Varieties of Arabic explained

Colloquial Arabic
Familycolor:Afro-Asiatic
Nativename:Arabic: اللهجات العربية
States:Arab world
Ethnicity:Arabs
Speakers: million
Date:2024
Fam1:Afro-Asiatic
Fam2:Semitic
Fam3:West Semitic
Fam4:Central Semitic
Fam5:Arabic
Stand1:Modern Standard Arabic
Script:Arabic alphabet
Dia1:Egyptian
Dia2:Sudanese
Dia3:Chadian
Dia4:Levantine
Dia5:Maghrebi
Dia6:Mesopotamian
Dia7:Peninsular
Dia8:Central Asian
Dia10:Saʽidi
Dia11:Sanna
Ancestor:Proto-Afroasiatic
Ancestor2:Proto-Semitic
Ancestor3:Proto-Arabic
Ancestor4:Old Arabic
Ancestor5:Pre-classical Arabic
Iso3:ara
Map:Arabic Varieties Map-2023.svg
Mapcaption:Geographical distribution of the varieties of Arabic

Varieties of Arabic (or dialects or vernacular languages) are the linguistic systems that Arabic speakers speak natively.[1] Arabic is a Semitic language within the Afroasiatic family that originated in the Arabian Peninsula. There are considerable variations from region to region, with degrees of mutual intelligibility that are often related to geographical distance and some that are mutually unintelligible. Many aspects of the variability attested to in these modern variants can be found in the ancient Arabic dialects in the peninsula. Likewise, many of the features that characterize (or distinguish) the various modern variants can be attributed to the original settler dialects as well as local native languages and dialects. Some organizations, such as SIL International, consider these approximately 30 different varieties to be separate languages, while others, such as the Library of Congress, consider them all to be dialects of Arabic.[2]

In terms of sociolinguistics, a major distinction exists between the formal standardized language, found mostly in writing or in prepared speech, and the widely diverging vernaculars, used for everyday speaking situations. The latter vary from country to country, from speaker to speaker (according to personal preferences, education and culture), and depending on the topic and situation. In other words, Arabic in its natural environment usually occurs in a situation of diglossia, which means that its native speakers often learn and use two linguistic forms substantially different from each other, the Modern Standard Arabic (often called MSA in English) as the official language and a local colloquial variety (called, in many Arab countries, meaning "slang" or "colloquial"; or called, , meaning "common or everyday language" in the Maghreb[3]), in different aspects of their lives.

This situation is often compared in Western literature to the Latin language, which maintained a cultured variant and several vernacular versions for centuries, until it disappeared as a spoken language, while derived Romance languages became new languages, such as Italian, Catalan, Aragonese, Occitan, French, Arpitan, Spanish, Portuguese, Asturleonese, Romanian and more. The regionally prevalent variety is learned as the speaker's first language whilst the formal language is subsequently learned in school. While vernacular varieties differ substantially, Fus'ha, the formal register, is standardized and universally understood by those literate in Arabic.[4] Western scholars make a distinction between Classical Arabic and Modern Standard Arabic while speakers of Arabic generally do not consider CA and MSA to be different varieties.[4]

The largest differences between the classical/standard and the colloquial Arabic are the loss of grammatical case; a different and strict word order; the loss of the previous system of grammatical mood, along with the evolution of a new system; the loss of the inflected passive voice, except in a few relic varieties; restriction in the use of the dual number and (for most varieties) the loss of the distinctive conjugation and agreement for feminine plurals. Many Arabic dialects, Maghrebi Arabic in particular, also have significant vowel shifts and unusual consonant clusters. Unlike other dialect groups, in the Maghrebi Arabic group, first-person singular verbs begin with a n- (Arabic: ن). Further substantial differences exist between Bedouin and sedentary speech, the countryside and major cities, ethnic groups, religious groups, social classes, men and women, and the young and the old. These differences are to some degree bridgeable. Often, Arabic speakers can adjust their speech in a variety of ways according to the context and to their intentions—for example, to speak with people from different regions, to demonstrate their level of education or to draw on the authority of the spoken language.

In terms of typological classification, Arabic dialectologists distinguish between two basic norms: Bedouin and Sedentary. This is based on a set of phonological, morphological, and syntactic characteristics that distinguish between these two norms. However, it is not really possible to keep this classification, partly because the modern dialects, especially urban variants, typically amalgamate features from both norms. Geographically, modern Arabic varieties are classified into five groups: Maghrebi, Egyptian (including Egyptian and Sudanese), Mesopotamian, Levantine and Peninsular Arabic.[1] [5] Speakers from distant areas, across national borders, within countries and even between cities and villages, can struggle to understand each other's dialects.[6]

Classification

Regional varieties

The greatest variations between kinds of Arabic are those between regional language groups. Arabic dialectologists formerly distinguished between just two groups: the Mashriqi (eastern) dialects, east of Libya which includes the dialects of Arabian Peninsula, Mesopotamia, Levant, Egypt, Sudan, and the Maghrebi (western) dialects which includes the dialects of North Africa (Maghreb) west of Egypt.[7] The mutual intelligibility is high within each of those two groups, while the intelligibility between the two groups is asymmetric: Maghrebi speakers are more likely to understand Mashriqi than vice versa.

Arab dialectologists have now adopted a more detailed classification for modern variants of the language, which is divided into five major groups: Peninsular, Mesopotamian, Levantine, Egypto-Sudanic or Nile Valley (including Egyptian and Sudanese), and Maghrebi.[1] [6]

These large regional groups do not correspond to borders of modern states. In the western parts of the Arab world, varieties are referred to as Arabic: الدارجة Arabic: ad-dārija, and in the eastern parts, as Arabic: العامية Arabic: al-ʿāmmiyya. Nearby varieties of Arabic are mostly mutually intelligible, but faraway varieties tend not to be. Varieties west of Egypt are particularly disparate, with Egyptian Arabic speakers claiming difficulty in understanding North African Arabic speakers, while North African Arabic speakers' ability to understand other Arabic speakers is mostly due to the widespread popularity of Egyptian and Levantine popular media (for example Syrian or Lebanese TV shows). This phenomenon is called asymmetric intelligibility.

One factor in the differentiation of the varieties is the influence from other languages previously spoken or still presently spoken in the regions, such as

Maghrebi group

Western varieties are influenced by the Berber languages, Punic and by Romance languages.

Sudanese group

Sudanese varieties are influenced by the Nubian languages.

Egyptian group

Egyptian varieties are influenced by the Coptic language.

Mesopotamian group

Mesopotamian varieties are influenced by the Mesopotamian languages (Sumerian, Akkadian, Mandaic, Eastern Aramaic), Turkish language, and Iranian languages.

Levantine group

Levantine varieties (ISO 639–3: apc) are influenced by the Canaanite languages, Western Aramaic languages, and to a lesser extent, the Turkish language and Greek and Persian and Ancient Egyptian language:

Peninsular group

Some peninsular varieties are influenced by South Arabian Languages.

Peripheries

Jewish varieties

Jewish varieties are influenced by the Hebrew and Aramaic languages. Though they have features similar to each other, they are not a homogeneous unit and still belong philologically to the same family groupings as their non-Judeo counterpart varieties.

Creoles

Pidgins

Diglossic variety

Language mixing and change

See also: Code-switching, Koiné language, Pidgin, Creole language, Communication accommodation theory, Prestige (sociolinguistics) and Dialect levelling.

Arabic is characterized by a wide number of varieties; however, Arabic speakers are often able to manipulate the way they speak based on the circumstances. There can be a number of motives for changing one's speech: the formality of a situation, the need to communicate with people with different dialects, to get social approval, to differentiate oneself from the listener, when citing a written text to differentiate between personal and professional or general matters, to clarify a point, and to shift to a new topic.[10]

An important factor in the mixing or changing of Arabic is the concept of a prestige dialect. This refers to the level of respect accorded to a language or dialect within a speech community. The formal Arabic language carries a considerable prestige in most Arabic-speaking communities, depending on the context. This is not the only source of prestige, though.[11] Many studies have shown that for most speakers, there is a prestige variety of vernacular Arabic. In Egypt, for non-Cairenes, the prestige dialect is Cairo Arabic. For Jordanian women from Bedouin or rural background, it may be the urban dialects of the big cities, especially including the capital Amman.[12] Moreover, in certain contexts, a dialect relatively different from formal Arabic may carry more prestige than a dialect closer to the formal language—this is the case in Bahrain, for example.[13]

Language mixes and changes in different ways. Arabic speakers often use more than one variety of Arabic within a conversation or even a sentence. This process is referred to as code-switching. For example, a woman on a TV program could appeal to the authority of the formal language by using elements of it in her speech in order to prevent other speakers from cutting her off. Another process at work is "leveling", the "elimination of very localised dialectical features in favour of more regionally general ones." This can affect all linguistic levels—semantic, syntactic, phonological, etc.[14] The change can be temporary, as when a group of speakers with substantially different Arabics communicate, or it can be permanent, as often happens when people from the countryside move to the city and adopt the more prestigious urban dialect, possibly over a couple of generations.

This process of accommodation sometimes appeals to the formal language, but often does not. For example, villagers in central Palestine may try to use the dialect of Jerusalem rather than their own when speaking with people with substantially different dialects, particularly since they may have a very weak grasp of the formal language.[15] In another example, groups of educated speakers from different regions will often use dialectical forms that represent a middle ground between their dialects rather than trying to use the formal language, to make communication easier and more comprehensible. For example, to express the existential "there is" (as in, "there is a place where..."), Arabic speakers have access to many different words:

In this case, pronounced as //fiː// is most likely to be used as it is not associated with a particular region and is the closest to a dialectical middle ground for this group of speakers. Moreover, given the prevalence of movies and TV shows in Egyptian Arabic, the speakers are all likely to be familiar with it.[16] Iraqi/Kuwaiti aku, Levantine fīh and North African kayn all evolve from Classical Arabic forms (yakūn, fīhi, kā'in respectively), but now sound different.

Sometimes a certain dialect may be associated with backwardness and does not carry mainstream prestige—yet it will continue to be used as it carries a kind of covert prestige and serves to differentiate one group from another when necessary.

Typological differences

A basic distinction that cuts across the entire geography of the Arabic-speaking world is between sedentary and nomadic varieties (often misleadingly called Bedouin). The distinction stems from the settlement patterns in the wake of the Arab conquests. As regions were conquered, army camps were set up that eventually grew into cities, and settlement of the rural areas by nomadic Arabs gradually followed thereafter. In some areas, sedentary dialects are divided further into urban and rural variants.

The most obvious phonetic difference between the two groups is the pronunciation of the letter ق qaf, which is pronounced as a voiced pronounced as //ɡ// in the urban varieties of the Arabian Peninsula (e.g. the Hejazi dialect in the ancient cities of Mecca and Medina) as well as in the Bedouin dialects across all Arabic-speaking countries, but is voiceless mainly in post-Arabized urban centers as either pronounced as //q// (with pronounced as /[ɡ]/ being an allophone in a few words mostly in North African cities) or pronounced as //ʔ// (merging (ق) with (ء)) in the urban centers of Egypt and the Levant. The latter were mostly Arabized after the Islamic Conquests.

The other major phonetic difference is that the rural varieties preserve the Classical Arabic (CA) interdentals pronounced as //θ// ث and pronounced as //ð// ذ, and merge the CA emphatic sounds pronounced as //ɮˤ// ض and pronounced as //ðˤ// ظ into pronounced as //ðˤ// rather than sedentary pronounced as //dˤ//.

The most significant differences between rural Arabic and non-rural Arabic are in syntax. The sedentary varieties in particular share a number of common innovations from CA. This has led to the suggestion, first articulated by Charles Ferguson, that a simplified koiné language developed in the army staging camps in Iraq, whence the remaining parts of the modern Arab world were conquered.

In general the rural varieties are more conservative than the sedentary varieties and the rural varieties within the Arabian peninsula are even more conservative than those elsewhere. Within the sedentary varieties, the western varieties (particularly, Moroccan Arabic) are less conservative than the eastern varieties.

A number of cities in the Arabic world speak a "Bedouin" variety, which acquires prestige in that context.

Examples of major regional differences

The following example illustrates similarities and differences between the literary, standardized varieties, and major urban dialects of Arabic. Maltese, a highly divergent Siculo-Arabic language descended from Maghrebi Arabic is also provided.

True pronunciations differ; transliterations used approach an approximate demonstration. Also, the pronunciation of Modern Standard Arabic differs significantly from region to region.

VarietyI love reading a lot.When I went to the library,I only found this old book.I wanted to read a book about the history of women in France.
ArabicArabic: أَنَا أُحِبُّ القِرَاءَةَ كَثِيرًاArabic: عِنْدَمَا ذَهَبْتُ إِلَى المَكْتَبَةArabic: لَمْ أَجِد سِوَى هٰذَا الكِتَابِ القَدِيمArabic: كُنْتُ أُرِيدُ أَنْ أَقْرَأَ كِتَابًا عَن تَارِيخِ المَرأَةِ فِي فَرَنسَا
Modern Standard Arabic







Maghrebi
Tunisian (Tunis)nḥəbb năqṛa baṛʃawăqtəlli mʃit l-əl-măktbama-lqīt kān ha-lə-ktēb lə-qdīmkənt nḥəbb năqṛa ktēb ʕla tērīḵ enssa fi fṛānsa
Algerian (Algiers)ʔāna nḥəbb nəqṛa b-ez-zafki rŭħt l-əl-măktabama-lqīt ḡīr hād lə-ktāb lə-qdīmkŭnt ḥayəb nəqṛa ktāb ʕla t-tārīḵ təʕ enssa fi fṛānsa
Moroccan (Casablanca)ʔāna kanebɣi naqra b-ez-zāfmelli mʃīt el-maktabama-lqīt ḡīr hād le-ktāb le-qdīmkunt bāḡi naqra ktāb ʕla tārīḵ enssa fe-fransa
Hassaniya (Nouakchott)ʔānə nəbqi ləgrāye ḥattəlīn gəst əl-məktəbəma jbart mahu ḏə ləktāb l-qadīmkənt ndōr nəgra ktāb ʕan tārīḵ ləmra/ləʔləyāt və vrāns
Maltesejien inħobb naqra ħafnameta mort il-librerijasibt biss dan il-ktieb il-qadimridt naqra ktieb dwar il-ġrajja tan-nisa fi Franza.
Egypto-Sudanic
Egyptian (Cairo)ʔana baḥebb el-ʔerāya awilamma roḥt el-maktabama-lʔet-ʃ ʔella l-ketāb el-ʔadīm dakont ʕāyez ʔaʔra ketāb ʕan tarīḵ es-settāt fe faransa
Levantine
Northern Jordanian (Irbid)ʔana/ʔani kṯīr baḥebb il-qirāʔalamma ruḥt ʕal-mektebema lagēteʃ ʔilla ha-l-ktāb l-gadīmkān baddi ʔagra ktāb ʕan tārīḵ l-mara b-faransa
Jordanian (Amman)ʔana ktīr baḥebb il-qirāʔalamma ruḥt ʕal-mektebema lagēt ʔilla hal-ktāb l-gadīmkan beddi ʔaqraʔ ktāb ʕan tārīḵ l-mara b-faransa
Lebanese (Beirut)ʔana ktīr bḥebb l-ʔ(i)rēyelamma reḥt ʕal-makt(a)bema l(a)ʔēt ʔilla ha-le-ktēb l-ʔ(a)dīmkēn badde ʔeʔra ktēb ʕan tērīḵ l-mara b-f(a)ransa
Syrian (Damascus)ʔana ktīr bḥebb l-ʔrayelamma reḥt ʕal-maktabema laʔēt ʔilla ha-l-ktāb l-ʔdīmkān biddi ʔra ktāb ʕan tārīḵ l-mara b-fransa
Mesopotamian
Mesopotamian (Baghdad)ʔāni kulliš ʔaḥebb lu-qrāye min reḥit lil-maktabema ligēt ḡīr hāḏe l-ketab el-ʕatīgredet ʔaqre ketāb ʕan tārīḵ l-imrayyāt eb-franse
Peninsular
Gulf (Kuwait)ʔāna wāyid ʔaḥibb il-qirāʾalamman riḥt il-maktabama ligēt ʔilla ha-l-kitāb il-qadīmkint ʔabī ʔagra kitāb ʕan tārīḵ il-ḥarīm b-faransa
Hejazi (Jeddah)ʔana marra ʔaḥubb al-girāyalamma ruħt al-maktabama ligīt ḡēr hāda l-kitāb al-gadīmkunt ʔabḡa ʔaɡra kitāb ʕan tārīḵ al-ḥarīm fi faransa
Sanaani Arabic (Sanaa)ʔana bajn ʔaḥibb el-gerāje gawiḥīn sert salā el-maktabema legēt-ʃ ḏajje l-ketāb l-gadīmkont aʃti ʔagra ketāb ʕan tarīḵ l-mare beh farānsa

Other regional differences

"Peripheral" varieties of Arabic – that is, varieties spoken in countries where Arabic is not a dominant language and a lingua franca (e.g., Turkey, Iran, Cyprus, Chad, Nigeria and Eritrea)– are particularly divergent in some respects, especially in their vocabularies, since they are less influenced by classical Arabic. However, historically they fall within the same dialect classifications as the varieties that are spoken in countries where Arabic is the dominant language. Because most of these peripheral dialects are located in Muslim majority countries, they are now influenced by Classical Arabic and Modern Standard Arabic, the Arabic varieties of the Qur'an and their Arabic-speaking neighbours, respectively.

Probably the most divergent non-creole Arabic variety is Cypriot Maronite Arabic, a nearly extinct variety that has been heavily influenced by Greek, and written in Greek and Latin alphabets.

Maltese is descended from Siculo-Arabic. Its vocabulary has acquired a large number of loanwords from Sicilian, Italian and more recently English, and it uses only a Latin-based alphabet. It is the only Semitic language among the official languages of the European Union.

Arabic-based pidgins (which have a limited vocabulary consisting mostly of Arabic words, but lack most Arabic morphological features) are in widespread use along the southern edge of the Sahara, and have been for a long time. In the eleventh century, the medieval geographer al-Bakri records a text in an Arabic-based pidgin, probably one that was spoken in the region corresponding to modern Mauritania. In some regions, particularly around South Sudan, the pidgins have creolized (see the list below).

Immigrant speakers of Arabic often incorporate a significant amount of vocabulary from the host-country language in their speech, in a situation analogous to Spanglish in the United States.

Even within countries where the official language is Arabic, different varieties of Arabic are spoken. For example, within Syria, the Arabic spoken in Homs is recognized as different from the Arabic spoken in Damascus, but both are considered to be varieties of "Levantine" Arabic. And within Morocco, the Arabic of the city of Fes is considered different from the Arabic spoken elsewhere in the country.

Mutual intelligibility

Geographically distant colloquial varieties usually differ enough to be mutually unintelligible, and some linguists consider them distinct languages.[17] However, research by Trentman & Shiri indicates a high degree of mutual intelligibility between closely related Arabic variants for native speakers listening to words, sentences, and texts; and between more distantly related dialects in interactional situations.[18]

Egyptian Arabic is one of the most widely understood Arabic dialects due to a thriving Egyptian television and movie industry, and Egypt's highly influential role in the region for much of the 20th century.[19] [20] [21]

Formal and vernacular differences

Another way that varieties of Arabic differ is that some are formal and others are colloquial (that is, vernacular). There are two formal varieties, or Arabic: اللغة الفصحى Arabic: al-lugha(t) al-fuṣḥá, One of these, known in English as Modern Standard Arabic (MSA), is used in contexts such as writing, broadcasting, interviewing, and speechmaking. The other, Classical Arabic, is the language of the Qur'an. It is rarely used except in reciting the Qur'an or quoting older classical texts.[22] (Arabic speakers typically do not make an explicit distinction between MSA and Classical Arabic.) Modern Standard Arabic was deliberately developed in the early part of the 19th century as a modernized version of Classical Arabic.

People often use a mixture of both colloquial and formal Arabic. For example, interviewers or speechmakers generally use MSA in asking prepared questions or making prepared remarks, then switch to a colloquial variety to add a spontaneous comment or respond to a question. The ratio of MSA to colloquial varieties depends on the speaker, the topic, and the situation—amongst other factors. Today even the least educated citizens are exposed to MSA through public education and exposure to mass media, and so tend to use elements of it in speaking to others.[23] This is an example of what linguistics researchers call diglossia. See Linguistic register.

Egyptian linguist Al-Said Badawi proposed the following distinctions between the different "levels of speech" involved when speakers of Egyptian Arabic switch between vernacular and formal Arabic varieties:

Almost everyone in Egypt is able to use more than one of these levels of speech, and people often switch between them, sometimes within the same sentence. This is generally true in other Arabic-speaking countries as well.[25]

The spoken dialects of Arabic have occasionally been written, usually in the Arabic alphabet. Vernacular Arabic was first recognized as a written language distinct from Classical Arabic in 17th century Ottoman Egypt, when the Cairo elite began to trend towards colloquial writing. A record of the Cairo vernacular of the time is found in the dictionary compiled by Yusuf al-Maghribi. More recently, many plays and poems, as well as a few other works exist in Lebanese Arabic and Egyptian Arabic; books of poetry, at least, exist for most varieties. In Algeria, colloquial Maghrebi Arabic was taught as a separate subject under French colonization, and some textbooks exist. Mizrahi Jews throughout the Arab world who spoke Judeo-Arabic dialects rendered newspapers, letters, accounts, stories, and translations of some parts of their liturgy in the Hebrew alphabet, adding diacritics and other conventions for letters that exist in Judeo-Arabic but not Hebrew. The Latin alphabet was advocated for Lebanese Arabic by Said Aql, whose supporters published several books in his transcription. In 1944, Abdelaziz Pasha Fahmi, a member of the Academy of the Arabic Language in Egypt proposed the replacement of the Arabic alphabet with the Latin alphabet. His proposal was discussed in two sessions in the communion but was rejected, and faced strong opposition in cultural circles.[26] The Latin alphabet (as "Arabizi") is used by Arabic speakers over the Internet or for sending messages via cellular phones when the Arabic alphabet is unavailable or difficult to use for technical reasons;[27] this is also used in Modern Standard Arabic when Arabic speakers of different dialects communicate each other.

Linguistic distance to MSA

See also: Linguistic distance. Three scientific papers concluded, using various natural language processing techniques, that Levantine dialects (and especially Palestinian) were the closest colloquial varieties, in terms of lexical similarity, to Modern Standard Arabic: Harrat et al. (2015, comparing MSA to two Algerian dialects, Tunisian, Palestinian, and Syrian),[28] El-Haj et al. (2018, comparing MSA to Egyptian, Levantine, Gulf, and North African Arabic),[29] and Abu Kwaik et al. (2018, comparing MSA to Algerian, Tunisian, Palestinian, Syrian, Jordanian, and Egyptian).[30]

Sociolinguistic variables

Sociolinguistics is the study of how language usage is affected by societal factors, e.g., cultural norms and contexts (see also pragmatics). The following sections examine some of the ways that modern Arab societies influence how Arabic is spoken.

Religion

The religion of Arabic speakers is sometimes involved in shaping how they speak Arabic. As is the case with other variables, religion cannot be seen in isolation. It is generally connected with the political systems in the different countries. Religion in the Arab world is not usually seen as an individual choice. Rather, it is matter of group affiliation: one is born a Muslim (and even either Sunni or Shiite among them), Christian, Druze or Jew, and this becomes a bit like one's ethnicity. Religion as a sociolinguistic variable should be understood in this context.[31]

Bahrain provides an excellent illustration. A major distinction can be made between the Shiite Bahraini, who are the oldest population of Bahrain, and the Sunni population that began to immigrate to Bahrain in the 18th century. The Sunni form a minority of the population but the ruling family of Bahrain is Sunni and the colloquial language represented on TV is almost invariably that of the Sunni population. Therefore, power, prestige and financial control are associated with the Sunni Arabs. This is having a major effect on the direction of language change in Bahrain.[32]

The case of Iraq also illustrates how there can be significant differences in how Arabic is spoken on the basis of religion. The study referred to here was conducted before the Iraq War. In Baghdad, there are significant linguistic differences between Arabic Christian and Muslim inhabitants of the city. The Christians of Baghdad are a well-established community, and their dialect has evolved from the sedentary vernacular of urban medieval Iraq. The typical Muslim dialect of Baghdad is a more recent arrival in the city and comes from Bedouin speech instead. In Baghdad, as elsewhere in the Arab world, the various communities share MSA as a prestige dialect, but the Muslim colloquial dialect is associated with power and money, given that that community is the more dominant. Therefore, the Christian population of the city learns to use the Muslim dialect in more formal situations, for example, when a Christian school teacher is trying to call students in the class to order.[33]

Variation

Writing system

Different regional representations for some phonemes
Native PhonemesMoroccanTunisianAlgerianHejaziNajdiEgyptianLevantineIsraeliIraqiGulf
Letters
pronounced as /link/ / / / / / /
pronounced as /link/ ~ pronounced as /link/ /
pronounced as /link/
Foreign PhonemesLetters
pronounced as /link/ /
pronounced as /link/ / / /

Morphology and syntax

All varieties, sedentary and nomadic, differ in the following ways from Classical Arabic (CA):
All dialects except some Bedouin dialects of the Arabian peninsula share the following innovations from CA:
All sedentary dialects share the following additional innovations:
The following innovations are characteristic of many or most sedentary dialects:
The following innovations are characteristic of Maghrebi Arabic (in North Africa, west of Egypt):
The following innovations are characteristic of Egyptian Arabic:

Phonetics

When it comes to phonetics the Arabic dialects differ in the pronunciation of the short vowels (pronounced as /link/, pronounced as /link/ and pronounced as /link/) and a number of selected consonants, mainly (ق) pronounced as //q//, (ج) pronounced as //d͡ʒ// and the interdental consonants (ث) pronounced as //θ//, (ذ) pronounced as //ð// and (ظ) pronounced as //ðˤ//, in addition to the dental (ض) pronounced as //dˤ//.

Emphasis spreading

Emphasis spreading is a phenomenon where pronounced as //a// is backed to pronounced as /[ɑ]/ in the vicinity of emphatic consonants. The domain of emphasis spreading is potentially unbounded; in Egyptian Arabic, the entire word is usually affected, although in Levantine Arabic and some other varieties, it is blocked by pronounced as //i// or pronounced as /link/ (and sometimes pronounced as /link/). It is associated with a concomitant decrease in the amount of pharyngealization of emphatic consonants, so that in some dialects emphasis spreading is the only way to distinguish emphatic consonants from their plain counterparts. It also pharyngealizes consonants between the source consonant and affected vowels, although the effects are much less noticeable than for vowels.Emphasis spreading does not affect the affrication of non-emphatic pronounced as /link/ in Moroccan Arabic, with the result that these two phonemes are always distinguishable regardless of the nearby presence of other emphatic phonemes.

Consonants

Letter! colspan="2"
Dialect groupLevantinePeninsularMesopotamianNilo-EgyptianMaghrebi
Old ArabicModern StandardJordanian (Western Amman)[35] Syrian (Damascus)Lebanese (Beirut)Palestinian (Jerusalem)Hejazi (Urban)Najdi(Riyadh)Kuwaiti (Kuwait)(Baghdad)(Mosul)Lower Egyptian (Cairo)Upper Egyptian (Sohag)Tunisian (Tunis)Algerian (Algiers)Algierian (Oran)Moroccan (Urban)
pronounced as //kʼ//pronounced as //q//pronounced as /link/, pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/, pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/
pronounced as //g//pronounced as //(d)ʒ~ɡ//pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/, pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/
pronounced as //θ//pronounced as /link/,pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/, pronounced as /link/, pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/ pronounced as /link/, pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/, pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/
pronounced as //ð//pronounced as /link/,pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/, pronounced as /link/, pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/, pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/
pronounced as //ðˤ//pronounced as /link/, pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/, pronounced as /link/, pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/, pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/
pronounced as //ɮˤ//pronounced as //dˤ//pronounced as /link/pronounced as /link/

Most dialects of Arabic will use pronounced as /link/ for (ق) in learned words that are borrowed from Standard Arabic into the respective dialect or when Arabs speak Modern Standard Arabic.

The main dialectal variations in Arabic consonants revolve around the six consonants (ج), (ق), (ث), (ذ), (ض) and (ظ).

Classical Arabic (ق) pronounced as //q// varies widely from a dialect to another with pronounced as /link/, pronounced as /link/ and pronounced as /link/ being the most common:

Classical Arabic (ج) pronounced as //ɟ// (Modern Standard pronounced as //d͡ʒ//) varies widely from a dialect to another with pronounced as /link/, pronounced as /link/ and pronounced as /link/ being the most common:

Classical interdental consonants (ث) pronounced as //θ// and (ذ) pronounced as //ð// become pronounced as //t, d// or pronounced as //s, z// in some words in Egypt, Sudan, most of the Levant, parts of the Arabian peninsula (urban Hejaz and parts of Yemen). In Morocco, Algeria and other parts of North Africa they are consistently pronounced as //t, d//. They remain pronounced as //θ// and pronounced as //ð// in most of the Arabian Peninsula, Iraq, Tunisia, parts of Yemen, rural Palestinian, Eastern Libyan, and some rural Algerian dialects. In Arabic-speaking towns of Eastern Turkey (Urfa, Siirt and Mardin), they respectively become pronounced as //f, v//.

Place !! rowspan="2"
Reflex !pronounced as //ˈqalb// pronounced as //baqara// pronounced as //ˈwaqt// pronounced as //ˈqaːl// pronounced as //ˈqamar// pronounced as //ˈqahwa// pronounced as //quddaːm//
"heart" "cow" "time" "said" "moon" "coffee" "in front of"
pronounced as /link/ galb bagara wagt gaal gamar gahwa guddaam
Uzbeki Arabic (Jugari) pronounced as /link/, occ. pronounced as /link/ qalb baqara waqt, (waḥt) qaal qamar — giddaam
Kuwait City, Kuwaitpronounced as /link/ or pronounced as /link/, occ. pronounced as /link/gaḷbbgarawakt (sporadic)gālgumargahwajiddām
pronounced as /link/, occ. pronounced as /link/ gaḷuḅ baqare wakət gaal gumar gahwe guddaam, jiddaam
pronounced as /link/, occ. pronounced as /link/ qalb — — qaal qamaɣ — jeddaam
pronounced as /link/ qʌləb bʌgʌɣa wʌqət qaal qʌmʌɣ qʌhwi qəddaam
pronounced as /link/ or pronounced as /link/ qaalb (bagra) waqet qaal — gahwa —
Rural South Mesopotamian Arabicpronounced as /link/, occ. pronounced as /link/ galub bgure, bagre wakit gaal gumar ghawe, gahwe jiddaam
pronounced as /link/ qalb baqaṛa waqt, waxt qaal qamaṛ qahwe qǝddaam
pronounced as /link/ qalb baqaṛe waqt, waxt qaal qumaṛ qaḥwe qǝddaam
Sheep nomads,
S Mesopotamia, NE Arabian Peninsula		pronounced as /link/, occ. pronounced as /link/ galb, galub bgara wagt, wakit gaal gamar ghawa jeddaam
Camel nomads,
SE Mesopotamia, NE Arabian Peninsula		pronounced as /link/, occ. pronounced as /link/ galb, galub bgara wagt, wakit gaal gamar ghawa dᶻöddaam
pronounced as /link/ ʾalb baʾara waʾt ʾaal ʾamar ʾahwe ʾǝddaam
pronounced as /link/ ʾalb baʾara waʾt ʾaal ʾamar ʾahwe ʾǝddaam
pronounced as /link/ ʾalb baʾra waʾt ʾaal ʾamar ʾahwe ʾǝddeem
pronounced as /link/ or pronounced as /link/gaḷib or ʾalib bagara or baʾ ara wagǝt or waʾǝt gaal or ʾaal gamar or ʾamar gahweh or ʾahweh giddaam or ʾiddaam
pronounced as /link/ galib bagara waket gaal gamar gahwe – gahweh giddaam
pronounced as /link/ qalb baqara — qaal qamar qahwe —
pronounced as /link/ or pronounced as /link/ ʾalb (or kalb) baʾara (or bakara) waʾt (or wakt) ʾaal (or kaal) ʾamar (or kamar) ʾahwe (or kahwe) ʾuddaam (or kuddaam)
Jerusalem (urban Palestinian Arabic) pronounced as /link/ ʾalb baʾara waʾt ʾaal ʾamar ʾahwe ʾuddaam
pronounced as /link/ kalb bakara wakt kaal kamar kahwe kuddaam
pronounced as /link/ galb bagara wagt gaal gamar gahweh guddaam
pronounced as /link/ ʾalb baʾara waʾt ʾaal ʾamar ʾahwa ʾuddaam
pronounced as /link/ galb bagara wagt gaal gamar gahwa guddaam
pronounced as /link/ galib bagara wagt gaal gamra gahwa, gahawa giddaam
pronounced as /link/, occ. pronounced as /link/ — beger waqt gaal gamra gahwa —
pronounced as /link/ gaḷǝb ǝbgǝ́ṛa wagǝt gaaḷ gǝmaṛ gahawa giddaam
Tripoli, Libya[<nowiki/>[[g]]]galbbugrawagǝtgaalgmargahwagiddam
pronounced as /link/, occ. pronounced as /link/ qalb bagra waqt qal gamra, qamra qahwa qoddem
pronounced as /link/ galab bagra wagt gal gamra gahwa geddem
pronounced as /link/, occ. pronounced as /link/ galab bagra wagt gal gamra gahwa, qahwa qoddem, geddem
pronounced as /link/, occ. pronounced as /link/ qǝlb bagra waqt qal qamar, gamra qahǝwa qoddam
Sétif, Algeriapronounced as /link/ gǝlb bagra waqt gal gmar qahwa guddam
Jijel Arabic (Algeria) pronounced as /link/ kǝlb bekra wǝkt kal kmǝr kahwa kǝddam
pronounced as /link/, occ. pronounced as /link/ qǝlb bgar waqt qal, gal qamar, gamra qahǝwa qǝddam, gǝddam
pronounced as /link/, occ. pronounced as /link/ qǝlb bgar waqt gal qǝmr, gamra qahǝwa qoddam
pronounced as /link/ qǝlb bqar waqt, qal gǝmra qahǝwa qoddam
Jewish Moroccans (Judeo-Arabic) pronounced as /link/ qǝlb bqar wǝqt qal qmǝr qǝhwa qǝddam
pronounced as /link/ (written q) qalb baqra waqt qal qamar — quddiem
pronounced as /link/ occ. pronounced as /link/ kalp pakar oxt kal kamar — kintám
pronounced as /link/ qalb baqar waqt qal qamar — quddām

Vowels

See also

References

Sources

Further reading

External links

Notes and References

  1. Book: Al-Wer, E.. https://books.google.com/books?id=F2SRqDzB50wC&q=Maghrebi+Egyptian+Mesopotamian+Levantine+Peninsular+Arabic&pg=PA54. Concise Encyclopedia of Languages of the World. 2018. Elsevier Science. 978-0080877747. Brown. Keith. Ogilve. Sarah. 53,54. Arabic Languages, Variation in.
  2. Web site: Documentation for ISO 639 identifier: ara.
  3. Book: Wehr. Hans. A Dictionary of Modern Written Arabic: (Arab.-Engl.) . 1979 . Otto Harrassowitz Verlag. 3447020024. 319. 30 September 2017.
  4. Kamusella . Tomasz . 2017 . The Arabic Language: A Latin of Modernity? . 10.1515/jnmlp-2017-0006 . free . Journal of Nationalism, Memory & Language Politics . 11 . 2 . 117–145 . 10023/12443.
  5. Eisele . John C. . 1987 . Arabic dialectology: A Review of Recent Literature . Al-'Arabiyya . 20 . 1/2 . 199–269 . 43191695 .
  6. News: Arabic, a great language, has a low profile . . 2018-10-20 . 2020-06-24 .
  7. Web site: Arabic Dialects Compared: Maghrebi, Egyptian, Levantine, Hejazi, Gulf, and MSA. Discover Discomfort. Dana. Hooshmand. 2019-07-11. 2020-06-24.
  8. Web site: Mesopotamian Languages — Department of Archaeology. www.arch.cam.ac.uk. 9 August 2013. en. 2019-04-27.
  9. Book: LANGUAGES OF IRAQ, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 2007. 978-0-903472-21-0. 11. Postgate. J. N.. British School of Archaeology in Iraq .
  10. Bassiouney, 2009, p. 29.
  11. Abdel-Jawad, 1986, p. 58.
  12. Bassiouney, 2009, p. 19.
  13. Holes, 1983, p. 448.
  14. Holes 1995: 39, p. 118.
  15. Blanc, 1960, p. 62.
  16. Holes, 1995, p. 294.
  17. "Arabic Language." Microsoft Encarta Online Encyclopedia 2009.
  18. Trentman, E., & Shiri, S. (2020). The mutual intelligibility of Arabic dialects: Implications for the classroom. Critical Multilingualism Studies, 8, 104–134. (Article link)
  19. 5.C. Holes, "Community, dialect and urbanization in the Arabic-speaking Middle East," Bulletin of the school of oriental and African studies, vol. 58, no. 2, pp. 270–287, 1995.
  20. O. F. Zaidan and C. Callison-Burch, "Arabic dialectidentification," Computational Linguistics, vol. 40, pp. 171–202, March 2014 2012.
  21. Allen, R. (2000). The Arabic Language in Theory and Practice. Middle East Studies Association Bulletin, 34(2), 197–199. doi:10.1017/S0026318400040438
  22. Bassiouney, 2009, p. 11.
  23. http://www.arabacademy.com/faq/arabic_language Questions from Prospective Students on the varieties of Arabic Language – online Arab Academy
  24. Taha, Zeinab A. “EDUCATED SPOKEN ARABIC: HOW COULD IT HELP IN REDEFINING THE ACTFL GUIDELINES?” Al-'Arabiyya, 40/41, 2007, pp. 104–114. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/43195689. Accessed 10 July 2021.
  25. Badawi, 1973.
  26. Al-Sawi, 2004, p. 7
  27. Yaghan, M. (2008). "Araby: A Contemporary Style of Arabic Slang". Design Issues 24(2): 39–52.
  28. Harrat S., Meftouh K., Abbas M., Jamoussi S., Saad M., Smaili K., (2015), Cross-Dialectal Arabic Processing. In: Gelbukh A. (eds), Computational Linguistics and Intelligent Text Processing. CICLing 2015. Lecture Notes in Computer Science, vol 9041. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-18111-0_47, PDF.
  29. Conference Proceedings, Arabic Dialect Identification in the Context of Bivalency and Code-Switching, El-Haj, Mahmoud, Rayson, Paul, Aboelezz, Mariam, Proceedings of the Eleventh International Conference on Language Resources and Evaluation (LREC 2018), 2018, European Language Resources Association (ELRA), Miyazaki, Japan, el-haj-etal-2018-arabic, https://aclanthology.org/L18-1573
  30. Kathrein Abu Kwaik, Motaz Saad, Stergios Chatzikyriakidis, Simon Dobnika, A Lexical Distance Study of Arabic Dialects, Procedia Computer Science, Volume 142, 2018, Pages 2–13,, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.procs.2018.10.456
  31. Bassiouney, 2009, p.105.
  32. Holes, 1984, p.433-457.
  33. Abu-Haidar, 1991.
  34. https://wals.info/feature/81A#2/18.0/152.9 Feature 81A: Order of Subject, Object and Verb
  35. Fadda. Haya. 2016. LANGUAGE VARIATION IN WESTERN AMMAN. Language Variation in Western Amman. 27.

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