Francisco Elías de Tejada y Spínola explained

Francisco Elías de Tejada y Spínola
Birth Name:Francisco Elías de Tejada y Spínola
Birth Date:April 6, 1917
Birth Place:Madrid, Spain
Death Place:Madrid, Spain
Alma Mater:Central University of Madrid
University of Seville
School Tradition:
Discipline:Jurisprudence, History, Philosophy
Sub Discipline:History of political thought
Main Interests:Natural law

Francisco Elías de Tejada y Spínola Gómez (April 6, 1917 – February 18, 1978) was a Spanish scholar and a Carlist politician. He is considered one of top intellectuals of the Francoist era, though not necessarily of Francoism. As theorist of law he represented the school known as iusnaturalismo, as historian of political ideas he focused mostly on Hispanidad, and as theorist of politics he pursued a Traditionalist approach. As a Carlist he remained an ideologue rather than a political protagonist.

Family and youth

The Tejada family originated from Genoa; its branch moved to Naples and in the late Middle Ages to the Spanish La Rioja,[1] settling at Muro de Cameros.[2] In the early modern period its descendants transferred to Extremadura and few generations later they were already considered extremeños.[3] Francisco's distant ancestor was the 17th-century knight Sancho de Tejada, whose son Elías excelled during the siege of Breda and got his name incorporated into the family surname.[4] In the early 19th century the family, referred to as terratenientes hidalgos,[5] held estates mostly in Castuera and Zalamea de la Serena.[6] Francisco's grandfather made his name as a lawyer.[7] Francisco's father, José Maria Elías de Tejada y de la Cueva (1891-1970),[8] also practiced as abogado[9] in Castuera.[10] In 1913[11] he married Encarnación Spínola Gómez (1891-1953),[12] heir to a wealthy local landowners family. It was at her Rinconada estate near Granja de Torrehermosa[13] where Francisco and his only brother[14] spent most of their childhood, raised in the profoundly Catholic ambience. Though born in Madrid, he considered Extremadura his mother region.[15]

Since early childhood consuming sophisticated books[16] and gifted with excellent memory,[17] the young Francisco was first educated in the Jesuit college of Nuestra Señora de Recuerdo in the Madrid quarter of Chamartin.[18] After its premises were ransacked in May 1931[19] and the order was expulsed soon afterwards, he continued his learning in the Portuguese Estremoz, still with the Jesuits.[20] In 1933 Tejada obtained bachillerato, nostrified by University of Seville.[21] Inspired by his Jesuit mentor Fernando María de Huidobro[22] he decided to study law, though at Universidad Central in Madrid he pursued also philosophy and letters. Having graduated in both in 1935[23] he left to study in Germany.[24] Outbreak of the Civil War caught him in Berlin;[25] Tejada returned to Spain[26] to learn that tens of his relatives were executed by the Republicans in Granja.[27] In September in Calera de la Sierra he enlisted to Nationalist troops,[28] first advancing to Toledo[29] and then as artillery man serving during the battle of Madrid.[30] In February 1937 he was admitted to Alféreces Provisionales school in Seville, soon abandoned for health reasons.[31] In May 1937 he intended to join aviation, but in August he was nominated alférez asimilado at a logistics unit in Seville,[32] remaining at this post until the end of the war.[33]

Though described as heavily attracted to females,[34] Elías de Tejada married as late as in 1962, at the age of 45.[35] He wed an Italian 20 years his junior, Gabriella Pèrcopo Calet (1937-1986),[36] descendant to a distinguished Neapolitan family of immense intellectual heritage,[37] fluent in Spanish, perfectly familiar with the Spanish cultural realm and the PhD herself. Throughout the rest of his life she supported Tejada on all possible fields, as a secretary, proofreader, editor, erudite partner, co-author, organizer, academic inspiration and a soul mate.[38] The couple had no children.[39] Francisco Elías de Tejada Lozano, a Spanish diplomat in the 21st century serving as ambassador and high Foreign Ministry official,[40] is descendant to Elías' brother.[41]

Academic career

Already in 1935 Tejada was nominated Profesor Ayudante de Derecho Político in Madrid, an assignment held shortly as he soon left for Germany.[42] When in the Nationalist army he was giving lectures at letters and philosophy courses[43] organized by Universidad de Sevilla,[44] in 1939 publishing his first works.[45] Having obtained PhD laurels thanks to a thesis on Jerónimo Castillo de Bobadilla, in 1939 Tejada returned to Madrid as Professor Ayudante[46] to assist Nicolás Pérez Serrano[47] at Derecho Político.[48] In 1940 he applied for chair of philosophy of law in Seville and Oviedo, but during the routine contest he was defeated by counter-candidates; referees described him as erudite and brilliant speaker, but also disoriented, immature, not adhering to the point, lacking reflexive spirit, excessively lyrical and repetitive.[49] Also in 1940[50] Tejada left to pursue research abroad,[51] having the unique opportunity to compare the early wartime realm in Berlin and in Oxford.[52]

In March 1941 Tejada won the contest for chair of Derecho Natural y Filosofía del Derecho in Murcia;[53] in 1942 he moved to Salamanca, having been the only contender.[54] In 1951 he swapped chairs with Joaquín Ruiz Giménez Cortés[55] and left for Seville, where he headed philosophy of law for the next 26 years, periodically chairing also the history of ideas. However, except the 1960-1961 course he spent the 1956-1964 period mostly pursuing research in Naples, with massive admin gimmicks on part of the university to find a legal framework for such a lengthy stay.[56] Since 1964 he worked under the dedicación exclusiva contract.[57] In 1969 nominated consejero honorario del Consejo Nacional de Educación,[58] though his academic relations with the Francoist education authorities remained thorny.[59] Since the early 1970s Tejada intended to move to Madrid, but his 1971[60] and 1974[61] bids for Complutense failed. His 1975 bid for Universidad Autónoma[62] took an awkward turn, when Tejada challenged the referees appointed as linguistically incompetent.[63] His protest was dismissed and in 1976 he lost to Elías Díaz García,[64] appealing the decision; the issue was not settled before his death.[65] However, in 1977 he was appointed with no contest to cátedra de Derecho Natural y Filosofía del Derecho at Complutense; death interrupted his first course in Madrid.[66]

Though member of a number of scientific institutions around the world,[67] recipient of a few doctor honoris causa titles,[68] a vastly prolific author and during his lifetime himself subject of 4 PhD dissertations,[69] Tejada did not make it to the top elite of Spanish law scholars and did not enter Real Academia de Jurisprudencia y Legislación. There are conflicting accounts of his standing in the academic realm. Some claim that he was universally highly regarded as doctrinally intransigent but pro-student[70] open-minded, tolerant scholar,[71] as demonstrated by his supervision of PhD bid of Enrique Tierno Galván, the future key PSOE politician.[72] Others present him as a feared "inquisidor",[73] extremely quarrelsome hypocrite pursuing private goals[74] and eager to call security when dealing with manifestations of student dissent towards him.[75]

Theorist of law

Tejada is considered member of the natural law school and its key representative during the Franco era,[76] influenced by early modern Spanish jurists like Francisco Suarez[77] but mostly following the Aquinas; he regarded own work merely a gloss to the opus of St. Thomas.[78] Hence, within iusnaturalismo he is classified as representative of Neo-Scholastic school,[79] as opposed[80] to Axiological, Neo-Kantian and Innovative Natural Law schools.[81] Together with Michel Villey deemed a renovator of classical European iusnaturalismo of the mid-20th century,[82] Tejada clearly distinguished own vision[83] from "iusnaturalismo racionalista".[84] Within this framework, he agreed that the role of jurisprudence was discovering rather than inventing.[85]

Tejada's work consisted of systematizing concepts falling into ontology, anthropology, logic and axiology.[86] His original contribution was merging them into a complete system[87] and introducing a set of own concepts. He is considered not a mere follower but a scholar who developed Thomist juridical philosophy, credited for attempting a synthesis with existentialist school;[88] some even view him as representative of legal Catholic Existentialism, a definition not accepted universally.[89] He is noted as the moving spirit behind emergence of Asociación Internacional de Iusnaturalistas Hispánicos "Felipe II".[90] Last but not least, Tejada is acknowledged as the one who inspired a number of scholars, both in Spain and in wider Hispanic realm, though not all his proposals have been accepted by his followers.[91] For Tejada the law resulted from God assuming a decisive role, but rendering it possible to find acceptable reasons for an objective-value-based human agency;[92] natural law stemmed from conjunction of divine power and human liberty.[93] Its purpose was twofold: salvation and vocation,[94] corresponding to justice in relations to God and security in relations to other people.[95] Though some scholars point to some confusion as to the terms used,[96] most agree that for Tejada law was "la norma política con contenido justo", colloquially described as where politics and ethics overlapped,[97] a sovereign normative system related but clearly separate from religion.[98] Some students conclude that Tejada was close to normativism,[99] others[100] find this suggestion too restrictive[101] and claim that for him, law was far more than a norm.[102] A distinctive thread of his jurisprudential discourse was its application to vastly distinct cultural realms,[103] though he attempted to sublimate a specific Hispanic natural law.[104]

Tejada kept writing on theory of law throughout all of his academic career; his first contribution was published in 1942[105] and his new pieces are being published posthumously.[106] Except two volumes of Historia de la filosofía del derecho y del Estado (1946), until the very late of his life Tejada's works were mostly articles in specialized reviews, lectures delivered at jurisprudential conferences or compendium-like textbooks intended for students. Tejada's vastly erudite[107] opus magnum,[108] a systematic in-depth lecture gathering all his ideas on law theory was Tratado de filosofia del derecho, published in Seville in two volumes respectively in 1974 and 1977.[109] It is not clear how many of his almost 400 works[110] fall into theory of law, though their number might near one hundred.[111]

Historian of political thought

As historian of political ideas Tejada clearly focused on broad Hispanic realm: he published studies on Castile,[112] Catalonia,[113] Navarre,[114] Vascongadas,[115] Extremadura,[116] Valencia[117] and Galicia,[118] produced works intended as synthetic accounts for Spain[119] and Portugal,[120] dedicated separate works to Franche-Comté,[121] Sardinia,[122] Naples,[123] Sicily, Flanders and Malta[124] and wrote on Hispanic Florida, Texas and California, Portuguese holdings in Africa and Asia,[125] the Philippines, Chile, Brazil,[126] Colombia[127] and Latin America in general. However, his comparatistic zeal made him discuss history of political thought also beyond the Lusitanic and Hispanic realm, e.g. in England, Arabic and Sephardic traditions, Germany, Greece, Sweden, Norway, Iceland, Hungary, Japan, Thailand, Borneo, Ethiopia, Mozambique and elsewhere.[128]

Tejada strove to reconstruct and define a Hispanic political tradition[129] and vacillated between the role of historian and theorist.[130] His understanding of Hispanidad was based on the concept of Las Españas, seen as embodied in confederal political shape[131] but its essence having been pre-state commonality.[132] Relying on the unity in diversity recipé[133] and incorporating local traditions, including the fueros,[134] Hispanic tradition consisted of two features: Catholic vision of life combined with missionary universalist spirit pursued by a federative monarchy.[135] According to Tejada Hispanidad was born in the Middle Ages, climaxed during the early España de los Austrias[136] and declined due to centralist French tradition imported by the Borbones.[137] His recurring subject[138] was confronting Hispanic and European traditions, the latter born out of anti-Catholic,[139] revolutionary, modernist thought[140] and ultimately responsible for breaking the Hispanic community by force.[141] Tejada understood political thought as a vehicle of sustaining tradition[142] and ignored the imperial and ethnic dimensions of Hispanidad. He viewed the Hispanic political community as forged by will of the people forming its components, not as a result of conquest.[143] Ethnic features were merely means of transmitting heritage and a nation was defined as commonality of tradition,[144] as opposed to positivist definitions focusing on features like language, geography, regime etc.;[145] it enabled implantation of Hispanidad in vastly different settings of the Philippines, Uruguay or Franche-Comté. Tejada saw the Hispanic tradition against a decisively providential background, e.g. when confronting Islam, Protestantism or the New World;[146] scholars saw this approach as indebted to the vision of Giambattista Vico.[147] Another frequently applied personal comparison was that to Marcelino Menéndez Pelayo: the two shared passion for Hispanic patrimony,[148] massive erudition, reconstructive profile and Traditionalist leaning;[149] Tejada's approach is dubbed "menéndezpelayismo".[150]

Tejada's first work on history of political thought appeared in 1937[151] and the last ones in 1977.[152] Unlike in case of theory of law, he did not produce a synthesis which would stand out; his thought is scattered across countless books, articles or minor opúsculos. Single works to be listed first are perhaps case studies, the monumental[153] Nápoles hispánico (1958-1964)[154] and an unfinished Historia del pensamiento político catalán (1963-1965).[155] Publications attempting more general overview to be named are La causa diferenciadora de las comunidades políticas (1943), Las Españas (1948) and Historia de la literatura política en las Españas (1952, published 1991).

Theorist of politics

See main article: Traditionalism (Spain). Initially Tejada developed a Hispanidad-oriented[156] leadership theory[157] of authoritarian state;[158] according to some in the early 1940s[159] he performed a volte-face[160] becoming a vehement anti-Francoist,[161] according to the others during decades to come his theory was progressively dissociated[162] from Francoism,[163] some see 3 phases of his evolution[164] and some advance rambling summaries.[165] Some scholars highlight 1938-1940 works and consider him "superfascista",[166] most students tend to downplay caudillaje-related writings[167] and focusing on the 1942-1978 period see Tejada as a Traditionalist;[168] few advance an in-between option of "franquismo neotradicionalista".[169] Among those supporting the Traditionalist tag many consider him "maximo representante del pensamiento tradicionalista español en la segunda mitad del siglo XX"[170] or at least one of the key ones,[171] though some present him as a second-rank theorist.[172]

Tejada perceived Traditionalism as a unique Spanish response[173] to the 1515-1648 rupture in European political thought;[174] the latter afterwards degenerated into absolutism, liberalism, totalitarianism,[175] and most recently into secular, parliamentarian, free-market, nation-state[176] democracies. Traditionalism itself was politically best embodied[177] in Carlism.[178] Its essence was threefold. First, it consisted of Catholic unity;[179] some scholars claim that Tejada was opposed to religious liberty,[180] others maintain that he was opposed to equality of faiths and advocated a state-endorsed Catholic orthodoxy.[181] Second, it embraced historical,[182] social,[183] accountable,[184] representative,[185] foral,[186] federative,[187] missionary,[188] organic[189] and hereditary monarchy.[190] Third, it was based on a subsidiary state model.[191] The latter marked total reversal from original Tejada's penchant for omnipotent leadership[192] and reflected the Traditionalist logic of state serving society, society serving man, and man serving God. A de-centralized[193] withdrawn state,[194] with its functions reduced, is to provide merely a framework for communities making it up, developed historically and safeguarded by separate legal establishments;[195] The communities in question are to be governed by autonomous intermediary bodies[196] and should participate in state politics represented in the Cortes by delegates of various "gremios, hermandades, agrupaciones, cámaras, comunidades y cofradías";[197] Tejada juxtaposed Spanish communitarian fueros[198] against the French individual liberties.[199] According to some, the proposal advanced by Tejada was intended as a discussion how Spain should look like after Franco.[200] Tejada's works on theory of politics are visibly less numerous than those on theory of law or on history of political thought; moreover, some of them resemble political manifestos rather than scholarly writings. Preceded by caudillaje-oriented brochures of the late 1930s,[201] the main body of his Traditionalism was laid out mostly in the 1950s, following activity in Academia Vázquez de Mella; its most complete and straightforward lecture was La monarquía tradicional (1954),[202] though some, like El tradicionalismo político español, remained in manuscript.[203] The vision was further refined in details in the 1960s, especially during Congresses of Traditionalist Studies[204] and systematically revisited in the early 1970s, mostly as result of political struggle taking place within Carlism: a lengthy manuscript was reduced into a manual-styled script - officially co-authored with Rafael Gambra Ciudad and Francisco Puy Muñoz[205] - ¿Qué es el carlismo? (1971),[206] with late re-workings and compilations published either shortly before death or posthumously.[207]

Carlist: around Francoism (1936-1950)

Some authors maintain that there were no Carlist antecedents in the Tejada family;[208] however, records reveal that a Justiniano Elías de Tejada,[209] though initially opposing neo-Catholic designs in the 1860s,[210] in the early 1870s turned president of Junta Carlista de Castuera[211] and was even subject to jokes because of that.[212] Francisco himself claimed he had joined Comunión Tradicionalista at the age of 15, remained a Carlist during his adolescence[213] and in 1936 returned from Germany to enlist to the Nationalist army responding to the call of his king, Alfonso Carlos,[214] though he provided also conflicting or confusing accounts.[215]

Nothing is known about Tejada political activity during the Civil War and soon afterwards; though seconded to a Falangist unit,[216] he is not mentioned as engaged in Carlist, Falangist or other party structures until the early 1940s. However, his writings published in 1938-1939 clearly identified him as enthusiast of national syndicalism and the caudillaje system;[217] some consider him concerned primarily with justifying the regime.[218] He admitted great juvenile admiration for Hitler.[219] It was the second stay in Germany in 1940 that got him disillusioned with omnipotent state and single party; his 1940 article discussing caudillaje was notably tuned down and introduced a cautious tone.[220] In the early 1940s he was assuming an increasingly dissenting stance. In 1942 he referred to "miseria" of the Francoist system;[221] the same year he was briefly detained for opposing subscriptions to División Azul.[222] Though he had no chance to publish writings lambasting the system as anti-Catholic tyranny,[223] Tejada made little secret of his views and in the Salamanca law faculty he voted against granting Franco doctorado honoris causa.[224] In 1944[225] a Falangist hit-squad stormed into his house, dragged him to the nearby Retiro park and left him beaten unconscious.[226] In the mid-1940s Tejada again neared Carlism, at that time with no king, divided into few factions and politically bewildered. First commencing co-operation with their periodicals,[227] in the Madrid cafes he mixed with Carlists of different persuasions, including the pro-collaborationist Carloctavistas[228] and the intransigent orthodox Javieristas; he also took part in their minor public manifestations against the regime.[229] In unspecified circumstances, though most likely acting in agreement if not on request of the then Carlist political leader Manuel Fal Conde, Tejada ventured to co-organize a semi-official Traditionalist cultural network, which materialized as the Madrid Academia Vázquez de Mella; in the late 1940s he was among its most active lecturers.[230] Now openly confronting the regime and in 1947 advocating a "no" vote in the Ley de Sucesión referendum,[231] politically Tejada avoided clear identification with any of the Carlist groupings. He seemed closest to supporters of Dom Duarte Nuño de Braganza as a potential Carlist heir;[232] according to other sources he merely considered the Portuguese claimant a viable candidate.[233] The period of vacillation ended in 1950, when Tejada aligned with the Javieristas[234] and accepted seat in their national executive, in 1951 nominated by Don Javier commissioner of Comunión Tradicionalista external affairs.[235]

Carlist: Javierista (1950-1962)

In the early 1950s Tejada got firmly engaged in mainstream Carlism and demonstrated an uncompromising political stand. He lambasted the dissenting Carloctavistas,[236] complained to Fal about permissive, increasingly Christian-Democratic profile of a semi-official Carlist daily Informaciones,[237] and advocated that Don Javier goes bold by terminating the long overdue regency. He co-drafted Declaración de Barcelona, the statement which was issued by Don Javier in 1952 and which indeed announced his own claim to the Carlist throne,[238] though the episode is not entirely clear.[239] With the 1954 publication of La monarquía tradicional Tejada became the top Carlist theorist; the same year within the party top body, Junta Nacional, he formed part of Comisión de Cultura y Propaganda.[240] At that time he was considered among key politicians of Carlism.[241]

When in 1955 Fal Conde was released from Jefatura and when Carlism abandoned intransigent opposition to the regime in favor of cautious co-operation, Tejada was left puzzled.[242] He did not hesitate to voice his doubts about collaborative strategy advocated by the new leader Jose Maria Valiente,[243] yet he decided to comply and accepted appointment to the newly formed Secretariat;[244] moreover, at one point he suggested that the body be dissolved as ineffective and replaced by Valiente's personal jefatura.[245] Executing the rapprochement policy[246] he did not believe in its success and was getting increasingly frustrated by Franco's rejection of the Carlist offer.[247] However, he readily engaged in new formats of activity, now permitted by the regime: Tejada was active in the Carlist publishing house[248] Ediciones Montejurra[249] and became its director,[250] animated the elitist Traditionalist periodical Reconquista,[251] contributed to new periodicals like Azada y Asta[252] and especially threw himself into organizing Círculos Culturales Vázquez de Mella, a semi-official Carlist institutional network.[253] In 1960 he entered Comisión de Cultura of the Carlist executive[254] and advocated setting up an "Instituto de Estudios Jurídicos".[255] Having moved on longtime scientific research mission to Italy, at the turn of the decades Tejada was getting increasingly detached from daily Carlist politics. Within the Secretariat and numerous cultural outposts[256] he was somewhat sidetracked by a new breed of young activists forming the entourage of prince Carlos Hugo.[257] Though he knew some, especially their leader Ramón Massó, from the Academia Vázquez de Mella years of the 1940s,[258] Tejada developed grave doubts about Carlist orthodoxy and genuine intentions of the hugocarlistas,[259] suspecting them of pursuing a hidden agenda.[260] Co-operation deteriorated into crisis and then open conflict in the early 1960s, when Don Carlos Hugo started to sidetrack most hard-line Traditionalists. Tejada did not illude himself about Don Javier potentially confronting his progressist son,[261] and in July 1962[262] he decided to break with the Borbón-Parmas;[263] some authors claim that he was expulsed.[264] He declared to Don Carlos Hugo that he could not make him king, but could prevent him from becoming one.[265] In 1963 Tejada already referred to Don Carlos Hugo as "este aventurero francés de sangre bastarda".[266]

Carlist: fighting the progressists (1962-1978)

After the breakup Tejada did not join any Carlist faction, though he was reportedly sympathetic to RENACE: he liked its format of depositary of Traditionalist values with no support for any specific claimant.[267] He embarked on building a network of institutions marketing orthodox Traditionalism. In 1963 he co-founded the Madrid-based Centro de Estudios Históricos y Políticos General Zumalacárregui;[268] though officially affiliated with Secretariado General de Movimiento Nacional,[269] it was intended as a Carlist think-tank.[270] Its activity climaxed in two Congresos de Estudios Tradicionalistas, staged in 1964 and 1968;[271] Centro issued also periodicals and organized so-called Jornadas Forales across the country.[272]

In the first half of the 1960s Tejada emerged as chief ideologue of Juntas de Defensa del Carlismo, network mushrooming across the country and united by opposition to hugocarlismo;[273] he also contributed to launch of a new periodical, Siempre.[274] In mid-1960s Tejada was firmly established among leaders of loosely organized[275] followers of orthodox Traditionalism;[276] his activity was increasingly leaning towards vague dynastical compromise,[277] intended to block the Borbón-Parmas;[278] this strategy led him close to Carloctavistas and Sivattistas.[279] In 1966 he supported referendum on Ley Organica, considering it a stepping stone towards a Traditionalist ideal;[280] despite this, some scholars dub him "isolated anti-regime sniper".[281] In 1968 Franco, always keen to exploit differences, received Tejada to discuss the monarchical question; during their only personal meeting,[282] the dictator was treated to legitimist discourse reverting to the Braganza solution.[283]

The turn of the decades spelled a political disaster for Tejada: the Alfonsist pretender was nominated as the future king and Carlism was firmly taken over by the hugocarlistas. On the official front, in 1972 he was trialed for anti-government remarks.[284] On the Carlist front, his 1971 last-minute doctrinal summary, ¿Qué es el carlismo?,[285] made the Traditionalist position crystal clear, but failed to prevent transformation of Javierismo into the socialist-dominated Partido Carlista.[286] During last years of Francoism he witnessed and indeed contributed to increasing decomposition of Traditionalism. In 1972 he was skeptical about launching an anti-hugocarlista organization on the Requeté basis[287] and ridiculed its leaders,[288] attracting some criticism in return.[289] However, he engaged in another anti-hugocarlista initiative, Real Tercio de Requetés de Castilla, and neared the youngest of the Borbón-Parmas, Don Sixto, considered even his intellectual mentor.[290] In 1975 he accepted Don Sixto as royal leader, though neither as a claimant nor regent but as a vaguely styled "abanderado de la Tradición".[291] In bitter public skirmishes with partisans of Partido Carlista,[292] following death of Franco Tejada attempted to build a new Carlist organization, born in 1977 as Comunión Católico-Monárquica-Legitimista.[293] During the electoral campaign it joined forces[294] with Unión Nacional Española and Fuerza Nueva in Alianza Nacional 18 de Julio; Tejada was scheduled to run from the Seville[295] list for the Senate.[296] When leaders of the alliance declared themselves faithful to the thought of Franco he replied in public that Franco was the greatest ever enemy of Carlism[297] and withdrew.[298] In one of his last interviews he expressed anxiety about forthcoming partidocracia.[299]

Reception and legacy

In the post-war Spain Tejada gained prominence principally as a theorist of law; present day scholars either suggest that Francoist setting provided a favorable background for domination of iusnaturalismo against other schools,[300] or bluntly claim that Neoescolástica was the regime's means of auto-legitimization,[301] enforced and disguised as "pluralism".[302] His writings on history of political thought were appreciated if could have been presented as picturing the regime as ultimate climax of Hispanic tradition, while Traditionalist theory of politics – acceptable in the 1950s – when assuming a decisively Carlist flavor was clearly unwelcome in the 1970s.[303]

During and after the Second Restoration[304] Tejada's opus went dramatically out of fashion; already by the end of his life he was invoked in the press as a ridiculous fanatic who did not even merit a response,[305] while later – among occasional courteous references[306] – he was venomously denounced as "distinguida personalidad del franquismo".[307] In 1986 Gabriella Pèrcopo co-founded Fundación Francisco Elías de Tejada,[308] which pays tribute[309] to his thought[310] by promoting Hispanic studies.[311] Two institutions he set up, Centro Zumalacárregui[312] and Asociación "Felipe II",[313] are active until today, organizing conferences and issuing own publications;[314] some of these initiatives are supported financially[315] by Ministry of Education[316] and Real Academia de Ciencias Morales y Políticas.[317] RACMYP holds also a massive[318] Tejada's library.[319]

Already in 1977 Tejada lamented that Spanish universities were becoming mimetic replicas of the European ones;[320] some claim that indeed, in the 1980s and 1990s Traditionalism as scientific school was almost entirely eradicated from Spanish academic realm,[321] though they also point to a number of active scholars[322] who might be considered either Tejada's disciples[323] or heavily influenced by his thought.[324] Beyond the Hispanic and Lusitanian realm it hardly made an impact, though there are exceptions.[325] Bibliography on Elías is nearing a hundred titles. The key one is a monograph by Miguel Ayuso (1994);[326] apart from three other volumes,[327] the remaining titles are articles fathered mostly by his followers and published in specialized reviews.[328] The 2008 anniversary of Tejada's death produced a few memorial articles ranging from Chile[329] to Poland.[330] General assessment of Tejada's scholarly standing seems far from agreed. Some point to his massive production[331] and suggest that having been among greatest intellectuals of his time[332] he led a school of his own,[333] building a holistic "sistema tejadiano"[334] or "pensamiento tejadiano".[335] Others consider him either mostly a law theorist[336] or mostly a student of Hispanidad.[337] His followers point also to his charming personality[338] and acknowledging massive erudition, call him a genius monster.[339] Others suggest that he was a little-minded, vindictive,[340] impossible to deal with bigot of an overgrown ego,[341] his career enabled by anti-democratic nature of the Francoist regime,[342] dubbed "reaccionario"[343] and the passion of his life, "tradición española", referred to as "ni es tradición ni es española".[344] In the compromise version, he is either presented as notable but second-rate representative of Traditionalism[345] or as an erudite eminent for some of his case studies.[346]

See also

Further reading

External links

Notes and References

  1. Jacek Bartyzel, Karlista w "Caudilandii". Francisco Elías de Tejada wobec frankizmu, [in:] Jacek Bartyzel, Nic bez Boga, nic wbrew tradycji, Radzymin 2015,, p. 238
  2. ABC 27.07.77, available here
  3. La Epoca 16.05.13, available here
  4. Juan Vallet de Goytisolo, Esbozo del pensamiento jurídico de Elías de Tejada, [in:] Verbo 191-2 (1981), p. 106
  5. Gonzalo Fernández de la Mora, Elías de Tejada, el hombre y sus libros, [in:] Francisco Elías de Tejada y Spínola (1917-1977) [sic!]. El hombre y la obra, Madrid 1989, p. 8
  6. Elías de Tejada, Francisco, 1917-1978, [in:] Fundacion Ignacio Larramendi service, available here. In the 1930s a handful of them held estates larger than 5,000 ha - Fernando Hidalgo Lerdo de Tejada, Archivos, 957: Archivo de la Diputación Provincial de Badajoz, [in:] Hidalgo & Suárez, Estudio de Historia y Genealogía service 14.04.14, available here
  7. Justininano and Hermógenes were recorded in 1881 as abogados, Anuario del comercio, de la industria, de la magistratura y de la administración 1881, available here
  8. ABC 07.05.70, available here
  9. La Correspondencia de España 01.09.13, available here
  10. El Indispensable para el abogado y el útil para los demás 1914, p. 182, available here
  11. La Correspondencia de España 01.09.13
  12. ABC 30.12.53, available here
  13. for its recent fate see El Confidencial Digital 02.11.05, available here, also CEE Finca el Río, SA [in:] Servicio de Información sobre Discapacidad service, available here
  14. the couple had 2 children, both boys, ABC 21.12.56, available here
  15. "nacido en Madrid, pero de patria extremeña" – quoted after Fundación Elías de Tejada service, available here. See also Miguel Ayuso Torres, Francisco Elías de Tejada y Spínola, 30 años después, [in:] Anales de la Fundación Francisco Elías de Tejada XIV (2008), p. 15. Some scholars claim that in a metaphorical way, he was also (and felt himself so) "napolitano, sardo y contés, catalán y aragonés, vasco y portugués, andalúz y gallego", Estanislao Cantero, Francisco Elías de Tejada y la tradición española, [in:] Anales de la Fundación Francisco Elías de Tejada I (1995), p. 123. He even distinguished a specific Andalusian identity and admitted it, Lorca Navarrete, José F. Lora Navarrete, La tradición andaluza sagún Elías de Tejada, [in:] Ángel Sánchez de la Torre (ed.), Francisco Elías de Tejada. Figura y pensamiento, Madrid 1995, pp. 103-108, María del Carmen Fernández de la Cigoña, Varios autores. Francisco Elías de Tejada y Spinola: Figura y pensamiento [review], [in:] Anales de la Fundación Francisco Elías de Tejada 2 (1996), p. 192. Some scholars refer to his "extremeñismo apasionado", see Goytisolo 1981, p. 106
  16. Goytisolo 1981, p. 106
  17. according to an anecdote, during college meals one student used to read aloud passages from a book, and afterwards Tejada could have repeated them almost literally
  18. ABC 27.07.77, available here
  19. José Martín Brocos Fernández, Una pequeña historia del Carlismo del siglo XX a través de tres semblanzas: Tomás Domínguez Arévalo, José María Arauz de Robles y Francisco Elías de Tejada, [in:] Arbil 120 (2005), available here
  20. Goytisolo 1981, p. 106, Bartyzel 2015, p. 239
  21. Jesús Vallejo, Elías de Tejada y Spínola, Francisco (1917-1978) entry, [in:] Diccionario de Catedráticos Españoles de Derecho service 2015, available here
  22. born 1903, he volunteered to Nationalist troops and was killed in action on April 5, 1937 on the Madrid front, Cantero 1995, p. 128, also Goytisolo 1981, p. 106, Bartyzel 2015, p. 238
  23. Goytisolo 1981, p. 107, also Elías de Tejada Spínola, Francisco entry, [in:] Gonzalo Díaz Díaz, Hombres y documentos de la filosofía española, v. 3, Madrid 1998,, p. 22
  24. in Berlin and Frankfurt a/M, Vallejo 2015
  25. Goytisolo 1981, p. 107
  26. crossing the Pyrenees from France to Navarre, Vallejo 2015
  27. according to his own statement, "la horda roja asesinó veintitrés parientes próximos", quoted after Vallejo 2015. For events in Granja de Torrehermosa in September 1936 see Rodrigo González Ortín, Extremadura bajo la influencia soviética, Badajoz 1937, pp. 65-68, available here, also ABC 24.09.39, available here. The nationalist troops conquered Granja de Torrehermosa in early October 1936, see ABC (Seville) 06.10.1936, available here, though the area remained in the immediate rear of the frontline until early 1939, compare e.g. ABC (Seville) 05.02.38, available here. In January 1939 Granja was conquered by the Republican troops during their last offensive of the war; exact day is not clear, compare La Vanguardia 10.01.39, available here, and La Vanguardia 17.01.39, available here. Some time afterwards – probably in February 1939 – Granja was re-taken by the Nationalists
  28. Vallejo 2015
  29. Goytisolo 1981, p. 107
  30. and stayed there until December 1936, Vallejo 2015
  31. Vallejo 2015
  32. Alférez asimilado de Ingenieros at Parque de Automovilismo del Ejército Sur
  33. Vallejo 2015
  34. José Manuel Cuenca Toribio, M. Ayuso Torres: La filosofía jurídica y política de Francisco Elias de Tejada, Madrid, Fundación Elias de Tejada, 1994 [review], [in:] Revista de Estudios Políticos (Nueva Época) 85 (1994), p. 370
  35. ABC 01.05.62, available here
  36. Pablo Ramírez Jerez, La biblioteca de D. Francisco Elías de Tejada, [in:] Anales de la Fundación Francisco Elías de Tejada 19 (2013), p. 205
  37. her grandfather, Erasmo Pércopo was a distinguished scholar of the University of Naples
  38. Bartyzel 2015, p. 241
  39. Fernández de la Mora 1989, p. 9, ABC 27.07.77, available here
  40. compare ABC 23.01.11, available here
  41. ABC 19.04.77, available here
  42. Vallejo 2015
  43. titled El pensamiento jurídico-político español en nuestros clásicos de los siglos XVI y XVII, Vallejo 2015
  44. ABC (Sevilla) 17.10.37, available here
  45. ABC (Sevilla) 18.01.39, available here
  46. Vallejo 2015
  47. Bartyzel 2015, p. 239
  48. Brocos Fernández 2005
  49. there were 4 candidates for 2 chairs vacant, see Yolanda Blasco Gil, Jorge Correa Ballester, Primeras oposiciones y concursos de Filosofía del Derecho tras la Guerra Civil (1940-1941), [in:] Facultades y grados. X Congreso Internacional de Historia de las universidades hispánicas, vol. 1, Valencia 2010. Tejada came with the most imposing publishing record, but referees noted that he "no responde a las cuestiones de la filosofía del derecho", suffers from "falta de reflexión" and "exceso de transcripción" (264), is too much sociology oriented and not adhering to the point (265), disoriented, with some "inexactitudes" and lyrical divagations (266), and finally, immature (267)
  50. exact sequence of the events is not clear
  51. Vallejo 2015
  52. Francisco Fernández Serrano, Francisco Elias de Tejada y Spínola, extremeño universal, [in:] Alcantara 191 (1978), p. 24
  53. Brocos Fernández 2005
  54. Brocos Fernández 2005, Vallejo 2015
  55. Vallejo 2015
  56. the University was initially unwilling to concede such a long leave, Vallejo 2015
  57. according to the Spanish system of the time, it limited Tejada right to teach to one institution, Vallejo 2015
  58. Vallejo 2015
  59. described as "isolated sniper" waging war against the regime, in the 1970s Tejada protested official designs aiming at curtailing academic liberties, Alberto Carrillo-Linares, Subversivos y malditos en la Universidad de Sevilla (1965-1977), Sevilla 2008,, pp. 264, 495, 520. For conflicting views on his stance towards students see Carrillo-Linare 2008, p. 343 (defending students' participation in academic life) and Vallejo 2015 (authoritarian policeman)
  60. bid for Filosofía del Derecho at Universidad Complutense; he withdrew, Vallejo 2015
  61. for the post of Profesor Agregado de Historia del Pensamiento Político Español de la Facultad de Ciencias Políticas y Sociología de la Universidad Complutense de Madrid; it appears that the contes was an obligatory procedure for certain category of scholars, Vallejo 2015
  62. for cátedra de Derecho Natural y Filosofía del Derecho de la Universidad Autónoma de Madrid
  63. according to Tejada, the works he produced as references required knowledge of Akkadian, Agni, Akikuyu, Arab, Ashanti, Baoule, Bete, Czech, Chinese, Croatian, Danish, Finnish, Gouro, modern Greek, Hebrew, Dutch, Icelandic, Japanese, Malay, Norwegian, Polish, Romanian, Russian, Sanskrit, Senoufo, Swedish, Swahili, Basque, Vietnamese and Zulu
  64. allegedly his defeat produced a sigh of relief among the Madrid staff; opinion of his rival Elías Díaz, see Elías Díaz, Autobiografia intelectual, [in:] Anthropos. Revista de Documentacion Cientifica de la Cultura 62 (1986), pp. 7-9
  65. Vallejo 2015
  66. Vallejo 2015; according to some scholars he died when delivering a lecture, see Jacek Bartyzel, Franciszek Elías de Tejada y Spínola - hidalgo, filozof, karlista, [in:] haggard service, available here
  67. e.g. the Brazilian Academy of Social Sciences and the Argentine National University of Buenos Aires
  68. also outside Europe, Bartyzel 2015, p. 240
  69. Vallejo 2015
  70. he defended students' participation in academic governance bodies against the official schemes, Carrillo-Linares 2008, p. 343
  71. Jacek Bartyzel, Franciszek Elías de Tejada y Spínola - hidalgo, filozof, karlista
  72. also later mayor of Madrid and co-author of the 1978 constitution, César Alonso de los Ríos, El viejo profesor, [in:] El Mundo 121, available here. For a sample of PhD thesis written under Tejada guidance see Vicente Marrero Suárez, La fundamentación filosófica de una filosofía jurídico-social en la obra del P. Ramírez [PhD Universidad de Sevilla, 1970], available here
  73. Elías Díaz 1986, pp. 7-9
  74. which consisted mostly of embarking on voyages around the world, posed as scientific research missions, Vallejo 2015
  75. students voiced their disgust with de Tejada by interrupting his lectures with charivari demonstrations, Vallejo 2015; the case is dubbed "banal" and his complaints to university authorities are deemed "illustrative of his character and ideas"
  76. Antonio-Enrique Pérez Luño, Natural Law Theory in Spain and Portugal, [in:] The Age of Human Rights Journal 1 (2013), pp. 7-8
  77. also Francisco de Vitoria and Domingo de Soto, Samuele Cecotti, F. Elías de Tejada: Europa, Tradizione, Liberta [review], [in:] Rassegna Bibliografica Mensile 3 (2005), p. 209, also Miguel Ayuso Torres, Francisco Elías de Tejada en la ciencia jurídico-política, [in:] Anales de la Fundación Francisco Elías de Tejada 3 (1997), p. 21
  78. Fernández de la Mora 1989, p. 12
  79. some scholars consider de Tejada a disciple of neo-scholastic "escuela de Mariano Puigdollers", a natural law academic from Madrid, Ángeles López Moreno, Enfoques actuales a cerca del contenido temático de la Filosofía del Derecho, [in:] Funciones y fines del derecho: estudios en homenaje al profesor Mariano Hurtado Bautista, Marid 1992,, p. 500
  80. he claimed supremacy of "prudencia iuris" over what he considered technical or scientific threads, Ayuso 2008, pp. 15-16
  81. compare Pérez Luño 2013
  82. Ayuso 1997, p. 22; this opinion is not shared universally; a recently published anthology of 20th century Thomist theorists of law ignore de Tejada, see Ottavo de Bertolis, Fulvio de Blasi (eds.), Il tomismo giuridico del XX secolo, Torino 2015,
  83. see his El Derecho Natural, fundamento de la civilización, [in:] Revista chilena de derecho 1 (1974), pp. 287-303
  84. Ayuso 2008, p. 16
  85. Goytisolo 1981, p. 112
  86. Fernández de la Cigoña 1986, p. 190
  87. falling into 4 sections: saber jurídico común (commonly shared knowledge), saber técnico (juridical formulas), saber científico (systematic, specialized and verifiable knowledge) and saber filosófico (ultimate, permanent, invariable principles), Goytisolo 1981, p. 117
  88. Ayuso 1997, p. 22, also Luis Legaz y Lacambra, Die Tendenzen der Rechtsphilosophie in Spanien in den letzten zehn Jahren, [in:] Archiv für Rechts- und Sozialphilosophie 45/4 (1959), p. 573
  89. Pérez Luño 2013, pp. 7-8
  90. Ayuso 2008, p. 20; now the institution is transformed into Consejo de Estudios Hispánicos "Felipe II", see its website available here
  91. for discussion of controversies see Fernández de la Cigoña 1986, p. 190
  92. Pérez Luño 2013, p. 8; the author classifies this view as Catholic Existentialism, though Tejada himself did not use the term
  93. Goytisolo 1981, p. 113, Ayuso 2008, p. 16, Ayuso 1997, p. 21
  94. Estanislao Cantero, Sobre una interpretación de la definición del derecho de Elías de Tejada, [in:] Anales de la Fundación Elías de Tejada 2 (1996), p. 152
  95. Cantero 1996, p. 152-3
  96. for his ambiguous distinction if not indeed confusion of a law, a right and a norm see Cantero 1996, p. 152
  97. Ayuso 1997, p. 21. According to Tejada, a law is political norm with ethical content, a 3-dimensional definition covering formal (norm), factual (politics) and axiologic (ethics) dimensions, Fernández de la Cigoña 1986, p. 190
  98. see opinions of Mariano Hurtado Bautista referred after Fernández de la Cigoña 1986, pp. 197-205
  99. Francisco Puy, referred after Ayuso 2008, p. 16, Cantero 1996, p. 145
  100. Cantero 1996, p. 145
  101. Cantero 1996, p. 147
  102. Cantero 1996, pp. 150-1, 157
  103. starting with Spain, but covering also major European entities like Germany and England, smaller countries like Romania, Finland or Norway, Asian civilisations like Japan, Thailand or the Borneo tribes, and even the Soviet Union
  104. some scholars flag lingering questions as to how general principles of law should be substituted by hispanic natural law, see Cantero 1996, p. 149
  105. Introducción al estudio de la ontología jurídica
  106. e.g. Relaciones entre política y derecho, [in:] Verbo, 461-462 (2008), pp. 13-35
  107. discussing over 800 authors, referred after Fernández de la Mora 1989, pp. 9-10
  108. considered also his single most important work of all, Fernández de la Mora 1989, p. 9
  109. its 4 main areas were ontologia jurídica, sociología jurídica, lógica jurídica and derecho natural, Ayuso 2008, p. 9
  110. according to a dedicated bibliographical study - Consuelo Caballero Baruque, Francisco Elias de Tejada: bibliografia, Perugia 1984 - Tejada wrote 278 books (libros, opúsculos y monografías) and authored or co-authored 374 works including minor ones, referred after Ayuso 1997, p. 15, also Miguel Ayuso Torres, La filosofía jurídica y política de Francisco Elías de Tejada, Madrid 1994,, p. 40. The largest number of his works is available either via Fundacion Ignacio Larramendi available here or via the Dialnet Unirioja service, available here
  111. either the key or the most representative ones are: Introducción al estudio de la ontología jurídica (1942); El hegelismo jurídico español (1944); Historia de la filosofía del derecho y del Estado (I-II, 1946); La filosofía jurídica en la España actual (1949); La filosofía del derecho y del Estado en Rumanía (1949); Si es posible una filosofía jurídica existencialista acristiana (1950); Filosofía del Trabajo, Madrid, Editorial Revista de Derecho Privado (1955), La filosofía del derecho en Finlandia (1951), La filosofía jurídica en la Noruega contemporanea (1954), Il tempo nella filosofia giuridica di Kant, [in:] Rivista Internazionale di Filosofia del Diritto 24 (1957), Derecho y ley en José Ortega y Gasset, [in:] Anales de la Cátedra Francisco Suárez 5-6 (1965-66), Memoria sobre el concepto, método, fuente, programa y plan de la asignatura Filosofía del Derecho y Derecho Natura (1968), Ciencia, ciencias y filosofía en Hegel, [in:] Anales de la Cátedra Francisco Suárez 9-10 (1969-70), El Adat de los dayak de Borneo ante la filosofía del Derecho, [in:] Revista de Estudios Políticos 183-184 (1972), La cuestión de la vigencia del derecho natural, [in:] Francisco Puy (ed.), El derecho natural hispánico. Actas de las I Jornadas Hispánicas de Derecho Natural (1973), El saber filosófico en la aplicación del Derecho, [in:] Anuario de Filosofía del Derecho 17 (1973-74), El derecho natural, fundamento de la civilización, [in:] Revista Chilena de Derecho 1-2 (1974), 287-303; [with José F. Lorca Navarrete and Pablo Badillo O'Farrell:] Estudios de derecho bantú. Trabajos realizados en el Seminario de Derecho Africano en el Departamento de Filosofía del Derecho de la Facultad de Derecho de la Universidad de Sevilla (1974), El futuro del derecho bantú, [in:] Anuario de Filosofía del Derecho 19 (1976-77), Tratado de filosofía del derecho (I-II, 1974-1977), Los principios generales del derecho en el artículo 1 del Código civil reformado en 1973, [in:] El título preliminar del Código civil v. 1 (1977)
  112. Gerónimo Castillo de Bovadilla (1939)
  113. Las doctrinas políticas en la Cataluña medieval (1950), Historia del pensamiento político catalán (co-authored with Gabriella Pèrcopo, 1963-1965), Balmes en la tradición política de Cataluña, [in:] El otro Balmes, Sevilla 1974
  114. Navarra-España en los escritores navarros medievales, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 5/17 (1944), La literatura política en la Navarra medieval, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 17/63 (1956)
  115. El Señorío de Vizcaya hasta 1812 (1963), La provincia de Guipúzcoa (1965)
  116. Tres escritores extremeños: Micael de Carvajal, José Cascales Muñoz, José López Prudencio (1950), El concepto de lo extremeño. En la filosofia y en el arte (1949), Para una intepretación extremeña de Donoso Cortes (1944), José Cascales Muñoz, sociólogo extremeño del 98, [in:] Revista de la Facultad de Derecho de Madrid 17 (1949)
  117. El concepto del Reino de Valencia (1974)
  118. La tradición gallega (1944)
  119. Historia de la literatura política en las Españas (I-III, 1991), Las Españas. Formación histórica, tradiciones regionales (1948)
  120. Las doctrinas políticas en Portugal. Edad Media (1943), La Tradición portuguesa. Los orígenes 1140-1521 (1999)
  121. El Franco-Contado hispánico (1975), La Franche-Comté hispanique, (1977), El pensamiento político del Franco-Contado de Borgoña, [in:] Anales de la Universidad Hispalense 27 (1966)
  122. Cerdeña hispánica (1960), El pensamiento político del reino hispánico de Cerdeña (1954)
  123. Nápoles hispánico (I-V, 1958-1964)
  124. referred after Cantero 1995, p. 145, Ayuso 2008, p. 19
  125. Ayuso 2008, p. 19
  126. As doctrinas políticas de Farías Bito (1952); Las doctrinas políticas de Raimundo Farías Bito (1953), José Pedro Galvão de Sousa en la cultura brasileña, [in:] Verbo 221-222 (1984)
  127. El pensamiento político de los fundadores de Nueva Granada (1955)
  128. Fernández de la Mora 1989, p. 11
  129. detailed discussion in Bernardino Montejano, Las Españas Americanas seguñ Elías de Tejada (pp. 109-119), Clovis Lema García, As Espanhas Luso-Brasileiras (pp. 121-126), Silvio Vitale, La Napoli Ispanica (pp. 127-133), [all in:] Ángel Sánchez de la Torre (ed.), Francisco Elías de Tejada. Figura y pensamiento, Madrid 1995,
  130. Cantero 1995, p. 131
  131. Ayuso 1997, pp. 24-5
  132. Ayuso 2008, p. 18
  133. Cantero 1995, p. 144
  134. Cantero 1995, p. 148
  135. Cantero 1995, pp. 129, 141
  136. Cantero 1995, pp. 143, 145
  137. Cecotti 2005, p. 209
  138. more in Consuelo Martínez-Sicluna y Sepúlveda, La antinomia Europa-España según Elías de Tejada, [in:] Ángel Sánchez de la Torre (ed.), Francisco Elías de Tejada. Figura y pensamiento, Madrid 1995, pp. 75-93
  139. Ayuso 1997, p. 25
  140. Cecotti 2005, p. 205
  141. Ayuso 1997, pp. 24-5
  142. Cantero 1995, p. 151
  143. Ayuso 1997, pp. 24-5
  144. Cantero 1995, p. 132
  145. Cantero 1995, p. 142
  146. Cantero 1995, p. 134
  147. Cantero 1995, p. 147, Goytisolo 1981, p. 113
  148. Cuenca Toribio 1994, p. 370
  149. Cantero 1995, pp. 123-4, Fernández de la Mora 1989, pp. 11-12
  150. Ayuso 1997, p. 23. Indeed Tejada started reading Menendez at the age of 13, Cantero 1995, p. 128
  151. Notas para una teoría del Estado según nuestros autores clásicos, siglos XVI y XVII (1937), Ideas políticas de Ángel Ganivet (1939)
  152. La Franche-Comté hispanique (1977)
  153. and considered – after Tratado de Derecho – Tejada's second most important work, Fernández de la Mora 1989, p. 10
  154. spanning across 5 volumes and 2300 pages, co-authored with his wife and the result of 7 years spent on research mission in Naples
  155. it was intended to cover 11 volumes; only 3 were published, 2 of them co-authored with his wife
  156. a contemporary scholar notes that the young Tejada seemed determined to prove that even the works of Aristotle led straight to the caudillaje theory, though he paid particula attention to mounting it within a Hispanic tradition, Bartyzel 2015, pp. 253-4
  157. Ayuso 1997, p. 32
  158. La figura del Caudillo (1939), contributed to theoretical basis of Francoism and placed de Tejada in line with Juan Beneyto Pérez, Francisco Javier Conde García and Luis Legaz Lacambra, key law theorists of the early regime, Bartyzel 2015, p. 253, also Sergio Fernández Riquelme, Sociología, corporativismo y política social en España. Las décadas del pensamiento corporativo en España: de Ramiro de Maeztu a Gonzalo Fernández de la Mora, 1877-1977 [PhD thesis Universidad de Murcia] 2008, pp. 447, 560-561
  159. Monarquía y Caudillaje (1941) already differentiated between a fundamental caudillaje and a circumstantial dictatorship, Bartyzel 2015, p. 257, also Sebastián Martín, Los juristas en la gènesis del franquismo ¿Un contraste posible?, [in:] Italo Birocchi, Luca Loschiavo (eds.), I giuristi e il fascino del regime, Roma 2015,, pp. 412-413
  160. Cuenca Toribio 1994, p. 374
  161. anti-Francoist pamphlets of the era pamphlets remained in manuscripts: Los principados carismáticos según los clásicos españoles, El caudillaje es la tiranía anticatólica and Tríptico sobre las dictaduras (dating uncertain, most likely early or mid 1940s), Bartyzel 2015, p. 260
  162. according to a sympathetic author Tejada relationship with Franquism was fluctuating and justified impression of some collaboration, but in fact was marked by refusal to compromise ideals, Ayuso 1997, pp. 32-3
  163. Fernández de la Mora 1989, pp. 7-8; Traditionalist thinkers in general remained cautious towards Francoism, though there were exceptions, the most notable one Vicente Marrero, Ayuso 1997, p. 33
  164. "in the first and shortest stage, between 1939 and 1941, Elías de Tejada was an enthusiast of the national-syndicalist state and theorist of the caudillaje system of power. In the second stage (1941–1955), starting from a distinction between dictatorship and caudillaje, now equated only with rightful and traditional monarchy, he became a radical and intransigent opponent of General Franco's personal dictatorship, calling it scornfully "Caudiland" and seeing the authoritarian regime as one of the forms of political modernism and totalitarianism, contrary to the Spanish and Catholic tradition. In the third stage (from 1955 to Franco's death), while not changing his critical opinion of the regime and its leader, he tended to pursue a "possibilistic cultural policy" within the regime", Jacek Bartyzel, Tradycjonalizm a dyktatura. Francisco Elías de Tejada y Spínola wobec frankizmu, [in:] Marek Maciejewski, Tomasz Scheffler (eds.), Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 36/2 (2014), p. 7
  165. e.g. "enmarcado dentro de la ideologia carlista, tradicional-conservadora y defensora del regimen del general Franco", Elías de Tejada, Francisco entry [in:] Gran Enciclopedia de España vol. 8, Madrid 1992,, p. 3520
  166. Anna Caballé, Arcadi Espada, Entrevista a Alonso de los Rios, [in:] Boletin de la Unidad de Estudios Biograficos 3 (1998), p. 78; this opinion has also filtered out to popular discourse abroad, compare "Übereinstimmend mit ihren faschistischen Vorbildern, herrschte auch in der Falange das Führerprinzip. Die Partei verkörperte den Willen des Volkes, Franco brachte ihn zum Ausdruck. Seine Entscheidungen waren als "Quell der Souveränität" und "Wurzel irdischer Macht" unanfechtbar, wie der Rechtsphilosoph Francisco Elías de Tejada 1939 pathetisch ausführte", Carlos Collado Seidel, Der General, der Krieg und die Kirche, [in:] Die Zeit 27.08.13
  167. see e.g. a theory that the caudillaje period of Tejada was brief and ambiguous, hence he can not be named theorist of caudillaje or nacional-sindicalismo, Ayuso 1997, p. 32; notably, starting early 1940s Tejada in private ironically referred to the Francoist Spain as "caudillandia", see Bartyzel 2015
  168. or more specifically, as a "Carlist Traditionalist", Ayuso 1997, p. 32
  169. Jorge Novella, El pensamiento reaccionario español, 1812-1975: tradición y contrarrevolución en España, Madrid 2007,, pp. 248-9, esp. the chapter El franquismo tradicionalista: Elías de Tejada y Fernández de la Mora
  170. Pablo Ramírez Jerez, La Biblioteca de D. Francisco Elías de Tejada, [in:] Anales de la Fundación Francisco Elías de Tejada 19 (2013), p. 206
  171. along Gambra, d'Ors and Canals, who elevated the Carlist doctrine to its highest levels just when the Carlist movement started to fall into profound crisis, Miguel Ayuso, El Carlismo y su signo, [in:] Anales de la Fundación Francisco Elías de Tejada 14 (2008) [furtherly referred as Ayuso 2008 (2)], p. 125; some commentators noticed that "die Eule der Minerva beginnt erst mit der einbrechenden Dämmerung ihren Flug"; there are scholars who think that "among the Carlist thinkers of the post-war period, the first place goes to Rafael Gambra", Adam Wielomski, Hiszpania Franco, Biała Podlaska 2006,, p. 234
  172. in a recent, 6,000-word encyclopaedic entry on Traditionalism, Elías de Tejada is treated marginally; paragraphs dedicated to the Francoist period highlight rather Rafael Calvo Serrer and other Juanista intellectuals. De Tejada is named representative of "tradicionalismo carlista", presented as a secondary thread accommodated within a broad scope of Calvo Serrer's project. Pedro Carlos González Cuevas, Tradicionalismo, [in:] Javier Fernández Sebastián (ed.), Diccionario político y social del siglo XX español, Madrid 2008,, pp. 1171-1172; similar perspective in Pedro Carlos Gonzalez Cuevas, El pensamiento político de la derecha española an el siglo XX, Madrid 2005, ; Tejada is noted 4 times, Calvo Serrer is noted 8 times and Gonzalo Fernández de la Mora 18 times
  173. other Catholic countries capable of developing own response failed to do so, Germany falling into Romantic speculativism, France disintegrating into post-revolutionary schemes and Poland pursuing independentist political illusion. Tejada clearly distinguished between Spanish traditionalism, rooted in history and religion, and European neotraditionalisms, as speculative and deprived of the godly and monarchical ingredient, Ayuso 2008 (2), p. 129-130, Ayuso 1997, pp. 26-27. European quasi-Traditionalism was created with anti-revolutionary intention, but deprived of religious and onthological ingredient and was a strategy rather than a system of thought, Joaquim Veríssimo Serrão, Alfonso Bullón de Mendoza, La contrarrevolución legitimista, 1688-1876, Madrid 1995,, pp 24-25
  174. the rupture took place on 5 levels: the religious one of Luther, the moral one of Machiavelli, the political one of Bodin, the juridical one of Grocio and Hobbes and the administrative one of the Westphalia Treaty, Ayuso 2008 (2), p. 129, Ayuso 1997, p. 25, Cantero 1995, p. 149
  175. Ayuso 1997, p. 26
  176. Cecotti 2005, p. 208; Tejada despised nation-states as born out of nationalisms, new movements not rooted in traditions, Ayuso 2008, pp. 17-18, 23
  177. Tejada clearly differentiated Traditionalism from Carlism, Ayuso 2008 (2), p. 127
  178. he considered Carlism the guardian and depositary of the Spanish tradition if not Traditionalism itself, Cantero 1995, p. 154. He also noted that "un tradicinalismo español sin carlismo se mueve en el orden de una consideración de la esencia sin la existencia", quoted after Fernández Riquelme 2008, p. 562
  179. he deemed religion the key unifying factor of Hispanic realm, though unlike Gambra, d'Ors or Canals, he did not make it the primary and decisive topic, see Ayuso 2008 (2).
  180. Ayuso 1997, p. 30
  181. Jacek Bartyzel, Elías de Tejada y Spinola Francisco, [in:] legitymizm service, available here. As a Catholic he remained deeply conservative, very uneasy with the Second Vatican Council and never reconciled with its outcome (Fernández de la Mora 1989, p. 8, Jacek Bartyzel, Franciszek Elías de Tejada y Spínola - hidalgo, filozof, karlista). Profoundly religious but not clerical, he commenced to assume anti-clerical shape following increasingly democratic and progressive stand of the Church – both global and Spanish (see his pun "Pablo Sexto – Mao Sexto", Bartyzel 2015, p. 241), or kept referring to Paul VI as "Montini" (Aquilino Duque, Menéndez Pelayo y la Universidad Internacional de Verano, [in:] Fundacion Nacional Francisco Franco service, available here). Invitation for him to join the Second Vatican Council has been issued, but for unclear reason has never reached him (Brocos Fernández 2005). Tejada was particularly hostile to the Christian-Democratic format of religion-inspired policy making, and allegedly developed hatred for its embodiment, Opus Dei, Javier Lavardin [José Antonio Parilla], Historia del ultimo pretendiente a la corona de España, Paris 1976, p. 146
  182. i.e. rooted in local traditions and based on common historical identity. He kept claiming that peoples (pueblos) are traditions, not nations, and repeated after Enrique Gil Robles that there is no life beyond tradition, Ayuso 2008, pp. 17, Ayuso 1997, p. 23
  183. Tejada remained vehemently against the free-market idea, deemed born out of the liberal concept; instead he advocated a Christianity-guided state-exercised control, which would prevent excesses of exploitation and injustice, Cecotti 2005, p. 208
  184. by no means absolutist, monarchical rights were limited by traditionalist bodies and the laws of God, permitting deposition of a monarch who does not obey, Fernández de la Mora 1989, p. 12, Ayuso 1997, p. 31
  185. representation is to be channeled via traditional bodies and not by means of universal suffrage; all individuals were entitled to representation, but not as equals, Ayuso 1997, p. 31
  186. a fuero was considered an intrincic element of political order, embodying all traditional rights and forming organic part of the totality, as opposed to allegedly invented anthropologic abstractions and mechanicist politics fuelling revolutionary thought, Ayuso 1997, p. 27, Fernández Riquelme 2008, p. 561
  187. distinctive pueblos are to be self-governed, united by the same faith and same monarch, Ayuso 2008 (2), p. 131
  188. Ayuso 2008 (2), p. 131; it is also referred to as "apostolic", i.e. exercising a mission with respect to other political entities
  189. i.e. society of societies, all separate components united in one integrity which does not infringe their plurality, commonality, autonomy, decentralisation, natural hierarchy, localisation and personalization, Ayuso 1997, p. 29; other scholars consider Tejada'a organicism a smoke-screen formula intended to disguise dictatorial nature of the Francoist regime, Fernández Riquelme 2008, p. 540
  190. Ayuso 1997, p. 30, Evaristo Palomar Maldonado, La Monarquía Tradicional en el pensamiento de Elías de Tejada, [in:] Ángel Sánchez de la Torre (ed.), Francisco Elías de Tejada. Figura y pensamiento, Madrid 1995, pp. 177-196, also Fernández de la Cigoña 1996, p. 193; also "partidario de una Monarquia tradicional, [...] católica, social, representativa y federativa, como alternativa al totalitarismo franquista", Gonzalez Cuevas 2005, p. 190
  191. Jacek Bartyzel, Elías de Tejada y Spinola Francisco, [in:] legitymizm service
  192. he later lambasted "estatolatría hegeliana", Cuenca Toribio 1994, p. 371; in 1954 he criticised fascism and falangism as "modernist movement, confronting liberalism and Marxism by means adopted from Renan, Sorel and finally, Hegel", quoted after Wielomski 2006, p. 234
  193. allegedly rooted in Catholic, Thomist and foralist inspirations, pitted against regalist, ontology-based and centralised designs, in theory of politics, see Fundación Elías de Tejada service available here, Ayuso 2008, p. 20
  194. there is even a theory for Tejada state was a historic (i.e. not primordial, emergent in specific circumstances) concept with no given ideological content, Ayuso 1997, p. 29
  195. far beyond a juridical concept, the fueros constituted a basis of organicismo and stod for de-centralization, self-government (named "autarquía"), and "less state more society" recipé, Ayuso 1997, p. 28
  196. Cecotti 2005, p. 207, Fernández de la Mora 1989, p. 12, Fernández Riquelme 2008, p. 562
  197. Fernández de la Mora 1989, p. 12, Fernández Riquelme 2008, p. 562
  198. by no means reducible to "regionalism", Ayuso 1997, p. 29; the question whether fuero was a law or a norm seems left open, see Cantero 1996, p. 148
  199. Cecotti 2005, p. 206
  200. Cuenca Toribio 1994, p. 374
  201. La figura del Caudillo. Contribución al derecho público nacional-sindicalista (1939), El nuevo Estado nacional-sindicalista. Antecedentes y teoría, con un esbozo de una nueva teoría del Estado (1938), El pensamiento político de Falange Española y de las J.O.N.S. (1939, 1940)
  202. published in Italy as La monarchia tradizionale (1966, 2001)
  203. another title to be noted is Sacrum Imperium und überstaatliche Ordnung (1952)
  204. Discurso inaugural del Primer Congreso de Estudios Tradicionalistas (1964), Discurso inaugural del Segundo Congreso de Estudios Tradicionalistas (1968)
  205. actual contribution of all 3 authors is not clear; some scholars claim that the document was written mostly by Tejada
  206. co-authored with Gambra and Puy Muñoz (1971)
  207. Decálogo del tradicionalismo español (manuscript, 1977), Europa, tradizione, libertà. Saggi di filosofia politica (2005), Poder y libertad. Una visión desde el tradicionalismo hispánico (2008)
  208. Rafael Gambra, Elías de Tejada en el tradicionalismo político español, [in:] Ángel Sánchez de la Torre (ed.), Francisco Elías de Tejada. Figura y pensamiento, Madrid 1995, p. 5, Bartyzel 2015, p. 238
  209. exact relation is unclear; he was probably either Francisco's paternal grandfather or Francisco's paternal grandfather's brother
  210. La Discusión 24.04.64, available here; Tejada graduated in 1865, Datos Estadísticos 1865-1866, available here
  211. La Esperanza 14.05.70, available here
  212. El Solfeo 25.07.75, available here
  213. e.g. taking part in the massive Quintillo gathering of Andalusian Carlists, see also his Por qué fuí a Requete y porqué voy a Quintillo, [in:] Fundación Ignacio Larramendi service, available here
  214. according to himself "desde 1932, contando apenas quince años, milité en una de las dos organizaciones inspiradoras del Movimiento Nacional, la Comunión Tradicionalista, tomando parte activa en todas las luchas estudiantiles contra la Anti-España", quoted after Vallejo 2015
  215. which suggest that he had little to do with Carlism prior to 1936. Asked why he joined the Carlists, Tejada allegedly responded: "porque en el mapa político de España en 1936 el Requeté era la sola encarnación completa de la savia patria: el único movimiento que enarbolaba la bandera de las edades de oro de nuestros pueblos: las aspas rojas de sangre sobre el blanco teológico de la verdad católica. El Requeté era a secas España y yo soy español. Porque la amenaza europea y protestante contra las Españas sigue en pie: ejemplo, la vergonzosa actitud de las Europas "yankees" contra el hermano Portugal. Porque 1936 no fue más que un eslabón más en la larguísima cadena de nuestras luchas defendiendo la Cristiandad contra Europa: Pavía, Mühlberg, la Invencible, Nordlingen, Rocroy, el reparto de Utrecht, la ayuda inglesa al separatismo americano, el filibusterismo anglosajón del 98, la ayuda franco-inglesa a Negrín... Porque mientras las Españas sean el postrer reducto de la Cristiandad, los carlistas estaremos montando la guardia contra sus seculares enemigos", quoted after ¿Por qué fue carlista Francisco Elías de Tejada?, [in:] Reino Granada service 22.06.15, available here
  216. Vallejo 2015
  217. La figura del Caudillo. Contribución al derecho público nacional-sindicalista (1939), El nuevo Estado nacional-sindicalista. Antecedentes y teoría, con un esbozo de una nueva teoría del Estado (1938), El pensamiento político de Falange Española y de las J.O.N.S. (1939)
  218. Anna Caballé, Arcadi Espada, Entrevista a Alonso de los Rios, [in:] Boletin de la Unidad de Estudios Biograficos 3 (1998), p. 78
  219. which he admitted himself many years afterwards as an error, Cecotti 2005, p. 210
  220. see his Monarquía y caudillaje, [in:] Revista de la Facultad de Derecho de Madrid 6-7 (1941), pp. 69-88, discussed at length in Bartyzel 2015, pp. 257-258
  221. confronted with "grandeza" of its heroic origins; he advocated a new "alzamiento moral", Bartyzel 2015, p. 249; his authorship is not clear and attributed by Galarreta, see Manuel de Santa Cruz (ed.), Apuntes y documentos para la historia del tradicionalismo español (1939-1966), vol. 4, Sevilla 1979, pp. 135-139
  222. Vallejo 2015
  223. Los principados carismáticos según los clásicos españoles, El caudillaje es la tiranía anticatólica and Tríptico sobre las dictaduras, Bartyzel 2015, p. 260
  224. Vallejo 2015
  225. Bartyzel 2015, p. 261
  226. Jacek Bartyzel, Tradycjonalizm a dyktatura. Francisco Elías de Tejada y Spínola wobec frankizmu, [in:] Legitymizm service, available here, also Idoia Estornés Zubizarreta, Francisco Elías de Tejada, [in:] Auñamendi Eusko Entziklopedia, available here
  227. in 1942 with La Misión. Bartyzel 2015, p. 249
  228. Brocos Fernández 2005
  229. with the three Hernando Larramendi brothers, two Zabala brothers, Rafael Gambra, Fernando Polo, Pueyo Alvarez, González Quevedo, Amancio Portabales, Luis Ortiz y Estrada, Luis Alonso, Rafael Lluys and others; their demonstrations included e.g. not raising a hand in the Francoist salute when standing in the crowd saluting Franco during football matches in Madrid, Manuel Martorell Pérez, La continuidad ideológica del carlismo tras la Guerra Civil [PhD thesis in Historia Contemporanea, Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia], Valencia 2009, p. 205
  230. Bartyzel 2015, pp. 246-7
  231. Tejada ridiculed the referendum it in his mock Hoja Oficial del Lunes, referred after Manuel de Santa Cruz (ed.), Apuntes y documentos para la historia del tradicionalismo español (1939-1966), vol. 9, Sevilla 1981, pp. 124-129, referred after Bartyzel 2015, pp. 261-2
  232. Francisco Javier Caspistegui Gorasurreta, El naufragio de las ortodoxias: el carlismo, 1962-1977, Pamplona 1997,, p. 13. One of possible readings of the Carlist succession theory was that in case all male descendant branches are either extinguished or excluded from the throne, hereditary rights might be passed to the oldest daughter of the last king. While some Carlists applied this reading to the oldest daughter of Carlos VII, the others - including Tejada - applied it to the oldest daughter of Felipe V as the last king ruling all Spains, and successively to her last legitimate male descendant, Don Duarte, Melchor Ferrer, Historia del tradicionalismo español, vol. XXX, Sevilla 1979, pp. 71-72
  233. Bartyzel 2015, p. 248
  234. though Tejada claimed he was not a politician and did not make politics, Cantero 1995, p. 153
  235. Bartyzel 2015, p. 251
  236. e.g. in his manifesto intended for Frente Nacional Carlista, in which using his erudition he argued against dynastical claim of Carlos Pio, styled as Carlos VIII, Ayuso 1994, p. 335, Bartyzel 2015, p. 252
  237. Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 337
  238. Mercedes Vázquez de Prada Tiffe, El papel del carlismo navarro en el inicio de la fragmentación definitiva de la comunión tradicionalista (1957-1960), [in:] Príncipe de Viana 72 (2011), p. 395, Lavardin 1976, pp. 145-6
  239. some scholars claim he did not father the Declaración, Bartyzel 2015, p. 252
  240. the comisión was led by José María Valiente and was divided into 2 sub-commissions; Tejada led the one of culture, Robert Vallverdú i Martí, La metamorfosi del carlisme català: del "Déu, Pàtria i Rei" a l'Assamblea de Catalunya (1936-1975), Barcelona 2014,, p. 138
  241. according to Gambra, Fernández de la Cigoña 1996, p. 191. Similar impression might be gained in Mercedes Vázquez de Prada, El final de una ilusión. Auge y declive del tradicionalismo carlista (1957-1967), Madrid 2016,, p. 40
  242. some scholars claim that in mid-1950s Tejada considered intransigent position of Fal a mistake and advocated cautious opening towards Francoism, Bartyzel 2015, p. 263; others note that he voiced against collaborationist stand of Valiente, Mercedes Vázquez de Prada Tiffe, El nuevo rumbo político del carlismo hacia la colaboración con el régimen (1955-56), [in:] Hispania 69 (2009), p. 190
  243. Vázquez de Prada 2009, p. 190
  244. Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 393
  245. Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 41
  246. he advocated traditionalist monarchy as the only viable longtime option using his personal contacts, e.g. in 1956 talking with Jesús Salas, then vice-secretary of Movimiento, Vázquez de Prada 2009, p. 203
  247. Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 432. In 1959 he was fined 30,000 ptas by the civil governor of Huelva for organizing a conference deemed hostile to the regime, Vallejo 2015
  248. El profesor Francisco Elias de Tejada y Spinola, [in:] Fundacion Elias de Tejada service, available here
  249. some claim that he co-founded Ediciones Montejurra, Jacek Bartyzel, Tradycjonalizm a dyktatura. Francisco Elías de Tejada y Spínola wobec frankizmu, [in:] Legitymizm service, available here, the same opinion in Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 124
  250. e.g. he is listed as such in Melchor Ferrer, Breve historia del legitimismo español, issued by Ediciones Montejurra in 1958, p. 2
  251. El profesor Francisco Elías de Tejada y Spinola, [in:] Fundación Elias de Tejada service, available here
  252. Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 54
  253. see Manuel de Santa Cruz (ed.), Apuntes y documentos para la historia del tradicionalismo español (1939-1966), vol. 20, Madrid 1989, pp. 119-124, 274-284; de Tejada soon developed doubts about perceived Opus Dei influence in the Circulos, which led some Carlists politicians, e.g. Zamanillo, to believe that he was biased against the network, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 126
  254. Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 114
  255. Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 167
  256. e.g. in the early 1960s taking part in Semanas de Estudios Tradicionalistas, organized by Sección Universitaria of AET, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 465
  257. Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 445
  258. Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 382, Manuel Martorell Pérez, Carlos Hugo frente a Juan Carlos.: La solución federal para España que Franco rechazó, Madrid 2014,, p. 45
  259. already in 1959 he warned Valiente about "frivolidad incomparable" of Don Javier, who permitted extravagant statements of Carlos Hugo, Juan-Cruz Alli Aranguren, El carlismo de Franco. De Rodezno a Carlos VIII [PhD thesis UNED], s.l. 2021, p. 664. Carlos Hugo and his supporters from the onset – though only among themselves - considered Tejada a rotten reactionary, admitting that only the fuerista thread in his writings was worth considering, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 412, Martorell Pérez 2014, p. 80
  260. though initially Tejada could have not properly identified their political profile; in 1961 he issued a warning against Christian-Democratic opusdeistas (Massó was engaged in Opus Dei), subversively active in Traditionalism, Bartyzel 2015, p. 251; for his doubts about Opus and Massó see also Vázquez de Prada 2016, pp. 121-123
  261. in the late 1950s Tejada had some hope in Don Javier, e.g. he addressed him with a letter, pointing that a semi-official Carlist daily Informaciones was promoting men of the Left; by that he meant Christian-Democrats aligned with the Paul Lesourd; some scholars claim that the Informaciones issues largely contributed to Tejada leaving Don Javier in the early 1960s, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 446
  262. Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 175
  263. some say that after expulsion of Zamanillo, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 187, Bartyzel 2015, p. 265. One author claims that the key motive behind de Tejada's departure was not his suspicion of socialist, subversive leanings of Carlos Hugo and his advisors, like José María Zavala Castella, but rather suspicions that they became pawns of the Opus Dei, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 446
  264. in December 1962, see Lavardin 1976, p. 145; other claim that following de Tejadas venomous press articles aimed against "monsieur Hugues de Bourbon-Busset" Massó and his entourage indeed intended to expulse de Tejada, but they do not specify whether the expulsion indeed took place, Vázquez de Prada 2016, pp. 174-175
  265. "yo no tengo poder para hacerle Rey de Espańa, pero puedo hacer que no lo sea", quoted after Brocos Fernández 2005; the same author underlines a personal thread, suggesting that Tejada turned against Don Carlos Hugo during gear-up to his audience with Franco; allegedly Tejada felt offended that though he was initially to accompany the prince, he was eventually replaced by Álvaro d'Ors. The same version is repeated in Lavardin 1976, p. 146; the author presents Tejada as highly extravagant and unpredictable figure. Similar, though not bold portrait presenting Tejada as "apasionamente impulsivo" in Francisco de las Heras y Borreo, Un pretendiente desconocido. Carlos de Habsburgo. El otro candidato de Franco, Madrid 2004,, pp. 41-42
  266. Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 184. The insult is related to a long-standing controversy related to aristocratic standing of the Bourbon-Busset family, it is the family of Don Carlos Hugo's mother. According to a long-repeated version, the branch was set up by illegitimate child of Louis de Bourbon, Bishop of Liège
  267. José Fermín Garralda Arizcun, Miguel Ayuso Torres, La filosofía jurídica y política de Francisco Elías de Tejada [review], [in:] Verbo 5 (1995), p. 197, Jordi Canal, El carlismo. Dos siglos de contrarrevolución en España, Madrid 2000,, p. 365
  268. Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 176, Vallverdú i Martí 2014, p. 230
  269. Jacek Bartyzel, Tradycjonalizm a dyktatura. Francisco Elías de Tejada y Spínola wobec frankizmu, [in:] Legitymizm service
  270. El profesor Francisco Elías de Tejada y Spinola, [in:] Fundación Elias de Tejada service, available here, Ayuso 2008, p. 20
  271. El profesor Francisco Elías de Tejada y Spinola, [in:] Fundación Elias de Tejada service, Ayuso 2008, p. 20, Brocos Fernández 2005, Jacek Bartyzel, Tradycjonalizm a dyktatura. Francisco Elías de Tejada y Spínola wobec frankizmu, [in:] Legitymizm service
  272. Bartyzel 2015, p. 265
  273. Vallverdú i Martí 2014, p. 172, Canal 2000, p. 364, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 176
  274. Vallverdú i Martí 2014, p. 173
  275. Canal 2000, p. 382
  276. Canal 2000, p. 373
  277. sort of a new "compromiso de Caspe", Bartyzel 2015, p. 266
  278. Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 181
  279. Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 185
  280. and closing the door on French constitutionalism, Santa Cruz 1989, pp. 119-124, 274-284, referred after Bartyzel 2015, p. 267
  281. Carrillo-Linares 2008, p. 50
  282. though Tejada also met the dictator during larger receptions, e.g. on February 22, 1961, when Franco received Junta Nacional of Circulos Culturales Vázquez de Mella, Lavardin 1976, p. 93
  283. "lo que como carlista y como jurista sostengo, tuve el honor de exponerlo de palabra a S.E. el Jefe del Estado el 20 marzo de 1968, única ocasión en que mereci hablar a solo con S.E. Puesto que entonces lo razoné ante tan altísima autoridad, no voy a repetir aquá mi tesis de que jurídicamente la legitimidad española paréceme ir per S.M. el señor duque de Braganza y sus descendientes", El Pensamiento Navarro 01.03.73, quoted after Heras y Borreo 2004, p. 42, also Bartyzel 2015, p. 266
  284. stating that "autoridad que se aparta de la ley no merece consideración de autoridad", Vallejo 2015
  285. published jointly with Rafael Gambra and Francisco Puy Muñoz, full digital version available here
  286. Bartyzel 2015, p. 265
  287. Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, pp. 231-2, the organization materialized as Hermandad de Maestrazgo
  288. Tejada mocked Ramón Forcadell as "ridículo tigre", an ironic reference to Cabrera as "Tigre de Maestrazgo", Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 236
  289. some Traditionalists did not like Tejada as the one who "sabe tirar la piedra y esconder la mano", a reference to him not appearing at a meeting intended to launch organization which later materialized as Hermandad de Maestrazgo
  290. opinion of Fal Conde, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 271
  291. Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 271
  292. La Vanguardia 05.10.76, available here, also La Vanguardia 24.09.76, available here
  293. Jacek Bartyzel, Elías de Tejada y Spinola Francisco, [in:] legitymizm service, available here; according to other authors the name of the party was Comunión Católico-Monárquica, Canal 2000, p. 393. In 1986 it merged into Comunión Tradicionalista Carlista, César Alcalá, D. Mauricio de Sivatte. Una biografía política (1901-1980), Barcelona 2001,, p. 191
  294. pre-agreed with Don Sixto, Brocos Fernández 2005
  295. some sources claim he was to run from Huelva, La Vanguardia 10.05.77, available here
  296. Bartyzel 2015, p. 268
  297. Ayuso 1994, p. 339
  298. Vallejo 2015
  299. ABC 27.07.77, available here
  300. "it would clearly be an overstatement to sustain that the political regime established in Spain by Franco after the Civil War pretended to support a "revival" of the Spanish Natural Law Classics. It is obvious that the so-called Movimiento Nacional (National Movement) had to address more urgent issues, culture not being among their primary concerns. Nevertheless, peculiar circumstances explain a favourable context for an invocation and manipulation of the Salamanca School as it had never been known before", Pérez Luño 2013, pp. 7-8
  301. by claiming that freedom is "una opción subjetiva entre premisas puestas objetivamente por Dios para cada caso concreto" it presented the Francoist regime and its limitations as determined by supreme order, Josefa Dolores Ruiz Resa, Los derechos de los trabajadores en el franquismo, Madrid 2015,, p. 436
  302. the only systems allowed were Neoescolástica, pursuing a dogmatic Catholic line, and Existentialism, which might or might have not contained a Catholic thread, Ruiz Resa 2015, p. 415. The most far-reaching theory claims that in the 1960s "access to professorships in the philosophy of law was controlled" by de Tejada, who exercised "intellectual terror", Benjamin Rivaya, Political History of the 20-th Century Spanish Philosophy of Law, [in:] Enrico Pattaro, Corrado Rovers (eds.), A Treatise of Legal Philosophy and General Jurisprudence, vol. 12, Bologna 2016,, p. 491
  303. e.g. in 1972 Tejada was trialed for arguing that "autoridad que se aparta de la ley no merece consideración de autoridad", Vallejo 2015
  304. Tejada preferred this name to "transición", Fernández de la Mora 1989, p. 7
  305. See the letter of Juan Cabré Cires, La Vanguardia 5/10/76, available here
  306. ABC 20.04.84, available here
  307. La Vanguardia 06.06.97, available here
  308. Quiénes somos, [in:] Fundación Elías de Tejada service, available here
  309. by means of reprinting his works, publishing related books, issuing annuals and irregularly conferring Premio Francisco Elías de Tejada, awarded e.g. to Estanislao Cantero, Francisco José Fernández de la Cigoña, Antonio de Capmany (1742-1812). Pensamiento, obra histórica, política y jurídica, Madrid 1993,, José Joaquín Jerez, Pensamiento político y reforma institucional durante la guerra de las Comunidades de Castilla, Madrid 2007,
  310. it hails him as one of key Spanish political and law theorists of the second half of the 20th century, see El profesor Francisco Elías de Tejada y Spinola, [in:] Fundación Elias de Tejada service
  311. "promover el estudio y la difusión del pensamiento católico hispánico anterior a 1800 y asimismo promover la investigación histórico-literaria en el campo de los autores hispánicos, en el sentido amplio que comprende los integrados en la Confederación hispánica de los siglos XVI, XVII y XVIII, respetando las directrices del profesor Francisco Elías de Tejada"
  312. compare Centro Zumalacarregui website, available here
  313. the institution evolved into Consejo de Estudios Hispánicos "Felipe II", currently presided by Miguel Ayuso under patronage of Don Sixto de Borbón, see its website available here. It staged Jornadas Hispánicas de Derecho Natural, organised 3 times since Tejadas death, compare here
  314. compare program of the conference titled Maestros del tradicionalismo hispánico de la segunda mitad del siglo XX, available here, a congress celebrating 175th anniversary of Carlism, available here or Anales, most of them available online here
  315. setting up the Foundation appears to be part of a deal with RACMYP, Ramírez Jerez 2013, p. 209, also Fernández de la Mora 1989, p. 13
  316. see BOE 159 (2008), available here
  317. VII Premio Francisco Elías de Tejada, [in:] RACMYP Noticias 18.07.13, available here
  318. his bibliophilia was bordering bibliomania: Tejada accumulated one of the largest private libraries in Spain, consisting of some 60,000 volumes, Goytisolo 1981, p. 107. It included some rarities from the 16th century, Ramírez Jerez 2013, pp. 210-211
  319. the part handed over to RACMYP consisted of 24,000 books, Ramírez 2013, p. 210. In principle RACMYP accepts only full donations; as Tejada's widow was unwilling to cede ownership, it took complex negotiations to get the deal closed, Ramírez Jerez 2013, pp. 207-210
  320. he noted that "nuestra universidad es la que corresponde a unas gentes que han perdido su identidad de patria", ABC 27.07.77, available here
  321. Garralda Arizcun 1995, p. 198
  322. brief list of PhD hopefuls he supervised in Salamanca and currently active in José Barrientos García, Francisco de Vitoria y la facultad de teología de la Universidad de Salamanca, [in:] Vicent S. Olmos (ed.), Aulas y saberes: 6 Congreso Internacional de Historia de las Universidades Hispánicas, Valencia 2003,, p. 215
  323. those counted in are Francisco Puy Muñoz, Nicolás María López Calera, Emilio Serrano Villfañe, Jaime Brufau Prats, Mariano Hurrado Bautista, Vladimiro Lamsdorff-Galagne, Manuel Fernández-Escalante, José F. Lorca Navarrete, Pablo Badillo O'Farrell, José Iturmendi Morales, Antonio Enrique Pérez-Luño, Gustavo Villapalos Salas, José Delgado Pinto, Alberto Montoro Ballesteros, Ramón Maciá Manso, Carolina Rovira Florez de Quiñones and Juan Antonio Sardina Páramo, Ayuso 1997, p. 16. Monographic work on him listed 727 persons related one way or another, Garralda Arizcun 1995, p. 193
  324. key names are Álvaro d´Ors, Juan Vallet de Goytisolo, Osvaldo Lira, and José Pedro Galvão de Sousa, El profesor Francisco Elías de Tejada y Spinola, [in:] Fundación Elias de Tejada service
  325. [Frederick D. Wilhelmsen]
  326. Miguel Ayuso Torres, La filosofía jurídica y política de Francisco Elías de Tejada, Madrid 1994, ; by some reviewers the book is considered "la obra definitiva sobre la obra de Francisco Elías de Tejada", Cristián Garay Vera, Miguel Ayuso Torres, La filosofía jurídica y política de Francisco Elías de Tejada [review], [in:] Revista chilena de derecho 21/1 (1994), p. 210; other reviewers, though also enthusiastic remain a bit more restrained, praising "elevado valor científico", Cuenca Toribio 1994, p. 375 or claiming that "la investigadón que el dr. Ayuso nos presenta es digna de aplauso", Garralda Arizcun 1995, p. 200
  327. a bibliography - Consuelo Caballero Baruque, Francisco Elias de Tejada: bibliografia, Perugia 1984, and two joint works, Francisco Elías de Tejada (1917-1977 [sic!]). El hombre y la Obra, Madrid 1989; and Ángel Sánchez de la Torre (ed.), Francisco Elias de Tejada. Figura y pensamiento, Madrid 1995,
  328. by, among others, Julieta Amaro Marques, Miguel Ayuso Torres, Pablo Badillo O'Farrel, Jacek Bartyzel, Consuelo Caballero Baruque, Estanislao Cantero Núñez, Daniela Capaccio, Samuele Cecotti, Julio Cienfuegos Linares, José Manuel Cuenca Toribio, Gonzalo Díaz Díaz, Idoia Estornes Zubizarreta, Giovanni Ferracuti, Manuel Fernández de Escalante, Rafael Gambra, Francesco M. Di Giovine, Mariano Hurtado Bautista, Vladimir Lamsdorff Galagane, Roberto de Mattei, José Francisco Lorca Navarette, Consuelo Martínez-Siduna y Sepúlveda, Diego Medina Morales, Bernardino Montejano, Evaristo Palomar Maldonado, Francisco Puy, Pablo Ramírez Jerez, Raúl Sánchez Abelenda, Ángel Sánchez de la Torre, Juan Antonio Sardina Páramo, Rudolf Steineke, Emilio Suñe Llinas, Giovanni Turco, Jesús Vallejo, Juan Vallet de Goytisolo, Piero Vassallo, Silvio Vitale, Pier Francesco Zarcone and Enrique Zuleta Puceiro
  329. Luis R. Oro Tapia, Elías de Tejada, Francisco (2008): Derecho político [review], [in:] Revista chilena de derecho 36 (2009), pp. 669-670
  330. Jacek Bartyzel, Franciszek Elías de Tejada y Spínola – hidalgo, filozof, karlista. W 30. rocznicę śmierci, [in:] Najwyższy Czas! 14 (2008), pp. XXXV-XXXVI
  331. at times published in distant places, mostly in Latin America, Ayuso 1997, p. 15, Ayuso 1994, p. 40, Ayuso 1997, pp. 15-16; apart from Italian, few translations were recorded
  332. "one of the leading figures of university and cultural life of Spain in the 20th century" - Cuenca Toribio 1994, p. 375, "más preclara inteligencia de la Filosofía española del Derecho en este siglo, y una de las cumbres del pensamiento iusfilosóficq en toda la historia de la península" - Gonzalo Ibáñez Santamaría, El Mercurio de Santiago de Chile 02.04.78, quoted after Goytisolo 1981, p. 105, "una de las figuras más eminentes del iusnaturalismo europeo del pasado siglo" - Vázquez de Prada 2011, p. 395, great humanist, moving spirit of an entire school, mecenas and inspirator - Garralda Arizcun 1995, p. 198
  333. Ayuso 1997, p. 16
  334. Cecotti 2005, p. 205
  335. Fernández de la Cigoña 1996, p. 190
  336. Fernández de la Cigoña 1996, p. 188
  337. Cantero 1996, p. 147
  338. according to Gambra he was a combination of Athene and Dionisos, referred after Bartyzel 2015, p. 241. The list of his features includes "descuidado, bohemio, torrencial, extrovertido, abierto, vehemente, generoso, inexorable, radical, noble, agresivo, despreocupado, alegre, religioso, creyente, austero, enciclopédico, cáustico, atrabiliario, original, fogoso, ingenuo, portentoso viajero, polígloto asombroso, involvidable narrador, magnánimo, dispuesto, apasionado, cordial, vital, español, terco, infatigable trabajdor, intransigente, talentoso, bondadoso por encima de las cóleras y de un cierto humor grueso, limpio de ánimo, estudioso, curioso, sensible, agudo, firme, indoblegable, patriota. En resumen, un monstruo, un genio, un superman", Ayuso 1997, p. 15, similar comments in Fernández de la Mora 1989, pp. 7-8, Goytisolo 1981, p. 107. His only addictions were travelling - El profesor Francisco Elías de Tejada y Spinola, [in:] Fundación Elias de Tejada service – and languages, as Tejada mastered 12 tongues and learnt to some extent further 26, Bartyzel 2015, p. 243
  339. Ayuso 1997, p. 15
  340. the point advanced by Eusebio Fernández García, Las tareas y la Filosofía del Derecho de Francisco Elías de Tejada y Spínola, [in:] Adela Mora Cañada (ed.), La enseñanza del derecho en el siglo XX, Madrid 2004,, pp. 192-205; the author presents Tejada as biased servant of the regime, persecuting his own colleagues; "una de las personas que fueron víctimas de la persecución de Francisco Elías de Tejada fue Elías Díaz" (pp. 194-5), the opinion based on Elías Díaz, Un itinerario intelectual de filosofía jurídica y política, Madrid 2003,, pp. 34-35
  341. Vallejo 2015
  342. Ruiz Resa 2015, pp. 415, 436; Anna Caballé, Arcadi Espada, Entrevista a Alonso de los Rios, [in:] Boletin de la Unidad de Estudios Biograficos 3 (1998), p. 78
  343. "autor reaccionario" - Antoni Jutglar, Introducción al "Manifiesto del Partido Comunista", y otros escritos, Madrid 1984,, p. 93, "pensamiento reaccionario" - Ramón Cotarelo, Las ciencias sociales en España: historia inmediata, crítica y perspectivas, Madrid 1992,, p. 89
  344. Manuel-Reyes Mate Rupérez, Pensamientos a media luz, [in:] El País 16.07.88
  345. González Cuevas 2008, pp. 1171-1172
  346. Díaz Díaz 1998, p. 22

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