Humanist and Philosophical Historian," Daedulus 105:3 (1976), 153–69.
  8. Barbarism and Religion vol. 1: The Enlightenments of Edward Gibbon, 1737–1764 (Cambridge: 1999), pp. 123, 303–04.
  9. Pocock details its genesis, credited to Peter Laslett, in "Present at the Creation: With Laslett to the Lost Worlds", International Journal of Public Affairs 2 (2006), 7–17. Laslett's 1949 edition of Sir Robert Filmer's works amounts to "the true beginning of the study of political writings by assigning them to their proper contexts". Laslett implemented "temporal" contexts; Pocock highlighted "linguistic" contexts, "each existing side by side and perhaps interacting with others, while remaining distinct and having a history of its own". Eventually, and for his own purposes, Pocock preferred history of political 'discourse' to that of political 'thought', wishing to widen and refine the field into the study of "...speech, literature, and public utterance in general, involving an element of theory and carried on in a variety of contexts with which it can be connected in a variety of ways." see Pocock, "What is Intellectual History?", in What is History Today? (London: MacMillan Press, Ltd., 1988), 114.
  10. Pocock, "The Concept of a Language and the métier d'historien: some considerations on practice," in The Languages of Political Theory in Early-modern Europe, ed. Anthony Pagden (Cambridge: 1987), 21–25; and, of an earlier vintage, see also essays nos. 1, 3, 4 in Politics, Language and Time. For a wide-ranging summary of developments that have, in one scholar's view, transformed the Cambridge School into "an intergenerational enterprise", see the review article, B.W. Young, "Enlightenment Political Thought and the Cambridge School," Historical Journal 52:1 (2009), 235–51.
  11. Pocock's method originally incorporated a theory of "traditions", combined with elements of Thomas Kuhn's "paradigms" (see Kuhn, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, [Chicago: 3rd ed., 1996]), but Pocock has since explained that "a political community is not simply a community of enquiry, and that therefore the status and function of [political] paradigms" differs from Kuhn's depiction of scientific investigation. see "Preface, 1989," in Politics, Language, and Time.
  12. Pocock. J. G. A.. 2019-01-02. On the unglobality of contexts: Cambridge methods and the history of political thought. Global Intellectual History. 4. 1. 1–14. 10.1080/23801883.2018.1523997. 159264164 . 2380-1883.
  13. Pocock, "Contingency, identity, sovereignty" in Uniting the Kingdom?, eds. Alexander Grant, Keith John Stringer (Routledge, 1995).
  14. Pocock, "British History: A plea for a new subject," Journal of Modern History 47,4(December 1975), 601–28. "We should start," he continues, "with what I have called the Atlantic archipelago – since the term "British Isles" is one which Irishmen reject and Englishmen decline to take quite seriously. This is a large – dare I say a sub-subcontinental? – island group lying off the northwestern coast of geographic Europe, partly within and partly without the oceanic limits of the roman empire and of what is usually called "Europe" in the sense of the latter's successor states; in which respect it somewhat resembles Scandinavia."
  15. Pocock, The Discovery of Islands, 77–93.
  16. Pocock, "British History: a Plea for a New Subject," 24–43; "The Field Enlarged: an Introduction," 47–57; and "The Politics of the New British History," 289–300. All are reprinted in The Discovery of Islands. See also "The Limits and Divisions of British History: in Search of the Unknown Subject," American Historical Review 87:2 (Apr. 1982), 311–36; "The New British History in Atlantic Perspective: an Antipodean Commentary," American Historical Review 104:2 (Apr. 1999), 490–500.
  17. "History and Sovereignty: the Historiographical Response to Europeanization in Two British Cultures," Journal of British Studies 31 (Oct. 1992), 358–89. And more lately, in which Pocock speculates that the European Union might devolve into an "empire of the market", see "Deconstructing Europe," in Discovery of Islands, 269–88, at 281.
  18. Web site: Queen's Birthday and Golden Jubilee honours list 2002 . 3 June 2002 . Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet . 25 June 2020.

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