Dalmacio Iglesias García Explained

Dalmacio Iglesias García
Birth Name:Dalmacio Iglesias García
Birth Date:1879
Birth Place:Santibáñez el Bajo, Spain
Death Date:1933
Death Place:Barcelona, Spain
Nationality:Spanish
Known For:politician
Party:Carlism

Jesús María José Dalmacio Iglesias García (1879–1933) was a Spanish Carlist politician, active almost exclusively in Catalonia. His career climaxed during one term in the Congress of Deputies (1910–1914) and one term in the Senate (1918–1919). He did not manage to build his personal following; in historiography he is considered a unique case of a right-wing revolutionary who strove to launch a Christian, violent, urban, working class, anti-establishment movement. The bid ultimately failed and in the 1920s Iglesias withdrew from active politics.

Family and youth

The ancestors of Dalmacio Iglesias were related to Galicia. His paternal family originated from Orense; his grandfather, Victorio Iglesias Fernández, served as oficial primero of Tesorería de Hacienda in the city.[1] He married Vicenta Pardo[2] and the couple had at least two sons; both of them studied medicine. The younger one, Luis Iglesias Pardo, served as physician in the Spanish navy; he gained some recognition in the maritime and local Galician realm as author of scientific works on medicine, sanitation and hygiene in the navy, all published in the 1870s and 1880s.[3] The older brother, Antonio Iglesias Pardo (1844–1902),[4] opted for a civilian career; in the 1870s he served in Cáceres, but in 1885 he left Extremadura[5] and returned to his native Orense. Until the mid-1890s he worked as surgeon in the city and in some neighboring locations, including these already in the Salamanca province.[6] In 1898 he commenced practice in the Santiago de Compostela hospital,[7] where he served until his premature death.[8]

At unspecified time though probably prior to the mid-1870s Antonio Iglesias married María Asunción García Legond, a native of Santiago and member to another family related to military medical services.[9] It is not clear how many children the couple had. Dalmacio was born during the Cáceres spell of his father, where he probably spent his childhood years. In the mid-1880s he moved with his parents to Orense, living at calle Cervantes 15.[10] It is there where in the local Insituto – the secular secondary school – he was rewarded with high grades upon his bachillerato.[11] At an unspecified time yet most likely in the late 1890s he enrolled at the faculty of law at Universidad de Santiago, where his career was punctuated by a brief period of military service.[12] As a university student he performed brilliantly; Iglesias obtained governmental prize in course of the curriculum, was rewarded for his study on legal rights of married woman and got premio etraordinario when graduated in 1902.[13] Upon passing entry exams in early 1903 Iglesias was admitted to Ministerio de Hacienda[14] and moved to Madrid,[15] soon to be placed as the ministry delegate in Barcelona. In ciudad condal in 1907[16] he married Mercedes Janer Milá de la Roca (died 1963),[17] daughter to a Catalan Carlist leader and wealthy entrepreneur José Erasmo Janer Gironella.[18] Dalmacio and Mercedes settled in the Catalan capital.[19] None of their descendants became a publicly recognized figure. They had one child, María de las Mercedes, who married a navy officer Federico Caso Montaner.[20] Dalmacio Iglesias did not live to see his only grandson, Alberto Caso Iglesias,[21] who would later become a physician.[22] Dalmacio's sister-in-law María gained name as a Carlist propagandist and activist,[23] while his brother-in-law Ignacio became a locally known writer. Cousins of his wife Erasme and José Lasarte Janer turned recognized Catalan artists, respectively a painter and a writer. It is not clear whether a well-known singer Julio Iglesias, who also originated from Orense, was his distant relative.[24]

Early public activity (before 1910)

The young Dalmacio has early developed a penchant for letters and already in 1893 he contributed to local periodicals.[25] During his academic period he kept publishing[26] and founded an ephemeral literary weekly Santiago. He practiced his oratory skills in Ateneo Escolar Compostelano, where he became first the secretary and then the president, and in Ateneo Leon XIII.[27] Inclined towards literature, he used to read out his own poetry[28] and wrote prosaic pieces in Gallego,[29] his works were flavored with militant religious zeal. In 1902 he took part in the Catholic Congress in Santiago and presented a paper at a section dedicated to religious orders.[30] It was during the academic period when Iglesias was fascinated by the personality of Juan Vázquez de Mella and got attracted to Carlism.[31]

It seems that upon arrival in Catalonia Iglesias engaged in Carlist youth structures; in 1904 he was noted as giving lectures in Círculo Tradicionalista of Barcelona[32] and in late 1905 he became vice-president of Juventud Tradicionalista in the city,[33] delivering addresses also elsewhere in Catalonia, e.g. in Gerona.[34] At the time the Catalan Carlists were more than ever prepared to swallow their skepticism about alliance with other anti-governmental parties, especially the regionalists from La Lliga; the strategy produced a broad electoral alliance known as Solidaridad Catalana. Iglesias spoke vehemently against this "hermandad vulgo pisto rabioso pactada"; his highly emotional harangues earned him attention of the Liberal and Republican press, as already in early 1906 he featured as a negative point of reference.[35]

Apart from his duties as a Ministry of Finance delegate Iglesias practiced also as a lawyer.[36] In 1908 he got involved in a controversial and widely discussed case known as "caso Rull". Rull was an undercover police operative who penetrated the world of Barcelona proletarian conspiracy but was himself charged with terrorism, perhaps related to some extreme party or organization.[37] Iglesias first represented some of the defendants in court[38] and later defended Rull himself in an appeal case.[39] The two seemed to have developed sort of friendship yet the prosecutor had his way and Rull was eventually executed;[40] during and after the affair Iglesias was widely quoted speaking on terrorism and related issues.[41] The Rull affair gained Iglesias a name in Barcelona, since in 1909 he emerged as expert on "antrolopología criminal".[42] Once the city was rocked by riots known as Semana Trágica Iglesias voiced against "doctrinas positivistas" and secular teaching, identified as primary roots of urban unrest.[43] In 1909 and in response to left-wing violence Iglesias engaged in Catholic social action[44] and was among the founders of Carlism-related Comité de Defensa Social,[45] a hybrid organisation with characteristics of a cultural centre, a mutual help organization, a militia and a trade union. As a joint CdDS and Carlist representative[46] supported by other right-wing groupings[47] he ran in the Cortes elections from Gerona in 1910; riding the wave of anti-Left backlash which followed The Tragic Week he somewhat unexpectedly emerged triumphant.[48]

Political climax (1910-1914)

The 1910–1914 Cortes service proved the period of Iglesias' hectic if not frenetic activity, especially during the first two years of his tenure.[49] Though he focused also on topics like the army[50] and economy[51] he was mostly bent on confronting the Radicals of Lerroux, whom he presented as a threat not only to public order but also to the entire civilization.[52] His own rhetoric was inflammatory; Canalejas noted that in his counter-revolutionary zeal he was carried away by hysteria.[53] Though member of the diet, Iglesias emerged as leader of right-wing Catalan obrerismo, a working class violent anti-establishment movement.[54] Confronting both radical lerrouxistas and bourgeoisie La Lliga, Iglesias started to champion what looked like a nascent Christian, urban, aggressive, proletariant protest crusade.[55] His zeal to do away with the regime would soon lead him to advancing theories of Carlists and republicans joining ranks to topple the Restoration system,[56] quickly quashed by the party hierarchy[57] and rejected by the Republicans.[58]

Iglesias's name soon became tantamount to an explosive conflict. Due to violent language employed and logic which instigated rebellion his press articles gave rise to many official enquiries.[59] In the early 1910s he managed himself two weeklies: La Voz de la Tradición[60] and La Trinchera;[61] especially the latter emerged as the chief platform of violent obrerista propaganda[62] which indulged in "fantasies of civil war in which Carlism triumphed".[63] Police prevented sale of his discourses[64] and he was among the most investigated MPs, by far surpassing the first ever socialist MP in the Spanish parliament, Pablo Iglesias.[65]

Almost every second rally Iglesias attended ended up in riots, usually between the Carlist requetés and the Radical Jovenes Barbaros.[66] Even his expected attendance might have led to violent clashes, e.g. with two dead left in Eibar.[67] He was a few times assaulted.[68] However, the most deadly turned out to be a 1911 urban battle in Sant Feliu de Llobregat; following his address at a Carlist rally hundreds of requetés and lerrouxistas engaged in a melee which left 6 people killed,[69] the incident investigated later in the parliament. It is with his personal contribution that "from 1911 to 1916 scuffling and occasional shoot-outs between Carlist and Radical youth were an accepted part of the Barcelona scene",[70] especially that in 1913 he hailed "the club and the browning, the two indispensable companions of Jaimist youth".[71] Iglesias' radicalism estranged the Catalan Carlist leadership and the regional party jefe Duque de Solferino a few times tried to mitigate him;[72] despite being Gerona MP Iglesias did not head the provincial Gerona organisation.[73] Iglesias himself started to dream of old-fashioned party leaders killed in a civil war and making room for the youth.[74] However, in 1912 he entered the national Carlist executive[75] and also in 1912 in Biarritz he met his king for the first time.[76] He did not seem engaged in struggle for power within the party top echelons and is not listed as protagonist of a raging conflict between his old-time master Vázquez de Mella and the official party leader, Bartolomé Feliu.[77]

On the verge of loyalty (1914-1919)

In the 1914 electoral campaign Iglesias stood as a Carlist candidate in Gerona[78] and though proportionally he was more successful than 4 years earlier, ultimately he failed to renew his deputy ticket.[79] It would soon turn out that he failed in his later bids – also from Gerona - of 1916[80] and 1918.[81] Iglesias acknowledged defeat, resumed his suspended duties as Hacienda delegate and re-opened the law office in Barcelona.[82]

Always skeptical about courting La Lliga, in the mid-1910s Iglesias started to lead an anti-Catalanist group within the local party. Though he declared himself a regionalist and even in favor of autonomy,[83] by scholars he is considered a champion of anti-regionalist españolismo;[84] opponent of the new Catalan Carlist leader Miguel Junyent[85] and his daily El Correo Catalan, Iglesias openly challenged his line of seeking understanding with the Catalanists. The rift became clear when in 1915 he founded El Legitimista Catalan;[86] the national party jefe Cerralbo disauthorised the paper[87] and threatened these taking part in a related meeting with expulsion;[88] the meeting took place and invariably ended in riots,[89] but the weekly was eventually closed after just 3 months.[90] Iglesias found himself on the verge of loyalty to the party, yet Cerralbo[91] preferred not to escalate the conflict; in 1916 he confirmed Iglesias as the party candidate from Gerona,[92] which in turn triggered protest resignation of the local Carlist Junta Provincial.[93] Iglesias kept lambasting a policy which according to him melted Carlism in a broad Catalanism;[94] upon the 1917 emergence of Parliamentary Assembly[95] he strongly voiced against the initiative[96] as giving in to the likes of Lerroux and Cambó.[97] There were two other threads which rendered Iglesias a key protagonist of internal conflict in regional Carlism. One was his continued penchant for social radicalism; he remained active in Comité de Defensa Social and even built its militia,[98] apart from reverting to a theory that the Carlists should close ranks with "extrema izquierda" in order to do away with the corrupted regime.[99] Another conflictive issue was the Great War. While the party officially supported neutrality most Catalan Carlists harbored francophone feelings; Iglesias emerged as leader of the local pro-German faction, noted for his cries of viva Alemania[100] and even for declaration that he was prepared to shed blood if the time comes.[101]

It remains paradoxical that despite his extremely conflictive personality Iglesias remained on at least formally correct terms with other party leaders; in 1917 together with Junyent he entered Comité de Acción Política of the Catalan Carlism,[102] a new body of somewhat unclear role.[103] It seems even more surprising that following defeat in 1918 elections Iglesias managed to ensure support of conservative parties when competing for seat in the Senate from Tarragona; it seems that he owed success[104] to Maura and his ruling faction rather than to his own party.[105] During a short term between mid-1918 and mid-1919 he basked in prestige of a senator and contributed to a few legal solutions adopted, e.g. to the law on civil servants.[106]

In search of a new political identity (1919-1923)

Conflict between the key party theorist Vázquez de Mella and the claimant Don Jaime, the strife which was tearing Carlism apart since the late 1900s, came to an abrupt end in early 1919: the Mellistas broke away to build their own party. Iglesias has always remained fascinated with de Mella yet he did not count among his partisans in course of internal conflict;[107] it was only during the First World War that he emerged as key Catalan Mellista. In February 1919 he was expulsed from Comunión Tradicionalista[108] and immediately engaged in work to build a new Mellista organization. After Teodoro Más, leader of the Catalan secessionists,[109] Iglesias was the most prominent exponent of the breakaways in the region and some count him among the most prominent secessionists also nationwide;[110] some authors name him a leader of "dalmacistas", one of a few mostly personalist factions allegedly making up the Mellista group.[111]

Upon expiration of the senator mandate in May 1919 Iglesias for the 5th time tried to obtain the deputy ticket from Gerona and for the 4th time failed;[112] initially reported to run for a consolation prize in the senate from Tarragona[113] he eventually withdrew.[114] He contributed to local efforts of forging a new party within a grand right-wing coalition and specified his program as "religión, unidad de la Patria española, Orden social y Monarquía tradicional y, por tanto, regionalista";[115] indeed he supported the autonomous statute drafted by Mancomunitat.[116] During a grand assembly of Catalan Mellistas in Badalona of 1920 he hoped they would serve as agglutinatory factor for all Catholic forces,[117] yet such a union was slow to materialize: in 1921 he was denied the Maurista support during one more bid for the senate.[118] As usual his appearances led to unrest, though in 1921 his rally was interrupted by his former darlings requetés, who shouted "viva Jaime Tercero".[119] In mid-1922 Iglesias was still reported as heart and soul of the new emerging Mellista party and seemed prepared to go to great lengths when seeking allies, most likely the Integrists; he admitted that having broken all ties with Don Jaime, he was prepared to recognize Don Alfonso as a legitimate king given he swears allegiance to the Traditionalist principles.[120] However, at some point he apparently lost any hope about the Mellista project. Tempted by Partido Social Popular of Salvador Minguijón and other breakaway Carlists, he considered it a would-be embodiment of "sumarse al partido católico" plan.[121] Eventually he neared an initiative to launch a non-dynastical monarchist party, though still remained cautious that the Traditionalists should not lose their own identity. In late 1922 Iglesias was missing among participants of overdue Mellista party launch in Zaragoza[122] and joined Unión Monárquica Nacional instead.[123] In 1923 he was once again rumored to run – as independent – for deputy ticket from Gerona.[124] His political bewilderment was eventually terminated by the Primo de Rivera coup and ban on all party activity.

Primoderiverista and afterwards (1923-1933)

Iglesias had no doubt about adhering to the new regime. Already in late 1923 he took part in homage feasts celebrating Primo as savior of the fatherland;[125] explicitly exalting "golpe de estado" he offered his services to the military directorio.[126] During a 1924 rally of Juventud de Acción Tradicionalista[127] he hailed the coup as doing away with the old regime and as a deed spirited by traditionalist principles.[128]

Exact scale of Iglesias' engagement in the primoderiverista regime is not clear. He later claimed that during personal meetings with the dictator he had tried to impose upon Primo his own social concerns and that he had repeatedly suggested that the regime should lower the cost of life for the middle- and working class.[129] Press information confirms only his meetings with the Catalan capitán general, yet their purpose was not revealed.[130] Active in Union Patriotica,[131] in the late 1920s he seemed less enthusiastic about the dictatorial regime and criticized the constitution draft as the one which reproduced most defects of the 1876 document;[132] in his 1930 pamphlet, Política de la dictadura, Iglesias charged Primo with giving in to capitalist pressure and abandoning the cause of the working people;[133] another pamphlet read like an offer to a centre-left political party.[134]

In private Iglesias was confirmed at his job of Ministry of Finance delegate to Catalonia; his career was not ruined even by a fistfight with another official over his allegedly unsubstantiated absence in the office, perhaps the last manifestation of Iglesias' notorious inflammatory personality.[135] In the mid-1920s he competed for position of Jefe de la sección de Hacienda[136] and in 1927 he was promoted to Jefé Superior de Administración Civil in Catalonia.[137] At that time he emerged as expert on canon law and author of a few related works,[138] which probably earned him Cruz de Oro of Pro Ecclesia et Pontifice order, awarded by the pope.[139] Indeed, in the late 1920s he was noted in public mostly as engaged in numerous religious activities.[140] As expert in juridical science he edited a number of entries in Enciclopedia Espasa, including the one on himself.[141] Last but not least, he was not missing during the 1928 funeral of his old-time master Vázquez de Mella and the acts related.[142] There is scarce information on Iglesias' public activity during the last few years of his life. Until death he remained employed as the Catalan delegado de Hacienda.[143] In June 1931 he was rumored to run on a joint right-wing ticket for the Cortes[144] and indeed later that year he was once noted as speaking at a Traditionalism-flavored rally,[145] yet unlike many former Mellistas, Iglesias has not been reported as engaged in a re-united Carlist organization, Comunión Tradicionalista.[146] Since the early 1920s he was plagued by health problems,[147] yet their nature is not clear and it is not known what caused his premature death. Many periodicals noted his passing away, including at least one Carlist paper.[148]

See also

Further reading

External links

Notes and References

  1. Xosé A. Fraga Vázquez, Luis Iglesias Pardo. Un especialista en Medicina naval, [in:] Consello de Cultura Gallega service 02.05.14,, available here
  2. see Iglesias' birth certifice, available at the official website of the Spanish senate here and a copy of birth certificate available here
  3. for the list of Iglesias Pardo's works see Fraga Vázquez 2014
  4. for birth date see Dalmacio's birth certificates referenced above; in 1879 his father was 35 years old. For death date see El Noroeste 08.02.02, available here
  5. Boletín oficial de la provincia de Cáceres 09.01.85, available here
  6. La Correspondencia de España 02.05.94, available here
  7. El Eco de Santiago 23.06.98, available here
  8. El Eco de Santiago 15.11.98, available here
  9. Semanario Farmaceutico VI/24 (1878), available here
  10. Boletín oficial de la provincia de Orense 30.11.94, available here
  11. Enciclopedia Universal Ilustrada Europeo-Americana, vol. 28, part I, Madrid 1925, p. 939
  12. El Eco de Santiago 31.08.98, available here
  13. El Eco de Santiago 01.10.02, available here
  14. Diario de Burgos 09.02.03, available here, and El Eco de Santiago 29.04.03, available here
  15. El Eco de Santiago 06.11.03, available here
  16. El Tradicionalista 16.06.07, available here
  17. Hoja oficial de la provincia de Barcelona 29.04.83, available here
  18. for genealogical tree of the Janer family see Gary Wray McDonogh, Good Families of Barcelona: A Social History of Power in the Industrial Era, Princeton 2014,, p. 160
  19. Javier Pérez-Roldán Suanzes-Carpegna, Janer y Milá de la Roca (María de los Ángeles de), [in:] Tradición Viva service 05.10.15, available here
  20. La Vanguardia 19.10.35, available here
  21. born 1935, died 2015; for date of birth see La Vanguardia 19.10.35, available here, for date of death see Albert María Caso Iglesias entry, [in:] Capgros service, available here
  22. La Vanguardia 20.10.60, available here
  23. Pérez-Roldán Suanzes-Carpegna 2015
  24. Julio Iglesias' paternal grandfather, Ulpiano Iglesias Sarria (born in Orense in 1877), was a military and a pharmacist. No information on Iglesias Sarria's ancerstors is readily available
  25. the local Galician dailies that Iglesias contributed to were El Eco de Orense, La Voz Católica, El Derecho and La Nueva Epoca; the weekly was La Bruja; all this information has been provided by Iglesias himself, Enciclopedia Universal Ilustrada Europeo-Americana, vol. 28, part I, Madrid 1925, p. 939
  26. El Noroeste, La Gaceta de Galicia and El Pensamiento Gallego, Enciclopedia Universal Ilustrada Europeo-Americana, vol. 28, part I, Madrid 1925, p. 939
  27. Enciclopedia Universal Ilustrada Europeo-Americana, vol. 28, part I, Madrid 1925, p. 939
  28. El Eco de Santiago 10.12.97, available here, also El Eco de Santiago 09.12.01, available here
  29. El Eco de Santiago 24.02.98, available here
  30. El Eco de Santiago 14.07.02, available here
  31. Enciclopedia Universal Ilustrada Europeo-Americana, vol. 28, part I, Madrid 1925, p. 939
  32. El Eco de Santiago 17.10.94, available here
  33. El Tradicionalista 04.11.05, available here
  34. El Norte 10.12.16, available here
  35. La Lucha 02.03.06, available here
  36. El Tradicionalista 16.06.07, available here
  37. the explosives that Rull was associated with were planted in obscure and unfrequented passages apparently with little harm intended, which led some to suspect he was on service of an unidentified extreme party aiming at bringing police forces into disrepute, compare El Pais 09.04.08, available here, see also Eduardo González Calleja, La razón de la fuerza: orden público, subversión y violencia política en la España de la Restauración (1875–1917), Madrid 1998,, p. 401
  38. La Correspondencia de España 26.03.08, available here
  39. El Bien Público 25.04.08, available here
  40. Los Debates 10.08.08, available here
  41. La Correspondencia de Valencia 27.05.08, available here
  42. La Bandera Regional' 27.11.09, available here
  43. La Bandera Ragional 27.11.09, available here
  44. El Social 03.04.09, available here
  45. Las Provincias 26.11.09, available here
  46. El Norte 19.04.10, available here
  47. Juan Ramón de Andrés Martín, El cisma mellista. Historia de una ambición política, Madrid 2000,, p. 134
  48. in 1910 Iglesias received 2,957 votes out of 8,653 votes cast and 11,344 voters entitled, compare the official Cortes service, available here Iglesias defeated a Republican Eduardo Fernández del Pozo and liberals, Jaime Roura and Pablo Bosch y Barrau
  49. between June and December of 1910 Iglesias was noted at least 750 times in the press. In 1911 he was mentioned around 600 times, in 1912 around 450 times, in 1913 around 170 times and in 1914 around 110 times, compare prensahistorica service, available here, and hemerotecadigital service, available here
  50. Diario de Tortosa 27.10.10, available here
  51. La Tarde 30.11.10, available here
  52. e.g. in July 1910 Iglesias demanded that all lerrouxista centres in Barcelona are closed as threat to public order, La Defensa 04.07.10, available here, and blamed the lerrouxistas for Semana Trágica, El Noticiero 07.07.10, available here. Many times he clashed with Radicals in the Cortes, compare Las Provincias 07.07.10, available here, including oral skirmishes with Lerroux himself, El Eco de Navarra 08.06.11, available here
  53. Canalejas noted Iglesias' promise that he would "iba a matar la hidra revolucionaria con la punta de su espada", La Juventud 03.09.10, available here. In revenge Iglesias denounced Canalejas as a masonic tool of the English, El Clamor 08.04.11, available here. His claims about the English and the freemasonry made some impact in the Vatican diplomacy, Ramon Corts i Blay, La Setmana Tràgica de 1909: l'Arxiu Secret Vaticà, Montserrat 2009,, p. 156
  54. it is not clear how Iglesias' militant obrerismo translated into his parliamentary activity. In 1912 he proposed a draft law on "passive classes", yet no details are available, compare La Atalaya 09.03.12, available here. He was also in favor of regulations which legitimized strike action, La Región Cantabra 26.10.12, available here
  55. Iglesias is considered "clearest example" of the fact that radical Carlists "dropped their usual conterrevolutionary guise, revealing a Carlist potential to evolve toward eplicitly right revolutionary positions", Colin. M. Winston, Carlist workers groups in Catalonia, 1900-1923, [in:] Stanley G. Payne (ed.), Identidad y nacionalismo en la España contemporánea: el carlismo, 1833-1975, Madrid 2001,, p. 91
  56. El Progreso 09.12.12, available here
  57. Collin Winston, The Proletarian Carlist Road to Fascism: Sindicalismo Libre, [in:] Journal of Contemporary History 17 (1982), p. 561
  58. El Progreso 09.12.12, available here
  59. see e.g. El Radical 26.06.10, available here, Las Provincias 04.01.12, available here, El Grano de Arena 03.02.12, available here, El Cantabrico 23.02.13, available here, Las Provincias 06.11.13, available here
  60. José Navarro Cabanes, Apuntes bibliográficos de la prensa carlista, Valencia 1917, pp. 252-253
  61. La Correspondencia de Valencia 13.05.13, available here
  62. Winston 2001, p. 88
  63. Winston 2001, p. 90
  64. El Salmantino 03.08.10, availavle here
  65. in 1912 he was the 5th most interrogated deputy in the Cortes, with 46 cases against him, La Información 28.02.12, available here
  66. some of his pamphlets might have triggered violence, compare La Correspondencia de España 03.08.10, available here. Clashes were not limited to Catalonia, as they occurred even when he did show up in his native Orense, El Progreso 26.10.10, available here. Some incidents were clearly provoked by Iglesias, e.g. when leading a group of requetés he used to interrupt movie showings or assaulted orchestra playing La Marseillaise, El Adelanto 26.05.11, available here; 1911 his Blona meeting and discourse on pornography ended up – as usual – in skirmishes, El Cantábrico 22.05.11, available here. As a result, the lerrouxistas awaited him to stage their own provocations, La Correspondencia de Alicante 02.10.11, available here. The list of clashes, skirmishes or riots related to him as listed in the press would cover tens of incidents
  67. El Noticiero 08.04.12, available here
  68. e.g. in Caraselva Iglesias was assaulted on the street, see El Salmantino 21.09.10, available here. In 1911 a train he was travelling at was shot at, or at least it was believed so, El Noroeste 13.09.11, available here
  69. El Restaurador 02.06.11, available here
  70. Winston 1982, p. 560, Winston 2001, p. 90
  71. Winston 1982, pp. 560, 561. Iglesias intended to build requeté as shock troops used in a revolutionary insurgence which was expected to topple the republic, González Calleja 1998, p. 494
  72. Eduardo González Calleja, Paramilitarització i violencia politica a l'Espanya del primer terc de segle: el requeté tradicionalista (1900-1936), [in:] Revista de Girona 37 (1991), p. 70
  73. the provincial Carlist Gerona jefe was José María Vilahur, Albert Balcells, Joan B. Culla, Conxita Mir, Les eleccions generals a Catalunya de 1901 a 1923, Barcelona 1982, p. 222
  74. Winston 2001, p. 90
  75. Agustín Fernández Escudero, El marqués de Cerralbo (1845-1922): biografía politica [PhD thesis UNED], Madrid 2012, p. 458
  76. Diario de Córdoba 10.05.12, available here. He claimed he had not known Don Jaime before, see El Porvenir 02.07.12, available here, though one year earlier, in September 1911, he had been reported as departing to Frohsdor to speak with Don Jaime on organization of Carlism, La Atalaya 24.09.11, available here. Iglesias' stand versus Don Jaime is not clear. On the one hand it does not seem marked by particular loyalty; upon his 1910 election he refused to send a customary Carlist telegram message of adhesion and claimed he had to wait for approval from Comité de Defensa Social, La Correspondencia de España 14.04.10, available here. On the other hand, in June 1912 Iglesias felt competent to discuss Don Jaime's private issues and declare that he would soon marry a foregin princess, La Atalaya 01.06.12, available here
  77. the most detailed work on Carlist history at the turn of the centuries, Fernández Escudero 2012, barely mentions Iglesias. A work on Mellismo does not mention Iglesias prior to the Great War period, see Andres Martin 2000
  78. in 1910 a Republican daily claimed that Gerona was "feudo de don Dalmacio Iglesias" and agonised about his inquisitorial methods against the Liberals, El Pueblo 21.07.10, available here, but given his 1914 defeat the claims seem exaggerated or outdated
  79. in 1910 Iglesias gained 2.957 votes (34,15% of voters and 26,06% of those entitled to vote). In 1914 he gained 2,954 votes (respectively 36,31% and 26,5%) and lost to a Republican contender, Balcells, Culla, Mir 1982, pp. 546, 534
  80. in 1916 Iglesias gained 2,465 votes (29,81% of the voters and 21,39% of the electorate) and lost to a Republican contender, Balcells, Culla, Mir 1982, p. 559
  81. in 1918 Iglesias gained 2,241 votes (25,98% of the voters and 19,26% of the electorate) and lost to a Lliguero contende, Balcells, Culla, Mir 1982, p. 570
  82. Heraldo de Gerona 15.06.14, available here. He was member of colegios in Barcelona, Lleida and Tarragona, Heraldo Alaves 01.12.17, available here
  83. El Porvenir 07.06.12, available here
  84. Andrés Martín 2000, p. 134
  85. in January 1915 Iglesias was still recorded as speaking with Junyent during the same rally, El Porvenir 14.01.15, available here
  86. La Correponsencia de España 02.05.15, available here
  87. La Correpospondencia de Valencia 12.06.15, available here, Montejurra 50 (1970), p. VIII
  88. El Cantabrico 13.06.15, available here
  89. La Correspondencia de Valencia 13.06.15, available here
  90. El Legitimista was issued between October 1915 and December 1915, Jaime del Burgo, Bibliografia del Siglo XIX, Pamplona 1978,, p. 570
  91. perhaps influenced by de Mella, as some scholars suggest that during his second tenure de Cerralbo was a front-man with de Mella actually running the party, compare Fernández Escudero 2012
  92. El Cantabrico 26.03.16, available here
  93. Conxita Mir, Lleida (1890-1936): caciquisme polític i lluita electoral, Montserrat 1985,, p. 311
  94. El Debate 28.03.64, available here
  95. the Assembly was attended by some fellow Gerona Carlists like Pedro Llosas Badía
  96. El Adelanto 02.08.17, available here
  97. El Porvenir 09.08.17, available here
  98. La Esquella de la Torratxa 03.03.16, available here. In early 1919 Iglesias was Inspector General de Requeté de Catalunya, El Norte 07.02.19, available here
  99. El Gironés 15.04.16, available here
  100. El Noroeste 02.08.15, available here
  101. La Correspondencia de España 27.06.15, available here; the English have been traditionally considered the enemies of Spain and other nations, compare here
  102. contrary to usual opinions of Iglesias as anti-Catalanist españolista, he supported the concept that internal Carlist Catalan documents be written in Catalan, El Norte 30.12.17, available here
  103. in early 1918 the Comité personal setup seems to have changed; Solferino and Junyent disappeared, while Teodoro Más emerged as president and Iglesias is secretary, which might be indicative of the body taken over by the Mellistas, El Norte 05.01.18, available here
  104. La Cruz 12.03.18, available here
  105. it seems that Iglesias got was running for senate as the official governmental candidate, Isidre Molas, Els senadors carlins de Catalunya, Barcelona 2009, p. 17
  106. Enciclopedia Universal Ilustrada Europeo-Americana, vol. 28, part I, Madrid 1925, p. 939
  107. compare Fernandez Escudero 2012, Andres Martin 2000
  108. El Cantábrico 04.02.19, available here
  109. La Opinión 28.09.19, available here
  110. in 1919 he was considered one of key promellistas with Pradera, Garcia Guijarro, Chicharro, Careaga and Doña Marina; in February 1919 they united in senate and declared themselves anti-Jaimistas, Andrés Martín 2000, p. 147
  111. according to a Jaimista author in early 1919 the Mellistas were nothing but a bunch of personalist following groups like "doñamarinistas, dalmacistas, o chicharristas", Andrés Martín 2000, p. 162. However other authors suggest that at this point Iglesias parted ways with the radical Barcelona Carlists. Though earlier he was their most recognizable personality, in 1919 most of them remained loyal to Don Jaime, Colin Winston, Workers and the Right in Spain, Princeton 2014,, pp. 157-158
  112. when running from Gerona Iglesias got 2241 votes, El Norte 13.05.18, available here, which amounts to 31,6% of the voters and 20,0% of the electorate, see the official Cortes service here
  113. El Restaurador 10.05.19, available here
  114. El Eco de la Comarca 22.06.19, available here
  115. Andrés Martín 2000, p. 172, ABC 18.05.19
  116. Albert Balcells, El projecte d'autonomia de la Mancomunitat de Catalunya del 1919 i el seu context històric, Barcelona 2010, p. 94. In 1919 in front of Mancomunitat Iglesias defended the right of castellano-speaking children to education in castellano, Balcells 2010, p. 245
  117. Andrés Martín 2000, pp. 197-198
  118. during the 1921 electoral campaign Iglesias was reportedly denied supported of the Mauristas, which he considered treason, Andrés Martín 2000, p. 213
  119. El Noticiero Gaditano 04.06.21, available here
  120. El Debate 19.06.22, available here, Andres Martin 2000, p. 230
  121. Andrés Martín 2000, p. 233
  122. Andrés Martín 2000, pp. 237-239
  123. Molas 2009, p. 20
  124. La Opinión 23.04.23, available here
  125. Diario de Valencia 21.11.23, available here; himself as self-proclaimed representative of Catalan people together with other Barcelona personalities he presented the dictator with a historical sword, Diario de Burgos, 03.12.23, available here
  126. El Diario Palentino 03.12.23, available here
  127. El Noticiero Gaditano 15.07.24, available here
  128. La Rioja 17.07.24, available here
  129. La Voz de Aragón 21.05.30, available here
  130. La Atalaya 19.12.24, available here
  131. Hoja Oficial de la Provincia de Barcelona 21.05.28, available here, for 1929 see also Hoja Oficial de la Provincia de Barcelona 09.09.28, available here, Winston 2014, p. 243
  132. Nuevo Día 24.07.29, available here
  133. La Voz de Aragón 21.05.30, available here, Shlomó Ben-Amí, Fascism from above: the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera in Spain, 1923-1930, New York 1983,, pp. 307-308
  134. Dalmacio Iglesias, La carestía de la vida: sus causas y sus remedios. Programa económico para cualquier partido político (1930)
  135. La Gaceta de Tenerife 31.10.23, available here
  136. Diario de Valencia 05.01.26, available here; according to an encyclopaedia note in 1920 he was nominated "jefe de negociado de Hacienda, Enciclopedia Universal Ilustrada Europeo-Americana, vol. 28, part I, Madrid 1925, p. 939
  137. La Cruz 08.10.27, available here
  138. La Palanca 24.09.18, available here. Iglesias juridical works published were Existencia legal de las Órdenes religosas en España (1902), Capacidad jurídica de la mujer casada ante el derecho natural (1906), Nociones de administración y contabilidad de la Hacienda pública (1906), Educación y dirección de las nuevas multitudes (1909), Oposiciones al cuerpo de aspirantes a la judicatura y ministerio fiscal: contestación a las preguntas relativas a derecho civil (with José Morell y Terry, 1915) and Instituciones de Derecho eclesiástico con arreglo al nuevo Código del Derecho canónico (1918)
  139. La Reconquista 17.07.20, available here
  140. Hoja Oficial de la Provincia de Barcelona 08.02.26, available here, see also La Vanguardia 11.01.30, available here
  141. Enciclopedia Universal Ilustrada Europeo-Americana, vol. 28, part I, Madrid 1925, p. 940
  142. La Vanguardia 28.02.28, available here
  143. La Vanguardia 27.01.32, available here
  144. La Galeria 03.06.31, available here
  145. La Cruz 29.10.31, available here
  146. no press information confirms his activity within Carlism after 1931, he is also missing in the most comprehensive work on Carlism of the era, Martin Blinkhorn, Carlism and Crisis in Spain 1931-1939, Cambridge 1975,
  147. Las Provincias 11.09.24, available here
  148. the exception was El Siglo Futuro, which printed a corteous and informative necrological note, see El Siglo Futuro 16.01.33, available here