| Guangxi Massacre | |
| Partof: | Cultural Revolution in China |
| Native Name: | 广西大屠杀 |
| Location: | Guangxi, China |
| Date: | 1967–1976 |
| Type: | Massacre, cannibalism, politicide, lynching, rape, torture, beheading, beating, live burial, stoning, drowning, boiling, disembowelment |
| Fatalities: | 70,400–500,000 (Official: 100,000–150,000) At least 421 persons were eaten |
| Victims: | Five Black Categories and their families, "class enemies" |
| Perps: | Red Guards, members and ranking cadres of the Chinese Communist Party, local Militia |
| Motive: | Hatred and conflicts between rebel faction and conservative faction in Guangxi; different interpretation of Maoism; political hatred towards landlords and wealthy peasants instigated by the Chinese Communist Party |
The Guangxi Massacre, or the Guangxi Cultural Revolution Massacre, was a series of events involving lynching and direct massacre in Guangxi during the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976).[1] [2] [3] [4] [5] [6] The official record shows an estimated death toll of 100,000 to 150,000. Methods of murder included beheading, beating, live burial, stoning, drowning, boiling, and disembowelling.
In certain areas including Wuxuan County and Wuming District, massive human cannibalism occurred even though no famine existed.[7] According to public records available, at least 137 people—perhaps hundreds more—were eaten by others and at least thousands of people participated in the cannibalism.[8] Other researchers have pointed out that 421 victims who could be identified by name were eaten, and there were reports of cannibalism across dozens of counties in Guangxi. Although the cannibalism was sponsored by local offices of the Communist Party and militia, no direct evidence suggests that anyone in the national Communist Party leadership including Mao Zedong endorsed the cannibalism or even knew of it. However, some scholars have pointed out that Wuxuan County, through internal channels, had notified the central leadership about the cannibalism in 1968.
After the Cultural Revolution, people who were involved in the massacre or cannibalism received legal punishments during the "Boluan Fanzheng" period. In Wuxuan County where at least 38 people were eaten, fifteen participants were prosecuted, receiving up to 14 years in prison, while ninety-one members of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) were expelled from the party and thirty-nine non-party officials were either demoted or had a salary cut.[9] [10]
See also: Rebel Faction (Cultural Revolution), Conservative Faction (Cultural Revolution) and Violent Struggle. In May 1966, Mao Zedong launched the Cultural Revolution. Starting from March 1967, two factions gradually formed among troops and civilians in Guangxi. One faction known as the "United Headquarters" unconditionally supported the leadership of Wei Guoqing, who was the Chairman of Guangxi and a high-ranking CCP official, while the other faction known as the "4.22" opposed such unconditional support, asking Wei to do self-criticism first. The "United Headquarters" was an example of the conservative faction while the "4.22" was an example of the rebel faction. Intense clashes including "violent struggles" and even massacres soon broke out between the two factions in rural regions of Guangxi.
Even though the rebel faction "4.22" received endorsement from China's Premier Zhou Enlai in August 1967, it was at a disadvantage throughout Guangxi except in the city of Guilin because the local military leaders endorsed the conservative faction, the "United Headquarters". In February 1968, Guangzhou Military Region ordered the troops who supported "4.22" to dislocate from the region, and subsequently in April 1968, Huang Yongsheng, head of the Guangzhou Military Region at the time, declared that the "4.22" faction was a "reactionary organization" and launched massive suppression against the rebel faction (at the same time, a closely related massacre also took place in the nearby province of Guangdong).
According to Yan Lebin, a member of the Ministry of Public Security who participated in the official investigations of the Guangxi Massacre after the Cultural Revolution, there were three stages of the massacre.
In the massacre, methods of slaughter included "beheading, beating, live burial, stoning, drowning, boiling, group slaughters, disemboweling, digging out hearts, livers, genitals, slicing off flesh, blowing up with dynamite, and more". In one case, according to official records, a person had dynamite bound to the back and was blown up into pieces by other people —just for fun. This crime was led by Cen Guorong, who was once the Director of the Trade Union of Guangxi and had served as a representative in the Ninth, Tenth, and Eleventh National Congresses of the Chinese Communist Party.
In another case of 1968, "a geography instructor named Wu Shufang was beaten to death by students at Wuxuan Middle School. Her body was carried to the flat stones of the Qian River where another teacher was forced at gunpoint to rip out the heart and liver. Back at the school the pupils barbecued and consumed the organs."[11]
In April 1981, an investigation group of over 20 people was formed under the arrangement of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, the General Office of the Chinese Communist Party, the Organization Department of the Chinese Communist Party, the Ministry of Public Security, the Supreme People's Court, and the Supreme People's Procuratorate.
In June 1981, the investigation concluded that the death toll was over 100,000, while some officials and civilians claimed privately that the death toll was 150,000, 200,000 or even 500,000. In addition, Qiao Xiaoguang reported to the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection that the death toll was 70,400.
In March 1983, another investigation group of 40 people was formed by the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party.
In January 1984, the investigation concluded that 89,700 deaths could be identified by names and addresses, over 20,000 people were missing, and over 30,000 deaths could not be identified by names or addresses. In particular, due to the violent struggles between the two opposing factions, 3,700 people died during direct fighting, 7,000 were persecuted to death, while 79,000 were beaten or shot to death in a planned and systematic matter. In Nanning, the capital of Guangxi, eight out of fourteen counties saw a death toll of over 1,000, with Binyang County alone losing 3,777 people.
In 2006, Su Yang (Chinese: 苏阳) of University of California, Irvine, argued that the Guangxi massacre was the most serious massacre during the Chinese Cultural Revolution. He stated that among the 65 accessible official county documents of Guangxi, 43 counties report local massacres with 15 of them recording a death toll of over 1,000, while the average death toll was 526 among all the counties which reported massacre.[12] Moreover, Song Yongyi pointed out that there were many differences between published official data and classified official data. For example, the published county annals of Lingshan County shows only eight people died, but in its classified document there were 3,220 victims; for another example, the published document from Binyang County shows 37 victims only, compared to 3,951 victims in its classified document.[13]
In his book Massacres during the Cultural Revolution, Song argued that most Cultural Revolution massacres were the action of "state apparatuses", or the direct slaughter by the regime towards its citizens.[14] On the other hand, in his award-winning book Collective Killings in Rural China during the Cultural Revolution, Su proposed the "community model" to explain the massacre in Guangxi, challenging the prevailing models of genocide and mass killings.[15] [16] [17]
See also: Scarlet Memorial: Tales of Cannibalism in Modern China. Human cannibalism occurred in Guangxi during the Cultural Revolution. According to Zheng Yi, a scholar who conducted detailed research on the topic in the late 1980s and later smuggled some copies of official documents to the United States, at least 137 people—perhaps hundreds more—were eaten by others and thousands of people participated in the cannibalism. Documents also record a variety of forms of cannibalism, including eating people as an after-dinner snack, slicing off the meat in big parties, dividing up the flesh so each person could take a large chunk home, barbecuing or roasting the liver, and so on.
According to Yan Lebin, a member of the Ministry of Public Security who joined both of the investigation groups:
In 1968, 38 people in Wuxuan County were eaten, and 113 officials of the county participated in eating human flesh, hearts and livers. Chen Guorong, a peasant from Guigang County who happened to pass by Wuxuan, was caught and killed by local militia because he was fat; his heart and liver were taken out while his flesh was distributed to 20 people. A female militia leader ate 6 human livers in total, and cut the genitals of 5 men and soaked them in alcohol which she would drink later, claiming that these organs were beneficial to her health. The behavior of eating human flesh, hearts and livers occurred in many counties of Guangxi including Wuxuan, Wuming, Shangsi, Guigang, Qinzhou, Guiping, and Lingyun... After the revolutionary committee was established in Shangsi County, a "killing conference" was held at Pingshan Square on September 1, 1968, during which more than 10 officials and civilians were beaten to death. After the conference, a committee member, Li Hao, removed the hearts and livers from the corpses, sauteing them and preparing them as dishes for other representatives who attended the conference.
According to Song Yongyi, a Chinese historian who works at the California State University, Los Angeles:[18]
Independent researchers in Guangxi counted a total of 421 people who were eaten. There were reports of cannibalism across 27 counties in Guangxi; that's two-thirds of all the counties in Guangxi. There was one man who was said to be in the so-called fifth category, who was beaten to death where he stood. He had two kids, one of 11 and one of 14. The local officials and armed militia said that it was important to eradicate such people, and so they not only killed those two children: they ate them too. This took place in Pubei county, Guangxi, where 35 people were killed and eaten in total. Most of them were rich landowners and their families. There was one landowner called Liu Zhengjian whose entire family was wiped out. He had a 17-year-old daughter, Liu Xiulan, who was gang-raped by nine people [for 19 times] who then ripped open her belly, and ate her liver and breasts. There were so many incidents like this.
According to Frank Dikötter, Chair Professor of Humanities at the University of Hong Kong, Senior Fellow at Hoover Institution of Stanford, and winner of the 2011 Samuel Johnson Prize:[19]
Throughout 1967 but also '68, there are factions in the countryside that start not just eliminating each other physically, but literally in a couple of small towns they start ritualistically eating each other. In other words, it is not enough to eliminate your class enemy. You have to eat his heart, so there are very well-documented cases of ritual cannibalism.[20] There was a hierarchy in the consumption of class enemies. Leaders feasted on the heart and liver, mixed with pork, while ordinary villagers were allowed only to peck at the victims' arms and thighs.[21]Regarding the motive for cannibalism, Ding Xueliang, a professor at the University of British Columbia and the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology, pointed out that "this was not cannibalism because of economic difficulties, like during famine. It was not caused by economic reasons, it was caused by political events, political hatred, political ideologies, political rituals." Qin Hui also showed with statistics that the cannibalism was not due to the traditions of local ethnic minorities; he argued that the cannibalism was mainly due to: 1) the extreme class struggle during the Cultural Revolution, which led to a modern "caste" system (such as the Five Black Categories) and an extreme massacre towards the lower class from the upper class; 2) the revenge from the local officials and military towards the rebel group who challenged their interests.[22]
On the other hand, according Song Yongyi, the motive behind cannibalism was personal desire. Song stated that these people engaged in cannibalistic activities because they "believe that when they eat other people's livers, other people's hearts, it will help them to have a long life". While some research indicates that it was communism that compelled the perpetrators in this area towards cannibalism,[23] on the other hand, Roderick MacFarquhar and Michael Schoenhals disputed that communism was to be blamed for this incident, noting that similar incidents occurred under pressure from the Kuomintang secret police in the republican period.[24]
A number of people publicly spoke about their reminiscences of the massacre and how they affected their world views. In 2013, Yang Liping, a notable Chinese dancer, said that she had seen cannibalism during the Cultural Revolution (though she did not specify the exact location). She stated that "I am pessimistic about humanity and pessimistic about humans. Because we have been through the Cultural Revolution, we have become very alert. I am very alert, alert like a peacock. Be careful, because humans are the most horrible animals... I saw people eating people, and people hurting people, just like nowadays. Nowadays people can hurt you anytime, yet they don't even know why they hurt you."[25] [26]
A very different reaction came from an inhabitant of the region who stressed the need to leave the past behind and move on. When interviewed by Agence France-Presse (AFP) in 2016, he responded, "Cannibalism? I was here then, I went through it. But Wuxuan has developed rapidly in recent years and now. That history 'has no meaning'."[27] At the same time, a high-ranking member of an early 1980s official investigation told AFP that "[a]ll the cannibalism was due to class struggle being whipped up and was used to express a kind of hatred. The murder was ghastly, worse than beasts."
A number of researchers discussed the credibility of the reports of widespread cannibalism during the massacre, as well as their meaning. Sinologist Gang Yue was sceptical, questioning in 1999 how "systematic" the cannibalism could have been, given the inherent factionalism of the Cultural Revolution.[28]
On the other hand, Donald S. Sutton, a professor at Carnegie Mellon University, wrote in 1995:
In 2001, sinologist Perry Link of Princeton University likewise stated that he considered the descriptions credible: "I believe Zheng's story [of cannibalism]. He's a writer of integrity, and the rich detail has the ring of authenticity."
Key Ray Chong, a professor of history at Texas Tech University,[29] compared the massacre with other events of mass murder and genocide, writing in 1997 in his review of Zheng Yi's Scarlet Memorial: "During the Cultural Revolution, quite a few Chinese officials knew of this horror, the equivalent of the Nazi Holocaust in the 1940s and the killing fields of Pol Pot in the 1970s. But they remained silent about the subject."[30]
In 2013, Qin Hui, a professor at Tsinghua University, mentioned during a discussion with sociologist Ezra Vogel that the massacre had shaped his own youth: "My hometown is in Guangxi, where people were killed in massacres during Mao's era, and some of them were eaten by others! In the bloody summer of 1968, people in Hong Kong and Macau all knew that there were corpses floating down from Xi River to Pearl River."[31]