| Eritrean People's Liberation Front | |
| Lang1: | Tigrinya |
| Name Lang1: | Tigrinya: ህዝባዊ ግንባር ሓርነት ኤርትራ Tigrinya: Hizibawī Ginibari Harineti Ēritira |
| Lang2: | Arabic |
| Name Lang2: | Arabic: الجبهة الشعبية لتحرير إريتريا Arabic: Aljabhat Alshaebiat Litahrir 'Iiritria |
| Lang3: | Italian |
| Name Lang3: | Italian: Fronte di Liberazione del Popolo Eritreo |
| Chairman: | Isaias Afwerki Romodan Mohammed Nur |
| Split: | Eritrean Liberation Front |
| Successor: | People's Front for Democracy and Justice |
| Headquarters: | Nakfa (1976–1991) Asmara (1991–1994) |
| Newspaper: | Vanguard, Sagem and Adulis |
| Youth Wing: | National Union of Eritrean Youth and Students |
| Wing1 Title: | Armed Wing |
| Wing1: | Eritrean People's Liberation Army |
| Position: | Far-left (until 1987) Left-wing (1987–1994) |
| Country: | Eritrea |
| Flag: | Flag of the EPLF.svg |
The Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF), colloquially known as Shabia or HGDEF, was an armed Marxist–Leninist organization that fought for the independence of Eritrea from Ethiopia. It emerged in 1973 as a far-left to left-wing nationalist group that split from the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF). After achieving Eritrean independence in 1991, it transformed into the People's Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ), which serves as Eritrea's sole legal political party.
See main article: Eritrean War of Independence.
In 1967, thirty-three men underwent six months of training in China, including Isaias Afwerki, an engineering student who had left Haile Selassie I University (Addis Ababa University) in 1966 to join the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF), and Romodan Mohammed Nur, who had become commissar of the Fourth Zone after military training in Syria. Cuba also received ten individuals, including Ibrahim Affa, a skilled former marine commando, in 1968. Upon their return, these men improved the combat capabilities of the front but also intensified internal conflicts and feuds.[1]
Disillusioned with incompetent and feuding leaders, many young dissidents left the ELF, forming competing organizations. Efforts at rectification and unity failed, leading to the emergence of the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) in August 1973, officially known as Shaabia ("popular" in its Arabic abbreviation) in 1977. Led by Isaias and Ramadan, the EPLF found refuge in the mountains of Sahel, successfully repelling repeated assaults from Nakfa, a garrison town on a high plateau.[2]
The EPLF faced immediate challenges, including a declaration of war by the ELF in mid-1972, leading to the "first civil war" ending inconclusively in 1974. Internal dissension within the EPLF, fueled by accusations of authoritarian practices and military shortcomings, was quelled by Isaias, resulting in the execution of eleven members in August 1974. This event contributed to the centralization and security focus of the EPLF. The Ethiopian Revolution shifted the balance in Eritrea, and a temporary truce allowed joint offensives by the fronts in 1976.[3]
The First Congress of the EPLF occurred in January 1977 and formally set out the policies of this new organization. At this first meeting Romodan Mohammed Nur was elected Secretary-General and Isaias as Assistant Secretary-General. This program specifically targeted a liberalization of women's rights as well as a broad educational policy for maintaining every language and improving literacy. It was also set out that the boundaries of an Eritrean state would be based on the colonial treaties of Italy.[4]
From 1975 to 1977, the ELF and EPLF outnumbered the Ethiopian army and overran much of Eritrea.[5] Only Asmara, Barentu, and the ports of Assab and Massawa remained under government control. The road between them cut, however, Asmara and Massawa were under siege. The hopes of a nationalist victory raised by the insurgents’ achievements and fear of the Red Terror drove thousands of young men and women to the fronts, principally to the EPLF. As most of the new recruits were Christian, highland society was no longer peripheral to the conflict. The success of the insurgents was due more to government weakness than their own strength. A counteroffensive in 1978 led to the EPLF's strategic withdrawal, establishing a defensive line in 1979.[6]
The fronts faced a lull in fighting in 1980–81, with the army engaged in operations against rebels. The uneasy peace between the fronts crumbled in August 1980, leading to the "second civil war," where the ELF was decisively defeated a year later with assistance from the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF). Some ELF fighters joined the winning side, and those in Sudan were disarmed. The ELF ceased as an effective organization by the mid-1980s but continued sporadic operations in Eritrea. The EPLF emerged as the dominant force, defeating major operations in 1982 and 1983. In 1988, the EPLF achieved a historic victory, signaling the defeat of the military regime and the path to Eritrean independence. The organizational structure and guiding ideas played a crucial role in the EPLF's success.[7]
Between February and June 1982, over 80,000 Ethiopian troops launched a series of offensives known as the Red Star Campaign in an attempt to crush the EPLF. Despite these efforts, the government forces were thwarted by the EPLF. Rather than crushing the EPLF, the unsuccessful operation had the opposite effect, strengthening it. This outcome led to an increased fervor among the Eritrean people, who rallied behind the EPLF.[8]
Growing from around four hundred men organized in squads, the EPLA became a formidable force by the mid-1980s. The primary combat component was the strategic mobile forces, consisting of permanent units like brigades and divisions. The smallest operational unit was the mesre (squad), followed by ganta (platoon), hayli (company), and bottoloni (battalion). The brigade, comprising three battalions, was the largest unit until the mid-1980s when it was surpassed by the division. Remarkably, nearly a third of the EPLA's total force and 15 percent of its frontline combat units were women, challenging traditional gender roles. However, women remained underrepresented in leadership positions. Specialized units within the EPLA effectively employed guerrilla and conventional tactics. By the end of the 1980s, the EPLA consisted of six divisions, fourteen infantry brigades, four mechanized brigades, and various specialized units.[9]
The EPLF, led by a general staff headed by Sebhat Ephrem after 1987, emphasized decentralization and local initiative during defensive guerrilla tactics. Command became more centralized during conventional offensives. The insurgents relied on light and portable equipment, with the AK-47 being the primary individual weapon. Leaving the EPLF was practically impossible, and instances of kidnapping and forcible conscription were reported. Child soldiers, drafted as young as ten, were used between 1979 and 1983 but this policy was abandoned due to internal and external criticism.[10]
The Second Congress in 1987, brought together the EPLF and the Eritrean Liberation Front/Central Leadership (also sometimes referred to as Central Command, CC) in what was called the Unity Congress.[11] This was the culmination of negotiations over three years which had brought together the two fighting forces in October 1986, under a unified command. On this congress, Isaias Afewerki replaced secretary-general Ramadan Nur. Subsequently, the movement abandoned most of its formerly Marxist–Leninist ideology, in favour of an own revolutionary left-wing concept and a more comprehensive and pragmatic approach to unite all Eritrean nationalists.
The EPLF won its most resounding victories on March 1988 at the Battle of Afabet. It destroyed the most formidable Ethiopian garrison in northern Eritrea and marked a pivotal moment, setting off a chain of events leading to total victory three years later. The Ethiopian army, caught in a long-simmering crisis and plagued by internal divisions, underestimated the resilience, skill, and adaptability of the rebels. Af Abet, one of the three crucial turning points in the Eritrean war, severely weakened the military's capacity to wage war and foreshadowed the downfall of the dictatorship, paving the way for Eritrean independence. The battle's strategic significance has been likened to the Vietnamese triumph against the French at Diebienphu.[12]
After another defeat at Shire in 1989, the EPLF went on the offensive in 1990 directed at Massawa. This offensive was known as Massawa and resulted in EPLF seizing the city and defeating the Ethiopian garrison. The defeat was complete, catastrophic, and irreversible. Even the vengeful bombing, which persisted until the end of March and resulted in the destruction of numerous historic Islamic buildings, could not alter the disastrous outcome. Isaias Afewerki, leader of the victorious army, concurs, acknowledging it as a victory of the greatest strategic value in the history of the struggle.[13]
The Third and last Congress of the EPLF was held in 1994 in Asmara. It was important as it converted the Front from a military organization to a purely political movement. At the time, the organization had 95,000 members.[14] At this Congress, the name of the organization was changed to the People's Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ).