In the District of Columbia, the slave trade was legal from its creation until it was outlawed as part of the Compromise of 1850. That restrictions on slavery in the District were probably coming was a major factor in the retrocession of the Virginia part of the District back to Virginia in 1847. Thus the large slave-trading businesses in Alexandria, such as Franklin & Armfield, could continue their operations in Virginia, where slavery was more secure.
Ownership of enslaved people remained legal in the District. It was not until the departure of the legislators from the seceding states that Congress could pass in 1862 the District of Columbia Compensated Emancipation Act. The Act provided partial compensation, up to $300 per slave, to slave owners.[1] It was paid from general federal funds. Even though the compensation was small, as before the war a productive slave was worth much more than $300,[2] [3] it is the only place in the United States where slave owners received any compensation at all for freeing their slaves. Some slave owners, rather than manumitting (freeing) their enslaved workers for this small compensation, took them to Virginia and more profitably sold them there, which was completely legal.
Abolitionists, led by Massachusetts Representative and former President John Quincy Adams, focused on eliminating slavery in the District. They argued that the Constitution gave Congress full control over the laws of the District, including laws regarding slavery. States' rights was not a factor because the District was not a state. As Southern legislators realized, it was the first step toward outlawing slavery everywhere. The Emancipation Proclamation came five months after slavery ended in the District.The drive to eliminate slavery in the District of Columbia was a major component in the anti-slavery campaign that led to the Civil War. Congress, under the leadership of former president John Quincy Adams, now Representative from strongly anti-slavery Massachusetts, was flooded with many petitions for action on the subject. They passed the gag rules, automatically tabling the petitions and preventing them from being read, discussed, or printed. Rather than resolving anything, these rules outraged Northerners and contributed to the growing polarization of the country over slavery.
According to the census, the number of enslaved people in the District grew from 1800 to 1820, and then began a decline in raw numbers and an even faster decline in percentage. In the U.S. Census of 1820, the population of the District (33,039) was 67% white (22,614), 12% "free colored" (4,038), and 19% enslaved (6,377). In that of 1850, Alexandria no longer being in the District, 73% were white (37,941), 19% "free colored" (10,059), and 7% enslaved (3,687).[4] In that of 1860 the percentages are 81% white (75,080), 15% "free colored" (11,131), and 4% enslaved (3,185).[5]
When the District of Columbia was created in 1801, slavery was legal in the two states from whose territory the District was created, Maryland and Virginia.[6] Slavery remained legal in the District, as no steps were taken to ban it. Enslaved workers helped to build the White House, the U.S. Capitol, and other Washington buildings, in addition to clearing land and grading streets. Except under Presidents John Adams and his son John Quincy Adams, slaves served in the White House.
It was part of the American political wisdom of the Antebellum period, believed in by Abraham Lincoln along with many others, that, according to the Tenth Amendment to the Constitution, slavery in the United States was a state matter. Each state could determine whether slavery was permitted, and make such laws to govern the enslaved and the slave trade as it saw fit. According to the Constitution, Article 1, Section 9, they could "import...such Persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit", but only until 1808, in the only restriction on slavery the framers of the Constitution could agree on. While the federal government could have regulated the extensive interstate commerce in enslaved people that emerged after 1808, there was not support for this in Congress, controlled by Southerners until 1861. Abolitionists wanted to abolish slavery altogether, not just the interstate trade.
Discussion focused on two questions. The first was whether new states made out of the western territories of the Louisiana Purchase and the formerly Mexican Southwest would be free or slave. This question was never resolved until 1861. It produced the guerrilla warfare of the Bleeding Kansas period, when Kansas had simultaneously two governments, in two cities, with two proposed constitutions, one slave and the other free, each claiming to be the only legitimate government of the entire Territory. This was the dress rehearsal, the Tragic Prelude, led by "old" John Brown, to the Civil War. Although the Free Soil partisans opposing slavery in Kansas succeeded, after much bloodshed and commotion and a federal investigation, in making it clear that the vast majority of Kansans wanted the state to be free, the Southern bloc that controlled Congress did not allow this. Kansas entered the Union as a free state within days after enough seceding Southern legislators withdrew for it to pass.
The other question, less known today (2020), was how to get rid of slavery in the places where it still existed. Aside from the remote Utah Territory, the only place in the country where slavery existed, but was not a state, was the District of Columbia. The federal government had full control over the District of Columbia. States' rights had nothing to do with it. Thus abolitionists focused on it. Slavery was most vulnerable there.
"In 1805 Mr. Sloan of New Jersey offered [in the House of Representatives] a resolution moving the emancipation of slaves in the District at a certain age. The motion to refer it to a committee was voted down by sixty-five to forty-seven. Without any discussion, the resolution was voted on and lost by seventy-seven to thirty-one."[7]
In 1828, citizens of the District petitioned unsuccessfully for gradual emancipation.[8]
William Lloyd Garrison began, on January 1, 1831, what would be the principal organ and community bulletin board of the American abolitionist movement, The Liberator. The first article on the front page was his complaint that the
He followed with the text of a petition to Congress, and gave readers the address of the Boston bookstore where a copy could be signed.
The second article in the new newspaper examined "The Slave Trade in the Capital".[9]
See main article: Trial of Reuben Crandall and Snow Riot. Dr. Reuben Crandall, after a jury trial, was acquitted of the charge of distributing abolitionist literature in the District, which was a crime under federal law. The trial was the biggest criminal trial in the District up to that date, attended by multiple reporters and congressmen. The testimony was quickly published, and reveals much about slave life in the District at that moment. From it we learn, for example, that police doubled as slave catchers; regardless of any support slave owners were legally entitled to receive, as a practical matter they hired slave-catchers to apprehend fugitives, offering rewards for their return.
Francis Scott Key, author of The Star-Spangled Banner, was a slave owner and a defender of slavery. In his position as U.S. Attorney for the District of Columbia, he was in charge of criminal prosecutions in the District, all of which prosecutions were for violations of federal law, as no state law was relevant. Shortly after Crandall's opening an office in Georgetown, slave catchers reported him for possession of abolitionist literature, and Key wrote a lengthy indictment, charging him with "seditious libel and inciting slaves and free blacks to revolt".
Key thought he would gain politically by "finally doing something about the abolitionists". Reuben's sister, Prudence Crandall, had set up the first school for Black girls in the country, the Canterbury Female Boarding School, which aroused such violent opposition from white townspeople that she was forced to close it out of concern for the students' safety. However, the defense produced evidence that Reuben had quite different opinions from his sister, and had been confused with an abolitionist of similar name. A jury found him "not guilty" on all counts. Key was publicly humiliated, and it hurt his career.
Bail had been set so high for Reuben that he could not met it, and he remained in the dank Washington jail for over six months. He contracted tuberculosis there, and died not long after his release.
There were several slave pens in the District, including the Duke Street pen built by Franklin & Armfield in what became Alexandria, Virginia (following the retrocession); Washington Robey's jail, which was often used by Joseph Neal; and the Yellow House of the Williams brothers.
See main article: Gag rule (United States). Overwhelmed with the number of petitions arriving, the House of Representatives set up a Select Committee to consider what to do, headed by Rep. Henry L. Pinckney of South Carolina. The Committee endorsed the House's existing position that Congress had no authority to interfere in any way with slavery in the District of Columbia, or in any state. So that "the agitation of this subject should be finally arrested", it recommended that "all petitions, memorials, resolutions, propositions, or papers, relating in any way, or to any extent whatever, to the subject of slavery, or the abolition of slavery, shall, without being either printed or referred, be laid upon the table, and that no further action whatever shall be had thereon".[10] It passed by a vote of 117 to 68.[11] This and subsequent, related gag orders were repealed in 1844.
In March 1840, both houses of the Legislature of Massachusetts passed a group of "Resolves" (Resolutions) calling for Congress to use its Constitutional authority and immediately end slavery and the slave trade in the District, and prohibit interstate commerce in enslaved persons. This was then the official position of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. The Commonwealth also went on record as opposing the admission of any new slave states.[12]
Garrison, who reproduced the now-rare pamphlet on the front page of his newspaper The Liberator,[13] described this as a victory, the first time any government anywhere in the United States had taken an official position calling for the immediate abolition of slavery.[14] Vermont promptly followed Massachusetts' example.[15]
See main article: Pearl incident.
As part of the Compromise of 1850, slave trading was prohibited in Washington DC, but slave ownership was not. The residents of the capitol could still own slaves and trade for them in the nearby states of Virginia.
See main article: District of Columbia Compensated Emancipation Act.
Slave owners complained that emancipation of their enslaved workers would deprive them of their property; "property rights" are a euphemism for slavery in speeches of the period. Compensated emancipation, in which owners were to be compensated by a government for the loss of their "property", had been discussed at length in the 1840s and 1850s and part of England's liberation of its Caribbean slaves. This changed from an idea to a real possibility after Southern senators and representatives abandoned the U.S. Congress in 1861, and Lincoln became president. With Congress's support, he proposed it to the Union slave states, also called border states, of Missouri, Kentucky, Maryland, and Delaware. These states did not agree to any emancipation proposal, compensated or not. Maryland freed its enslaved in 1864, and Missouri early in 1865, but those in Delaware and Kentucky were not liberated until the national ratification of the 13th Amendment in December 1865, seven months after the end of the Civil War. Delaware symbolically ratified the 13th Amendment in 1901, and Kentucky in 1975.
The only place compensated emancipation was put into practice in the United States was in the District of Columbia. Under the District of Columbia Compensated Emancipation Act, passed by Congress and signed by Lincoln in 1862, slavery was prohibited in the District, the federal government compensated owners up to $300 per freed person, and detailed records exist for each claim and payment. This maximum amount was much less than an able male slave could have been sold for before the war, if taken to Maryland or Virginia and sold there, as many were.[16] However, the value of an enslaved person declined after the beginning of the Civil War, when transport of enslaved people from northern slave "producers" (Maryland and Virginia) to Southern plantation owners became impossible. The looming possibility of uncompensated abolition also depressed the value of slaves.
The day Lincoln signed the bill, April 16, 1862, is celebrated in the District as Emancipation Day, a legal holiday since 2005.
This listing does not include publications already cited in references.
. 1829. Washington, D.C.. Speech by Mr. Miner, of Pennsylvania, Delivered to the House of Representativex, on Tuesday and Wednesday, January 6 and 7, 1829, on the Subject of Slavery and the Slave Trade in the District of Columbia. With Notes. Charles Miner.
. Remarks of Mr. Hammond, of South Carolina : on the question of receiving petitions for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia : delivered in the House of Representatives, February 1, 1836. James Henry Hammond. Washington, D.C.. 1836. I know it has been said by a distinguished Virginian, and quoted on this floor, "that the fire bell in Richmond never rings at night,but the mother presses her infant more closely to her breast in dread of servile insurrection" (p. 10).. Also in Register of debates in Congress, comprising the leading debates and incidents of the second session of the Eighteenth Congress: [Dec. 6, 1824, to the first session of the Twenty-fifth Congress, Oct. 16, 1837] together with an appendix, containing the most important state papers and public documents to which the session has given birth: to which are added, the laws enacted during the session, with a copious index to the whole https://archive.org/details/registerdebates26seatgoog/page/n8/mode/2up?q=%22the+fire+bell+in+Richmond+never+rings+at+night%2C++but+the+mother+presses+her+infant+more%22.
. Opinions of Martin Van Buren, vice president of the United States, upon the powers and duties of Congress, in reference to the abolition of slavery either in the slaveholding states or in the District of Columbia, to which are added sundrey documents showing his sentiments upon other subjects. Martin Van Buren. Washington, D.C.. 1836.
. Speech of Mr. Slade, of Vermont, on the subject of the abolition of slavery and the slave trade within the District of Columbia. Delivered in the House of Representatives, December 23, 1835. William Slade (politician). 1836. National Intelligencer Office.
. The power of Congress over the District of Columbia. Reprinted from the New-York Evening Post, with additions by the author. Theodore Dwight Weld. New York. 1838. The Anti-Slavery Examiner, 5. American Anti-Slavery Society.
. Speech of William H. Seward, on the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. Delivered in the Senate of the United States, September 11, 1850.. William H. Seward. 1850. Washington, D.C.. Buell & Blanchard.
The only vote for his bill was his own.
. Christopher Gustavus Memminger. Address of the Hon. C.G. Memminger, special commissioner from the state of South Carolina : before the assembled authorities of the state of Virginia. January 19, 1860.
. Speech of John P. Hale, of New Hampshire, on the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. Delivered in the Senate of the United States, March 18, 1862. March 18, 1862. John P. Hale.
. Speech of Hon. W. T. Willey, of Virginia, on the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. delivered in the Senate of the United States, March 20, 1862. March 20, 1862. Waitman T. Willey.
. Ransom of Slaves at the National Capital : Speech of Hon. Charles Sumner, of Massachusetts, on the bill for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, in the Senate of the United States, March 31, 1862. Charles Sumner. U.S. Senate. Washington, D.C.. 1862 .
. Oration delivered by Hon R.B. Elliott, April 16, 1872, at the celebration of the tenth anniversary of emancipation in the District of Columbia. Robert B. Elliott. Washington, D.C.. 1872.
. The Negro as Political Problem. George Washington Williams. In 1827 William Lloyd Garrison began his career as an anti-slavery agitator by addressing a petition to Congress for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. p. 5. Boston. April 16, 1884. An oration on Emancipation Day.. mention Reuben Crandall trial
https://emancipation.dc.gov/page/history-emancipation-day D.C. Emancipation Day
https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/Category:Harper%27s_Weekly,_1866#/media/File:Celebration_of_the_abolition_of_slavery_in_the_District_of_Columbia_by_the_colored_people,_in_Washington,_April_19,_1866_Henry_A._Smythe,_Esq._-_-_Sketched_by_F._Dielman._LCCN2015647679.tif
Index in category United States Presidents and slavery
. 120–121. My Southern Home: Or, The South and Its People. William Wells Brown. Boston. A.G. Brown. 1880. 2021-07-05. 2021-07-03. https://web.archive.org/web/20210703050324/https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=osu.32435018067447&view=1up&seq=143&skin=2021&q1=Slavery. live.
. 235. District of Columbia. Table IV. Progress of popilation from 1800 to 1850. 1850 Census: The Seventh Census of the United States. June 3, 2021. United States Census Bureau. United States Census Bureau. May 18, 2021. https://web.archive.org/web/20210518190509/https://www2.census.gov/library/publications/decennial/1850/1850a/1850a-27.pdf. live.
. District of Columbia. Table No. 2: Population by Color and Condition. 588. 1860 Census: Population of the United States. United States Census Bureau. United States Census Bureau. 2021-06-06. 2021-04-28. https://web.archive.org/web/20210428073934/https://www2.census.gov/library/publications/decennial/1860/population/1860a-45.pdf. live.
. Free NegroesDistrict of Columbia. January 11, 1827. 4. Alfred H. Powell.
. The Constitutional and Political History of the United States. Hermann Eduard von Holst. 2. Chicago. Callaghan and Company. 1879. 245 .
. Recollections and experiences of an abolitionist, from 1855 to 1865. 1875. Alexander Milton Ross. Toronto. Rowsell & Hutchison. 137.