Cultural depictions of Frederick Barbarossa explained

Frederick I, nicknamed Barbarossa, was one of the most notable Holy Roman Emperors, who left a considerable political and cultural legacy, especially in Germany and Italy. Thus, he has been the subjects of many studies as well as works of art. Due to his popularity and notoriety, in the 19th and early 20th centuries, he was instrumentalized as a political symbol by many movements and regimes: the Risorgimento, the Wilhelmine government in Germany (especially under Emperor Wilhelm I), and the National Socialist movement. Today, when a tradition-establishing form of commemoration for the emperor is no longer necessary, scholars like Kurt Görich call for neutrality and warn against the instrumentalization of the historical person in the other way. Modern historians generally reject nationalist myths, while portraying the emperor as an influential ruler who suffered many setbacks but often managed to recover. He reestablished in Germany, enhanced the imperial position, but also made mistakes when trying to assert his authority over North Italian communes, leading to a prolonged struggle. After being humbled in the Battle of Legnano, he changed his policies and attained a better working relationship with the Italian communes. His successful diplomatic efforts together with a developing circumstance also opened new possibilites for the imperial position, notably through the marriage of his son Henry VI with Constance of Sicily. Different studies explore different aspects of his personality, with recent German scholarship emphasizing the emperor's relationship with the chivalrous-courtly culture of the time.

Legends and anecdotes

In medieval Europe, the Golden Legend became refined by Jacobus de Voragine. This was a popularized interpretation of the Biblical end of the world. It consisted of three things: (1) terrible natural disasters; (2) the arrival of the Antichrist; (3) the establishment of a good king to combat the Antichrist. These millennial fables were common and freely traded by the populations on Continental Europe. End-time accounts had been around for thousands of years, but entered the Christian tradition with the writings of the Apostle Peter.

The legend has been read as prophecy from the beginning, as seen in the Italian collection Sibyla Eritrea, the Sächsische Weltchronik (1260), Salimbene di Adam's Cronica (1280). Barbarossa appears in a Messianic form, not just a new but also the final type of ruler – emperor of peace, who is associated with the latter days.[5] In later centuries, German propaganda played into the exaggerated fables believed by the common people by characterizing Frederick Barbarossa and Frederick II as personification of the "good king".[6] [8]

Historiography

In 2010, Professor Gianluca Raccagni of the University of Edinburgh summarized the current knowledge on Frederick's rule as the following:[13]

There are good reasons for Frederick’s enduring legacy and fame through the centuries, since he was deeply involved in expanding the influence of the Holy Roman Empire, enjoyed a long and remarkably stable rule in Germany (relatively speaking), was engaged in a momentous struggle with the papacy and the Lombard city communes, and had extensive contacts with the other Christian rulers in Europe and the Mediterranean, not to mention the crusade that he undertook and during which he died. Frederick came very close to killing the autonomy of the Italian city-states shortly after their birth,to re-establishing imperial control over the papacy, and to expanding his hegemony in the Mediterranean as well. A recent series of conferences has also underlined the profound influence of his reign on the development of public law.

Otto of Freising, Frederick's uncle, wrote an account of his reign entitled Gesta Friderici I imperatoris (Deeds of the Emperor Frederick). Otto's other major work, the Chronica sive Historia de duabus civitatibus (Chronicle or History of the Two Cities) had been an exposition of the Civitas Dei (The City of God) of St. Augustine of Hippo, full of Augustinian negativity concerning the nature of the world and history. His work on Frederick is of opposite tone, being an optimistic portrayal of the glorious potentials of imperial authority.[14] Otto died after finishing the first two books, leaving the last two to Rahewin, his provost. Rahewin's text is in places heavily dependent on classical precedent.

According to John Freed, until the end of the nineteenth century, even scholars in Germany had to rely on a semi-popular history to get a general overview of Frederick's reign. There were two occasions a substantial effort was made to create a comprehensive biography for the emperor and both ended with the main author's death. The first was the work of Henry Simonsfeld, who died in 1913 and his book, never completed, ends with Otto of Freising's death in 1158. The other notable contribution is the two volumes about Frederick in Wilhelm von Giesebrecht’s Geschichte der Deutschen Kaiserzeit (1855—88). Giesebrecht died in 1889 and thus his student Bernhard von Simson was the one who completed the work in 1895. This later became the scholarly standard work on the emperor's life. Giesebrecht presents Barbarossa's era as a high point of German history.[15] Freed opines that this work was meant to arouse patriotism.

In 1975, Frederick's charters were published. This and the postwar abandonment of the Kyffhäuser myth have led to the publications of several new biographies. The notable recent authorities among German-speaking historians include Ferdinand Opll, Johannes Laudage (who died in an accident in 2008 so could not write the section on the 1170s).[16] and Knut Görich.[17]

Bernd Schütte credits Ferdinand Oppl with raising the research of Frederick I to a new and resilient level, with contributions both through studies and bibliographical additions (Oppl is both a researcher and an archiver).[18] Opll's Friedrich Barbarossa presents the emperor as a pragmatic leader with a capacity of adaptation and recovery after defeat. Jean-Yves Mariotte highly praises the works but adds that more clarity on the subjects of the imperial function or the financial aspect of the monarchy might widen the perspective.[19]

Knut Görich's works on Frederick include Friedrich Barbarossa: Eine Biographie and Die Ehre Friedrich Barbarossas: Kommunikation, Konflikt und politisches Handeln im 12. Jahrhundert, in which he extensively discusses Frederick's attachment to the concept of honor imperii, which was tied to not only his self-understanding as a ruler, but also rights and duties, and also subject to balancing acts with what was politically possible. Görich does not see the 1177 Peace of Venice as a defeat for Frederick but a return to consensus, which later helped make room for maneuvre. Graham Loud agrees with Görich that the concept and language of honour permeated Frederick's reign but sometimes, they might have masked complex realities. Loud also notes Görich credibly shows Frederick as a man of ambition, calculation and skills – one of those was "an ability to satisfy and to recompense those who were not necessarily within his inner circle". On the other hand, Loud opines that Görich mentions Frederick's rule north of the Alps too little.[17] Contrary to Laudage, Görich questions whether traditional researchers have overemphasized the intentional side of Frederick's politics and instead highlights his capability of moderating consensus politics and the will to trial new modes of rulership.

Laudage also sees the concept of honour as the central determinant behind Frederick's thinking and actions. According to Laudage, it was because the emperor lived in an environment in which many issues raised in diets and councils were ultimate conflicts of honours (Ehrkonflikte): "In a society that lacked a written imperial constitution, it was crucial to constantly and demonstratively assert one's own reputation and position in the social hierarchy."(p. 46) During his career, Frederick had demonstrated genuine chivalry and generosity, as well as great ambition, but also violence and ruthlessness. Laudage especially criticized the pure force approach Frederick employed against Milan, which ultimately doomed the enterprise. Bernd Schütte notes that Laudage "ascribes to the emperor and his advisors the decisive initiative in all fields, always future-oritented and accompanied by far-reaching ideas and plans." Schütte also opines that in comparison with Ferdinand Opll's work, published in 1990, the chivalrous-courtly aspect of Frederick is now presented in a more pronounced and clear way, as shown in Laudage's work as well as those by other recent scholars.[20] Historians Plassmann and Foerster, in review of Freed's Frederick Barbarossa: the Prince and the Myth, note that the work, as "the first English-language biography of Frederick Barbarossa in several decades", is a valuable source and might serve English-speaking audience well, although there are some problems as well as views particular to the author. Other biographers also discuss the periods during the emperor was powerless, but they do not see it as pervasive throughout his reign as Freed. Plassmann notes that Freed ignores Knut Görich's point that argues that, "Frederick was universally accepted 'as king and emperor and managed to push for the succession he wanted'". According to Plassmann, Frederick achieved an "unusual level of acceptance" within Germany, which helped him to survive excommunication, pestilence, a crushing defeat against the Italian opposition and the defiance of one of the mightiest princes of the realm and ended up as the unquestioned leader of the German host on the third crusade".[21] [22]

Wolfgang Stürner's 2019 work on the Hohenstaufen dynasty Die Staufer. Eine mittelalterliche Herrscherdynastie. Bd. 1: Aufstieg und Machtentfaltung (975 bis 1190) is a highly regarded work about the emperor (two thirds of the book covers Barbarossa's reign). Stürner rejects the view of Barbarossa as an emperor driven by princes, and sees the emperor, first and foremost, as a ruler who tried to reestablish peace in the Empire through his role as arbitrator and judge, and his Landfriedensgesetze (peace laws), often with success. Hermann Kamp praises the overall quality of the work, while stating that it remains to be seen whether Barbarossa consistently thought and acted in this manner. He cites as an example the case of Henry the Lion and Henry Jasomirgott, whom Barbarossa reconciled expressly for the sake of family peace. For Stürner, honour did not play too much of a factor in Frederick's major decisions.[23] For example, the defining factor in Frederick's conflict with Milian was the city's refusal to make peace with other cities that was complaining to Frederick about Milan, as well as Milan's rejection of Frederick's role as an authority appointed by God to maintain order and peace. Stürner also approves Barbarossa's plan for a centrally managed community in the Reichsitalien, although he opines that Barbarossa misjudged the self-understanding of ecclesiastical powers in the West and the unwillingness of the French and the English monarchs to support the imperial position in claiming supremacy in church matter.[24] In Italy, the scholarly attention towards Frederick's person and his reign has always been considerable, in light of his extensive activities in the Italian domains.[25] In 1985, Franco Cardini wrote a sympathetic[26] biography. Research often focuses on the relationship, or struggle, between Frederick and Italian municipalities. Today, the "oppressor and oppressed" mythical tradition, fostered by the Risorgimento, is not popular anymore. Researchers saw the conflict as the clash between opposite policial conceptions, for which the two sides tried to find solutions through legal measures as well as by force. Schumann notes that the work Federico Barbarossa nel dibattito storiografico in Italia e in Germania, edited by Manselli and Riedmann, is a definite synthesis of non-nationally oriented historiography approaches (combining German and Italian research results) of the last forty years.[25]

Knut Görich opines that Italian writers tend to assume that responsibility the destruction of Milan lay solely with Frederick, but the cities in alliance with him played an important role too. Alfredo Pasquetti notés that German accounts show that the destruction was understood as a kind of revenge, but at the same time, the authors believed it to be justice and justified it with the hope that once the subjugation of Milan was completed, more glorious enterprises could be undertaken.[27]

Joseph P. Huffman gives the emperor the following evaluation:[28]

Frederick I Barbarossa died as he lived, far more successful in diplomatic victories than military ones. He was resourceful enough to leverage fissures among his opponents and to free himself from the consequences of serious setbacks, intuitively wise enough to offer his adversaries compensation for their losses while still building in future checks and balances, and politically realistic enough to believe in imperial honor and sovereignty while accepting the possible and practical when necessary.

Jenny Benham notes that the 1177 treaty of Venice ushed in a period of prosperity for the Sicilian kingdom, while the emperor and his descendants gained a claim to lordship of Sicily, and thus most of Italy, which would be realized by Constance and Henry later.[29]

Joseph F. Byrne remarks that although the successes of the Italian communes were short-lived, in the long run, their resilience against Europe's greatest monarch reinforced a communal ethic that would last for another two centuries and beyond. Byrne opines that Frederick was a flexible politician, but in Italy, his blind spot made him refuse to understand the Italian communes' commitment to their liberties and thus, for a quarter of a century, unable to formulate a satisfactory. Together with his refusal to recognize Alexander as Pope and his need to deal with matters north of the Alps, this prevented him from succeeding as direct overlord.[30] Peter Wilson opines that the 1177 truce, following by the Peace of Constance, through which the cities accepted imperial overlordship while the emperor recognized their communal autonomy and the League, ensured a good working relationship between both sides until the imperial civil war following the 1198 double election. Still, the situation remained open at Frederick's II death. With regard to the 1190 Crusade, Wilson writes that, "Barbarossa himself died en route, but though the expedition failed to recover Jerusalem, it relieved the pressure on the Crusader kingdoms and forged closer connections between crusading and the imperial office."[31]

Culture under Frederick Barbarossa

The reign of Barbarossa is noted for the flourishing of courtly culture and chivalrous literature. Peter Munz opines that this is "additional proof of social transformation which resulted in a universalization of feudal relationships."[32]

Legal studies

Barbarossa's patronage of learning aimed chiefly at legal studies, specifically Roman laws. He took a special interest in the Law school of Bologna, granted the Authentica habita, granted the Bolognese clerics privileges and recognize the law's important role in imperial administration. The new legal learning influenced the laws issued by the emperor in Roncaglia.[33] [34] [35]

Historiography and literature

Thomas Foerster remarks that the cultural and intellectual flourishing in Frederick's court was the result of both the expansion towards the Regnum Italia and the Mediterranean as well as Frederick's 1156 wedding to Beatrix of Burgundy. On one hands, the new king-emperor, through his deeds and achievements, inspired the intellectuals and historians of his time to produce works of poetry and historiography. On the other hands, the emperor showed an interest in the deeds of historical rulers, as evident in Otto of Freising's Chronica de duabus civitatibus, a Latin world chronicLe recording history from the creation of man to Frederick's era, and Gesta Friderici Imperatoris, a notable early Hohenstaufen historiographical work.[36] Other notable works include the Carmen de gestis Frederici imperatoris in Lombardia, authored by a scholar residing in Italy; the Historia expeditione Frederici, referring the 1189–90 crusade; Ligurinus, an epic poem that turns the prose of the Gesta Friderici into verse; the works of Godfrey of Viterbo, who served both Barbarossa and Henry VI.

Together with bringing real peace to Germany, Frederick and his contemporaries tried to build a culture of peace. The king-emperor, as pater patria, was expected to bring peace. But Frederick emphasized setting the pattern of peace with justice, rather than affection in the Salian manner. Otto of Freising, in the Gesta Friderici Imperatoris, read this "attitude into his nephew's every gesture". In Otto's view, constancia made the emperor a rector who balanced between the functions of king and high cleric.[37] [38]

Minnesang

After the wedding with Beatrice, together with the arrival of trouvères and troubadours like Guyot de Provins from Burgundy and Provence, the art of minnesang developed in Barbarossa's court. Early remarkable German Minnesänger incluđe Friedrich von Hausen, Bligger II von Steinach and Bernger von Horheim.[39] [40]

Architecture

See also: Imperial Palace, Gelnhausen.

Frederick was a great builder of palaces and public buildings.[41]

Depictions in arts

Poems

Already he sees the goal of his wishes [the Holy Land] There he migrates in joy to Christ.The accompanying illustration depicts an angel presenting the emperor's soul, as a baby, to the hand of God. At the same time, the physical body of Frederick is shown plunging into the water. The imperial crown already lies beneath water. John Freed writes that, "This jarring depiction and its ambivalent assessment of Frederick’s reign were soon covered up with a layer of paint that was not removed until the beginning of the twentieth century. The time is long overdue to uncover the prince beneath the myth."

Music

German minnesang tradition began under the reign of Frederick and was inspired by his Crusade as well as his considerable art patronage (and also, the French troubadour tradition of the time[47]), although they were not exhortative or political songs and tended to be love songs instead.[48] [49] [50] Minnesingers such as Friedrich von Hausen depicted Frederick and his court in their works.

Theatrical works

The opera by Giuseppe Verdi (music) and Salvadore Cammarano (libretto) was about the 1176 defeat of Frederick by the army of the Lombard League.[57]

Visual arts

Novels

Films

Barbarossa cities

There are several cities associating themselves with the memory of the emperor (called Barbarossasttadt, or Barbarossa city). The cities usually mentioned include Sinzig, Kaiserslautern, Gelnhausen, Altenburg, Bad Frankenhausen, but Annweiler am Trifels, Bad Wimpfen, Eberbach and Waiblingen consider themselves as such as well.[113]

Events

There are various medieval festivals associated with Frederick and the Hohenstaufen dynasty in Germany, with some of the notable ones including:

Since 1981, Como organized the Palio del Baradello, in which various villages competed to win the Pallium, a silk drape that is hand-painted by various artists from Como every year.[118]

2022 is the 900th commemoration year of the birth of Frederick Barbarossa. Recently in Selm, a stele has been created to commemorate the emperor.[119] Events like exhibitions and festivals about Frederick have been planned in various German localities, including a celebration at the Barbarossa Cave.[120] [121] [122] [123] [124]

Recently, to commemorate the emperor, the Supply Battalion 131 (called "Battalion Barbarossa") of the Kyffhäuser barracks (Kyffhäuser-Kaserne, Bundeswehr built a huge ground artwork in Bad Frankenhausen, which uses among other things 300 roles of fabric (each was 100 meters long). The mission is named Rotbart ("Redbeard").[125]

See also

Bibliography and further reading

Notes and References

  1. News: Marginalie: Knochen٬ die die Welt bedeuteten . 15 August 2022 . remszeitung.de . 12 August 2022 . de.
  2. Book: Freed . John B. . Frederick Barbarossa: The Prince and the Myth . 2016b . 518–537 . 10.12987/yale/9780300122763.003.0019.
  3. Book: Hahn . Hans Joachim . German Thought and Culture: From the Holy Roman Empire to the Present Day . 1995 . Manchester University Press . 978-0-7190-4192-1 . 15 . 22 February 2022 . en.
  4. [Ernst Hartwig Kantorowicz|Kantorowicz]
  5. Book: Drescher . Michael Rodegang . Poets of Protest: Mythological Resignification in American Antebellum and German Vormärz Literature . 31 December 2016 . transcript Verlag . 978-3-8394-3745-2 . 254 . 23 February 2022 . en.
  6. Book: Bessel . Professor of Twentieth-Century History Richard . Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany: Comparisons and Contrasts . 28 March 1996 . Cambridge University Press . 978-0-521-47711-6 . 121 . 22 February 2022 . en.
  7. Other figures like Martin Luther, Frederick II the Great of Prussia and Bismarck also became associated with the cult of the national leader, which would later be mobilized by national socialists.[6]
  8. Book: Schulze . Hagen . Kleine deutsche Geschichte: mit Bildern aus dem Deutschen Historischen Museum . 2007 . C.H.Beck . 978-3-406-56130-6 . 6 . 23 February 2022 . de.
  9. Book: DePierre . David . A Brief History of Oral Sex . 26 June 2017 . McFarland . 978-1-4766-7126-0 . 71 . 22 February 2022 . en.
  10. Book: Sorba . Carlotta . Politics and Sentiments in Risorgimento Italy: Melodrama and the Nation . 3 May 2021 . Springer Nature . 978-3-030-69732-7 . 134 . 22 February 2022 . en.
  11. Book: Allen . Beverly . Russo . Mary J. . Revisioning Italy: National Identity and Global Culture . 1997 . U of Minnesota Press . 978-0-8166-2727-1 . 82 . 22 February 2022 . en.
  12. Book: Facaros . Dana . Pauls . Michael . Lombardy and the Italian Lakes . 2008 . Cadogan Guides . 978-1-86011-402-1 . 24,84 . 15 August 2022 . en.
  13. Bulletin . German Historical Institute London . Gianluca Raccagni: review of Johannes Laudage, Friedrich Barbarossa (1152-1190): Eine Biografie, ed. Lars Hageneier and Matthias Schrör . German Historical Institute London Bulletin . 32 . 2 . 1 January 2010 . 19 February 2022.
  14. Book: Cantor . Norman F. . 1993 . The Civilization of the Middle Ages . New York . HarperCollins . 309 . 0-06-017033-6 . 24 September 2016 .
  15. Book: Loud . Graham A. . Schenk . Jochen . The Origins of the German Principalities, 1100-1350: Essays by German Historians . 6 July 2017 . Taylor & Francis . 978-1-317-02200-8 . 41 . 14 February 2022 . en.
  16. Book: Schütte . Bernd . J. Laudage: Friedrich Barbarossa . 2009 . 978-3-7917-2167-5 . 19 February 2022.
  17. Loud . Graham A. . Knut Görich, Friedrich Barbarossa. Eine Biographie, München (C. H. Beck) 2011 . Francia-Recensio 2012/3 Mittelalter – Moyen Âge (500–1500) . Graham Loud.
  18. Web site: Schütte . Bernd . Böhmer, J. F.; Opll, Ferdinand (Bearb.): Die Regesten des Kaiserreiches unter Friedrich I. 1152 (1122)–1190. 4. Lieferung 1181–1190. Wien: Böhlau Verlag Wien 2011. 978-3-205-78683-2; LIV, 345 S. . hsozkult . 22 February 2022.
  19. Mariotte . Jean-Yves . Ferdinand Opll, Friedrich Barbarossa, 1990 . Francia . 28 November 2018 . Bd. 18 . 289–290 Seiten . 10.11588/fr.1991.1.56770 . 22 February 2022.
  20. Book: Schütte . Bernd . J. Laudage: Friedrich Barbarossa. Pustet . 22 February 2022 . 2009. 978-3-7917-2167-5 .
  21. Plassmann . Alheydis . Frederick Barbarossa: The Prince and the Myth. By John B. Freed. Yale University Press. 2016. xxxiv + 676pp. £30.00.: REVIEWS AND SHORT NOTICES . History . July 2017 . 102 . 351 . 487–488 . 10.1111/1468-229X.12427 . 19 February 2022.
  22. Foerster . Thomas . Review of 'Frederick Barbarossa: the Prince and the Myth' . Reviews in History . 2016 . 10.14296/RiH/2014/2018 . 19 February 2022. free .
  23. Kamp . Hermann . Wolfgang Stürner, Die Staufer. Eine mittelalterliche Herrscherdynastie. Bd. 1: Aufstieg und Machtentfaltung (975 bis 1190). Stuttgart, Kohlhammer 2020 . Historische Zeitschrift . 1 August 2021 . 313 . 1 . 199–200 . 10.1515/hzhz-2021-1244. 238423943 .
  24. Book: Schaarschmidt . Sebastian . W. Stürner: Die Staufer . 2020 . Hsozkult . 9783170225909 . 8 July 2023.
  25. News: Schumann . Reinhold . Review of Federico Barbarossa nel dibatti storiografico in Italia e in Germania . 1984 . 114–115 . 1855953 . 20 February 2022.
  26. Petke . Wolfgang . Review of Friedrich I. Barbarossa, Kaiser des Abendlandes . Mediaevistik . 1994 . 7 . 351–354 . 42584249 . 20 February 2022 . 0934-7453.
  27. Book: Cristini, Marco. La Distruzione di Milano (1162)/Silanos, Pietro; Sprenger, Kai-Michael (Hrsg.), 2015/Buchrezensionen . Vita e Pensiero . 30 July 2023 . 2016. 9788834330098 .
  28. Huffman. Joseph.P. Frederick Barbarossa (1122–90). Martel . Gordon . The Encyclopedia of Diplomacy, 4 Volume Set . 30 April 2018 . John Wiley & Sons . 978-1-118-88791-2 . 748 . 29 July 2023 . en.
  29. Benham. The Peace of Venice, 1177first1=Jenny. Martel . Gordon . The Encyclopedia of Diplomacy, 4 Volume Set . 30 April 2018 . John Wiley & Sons . 978-1-118-88791-2 . 1505 . 29 July 2023 . en.
  30. Byrne. Thomas. Frederick I Hohenstaufen. Kleinhenz . Christopher . Medieval Italy: An Encyclopedia . 2 August 2004 . Routledge . 978-1-135-94880-1 . 412 . 29 July 2023 . en.
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  32. Book: Munz . Peter . Frederick Barbarossa; a Study in Medieval Politics . 1969 . Cornell University Press . 978-0-8014-0511-2 . 320 . 29 July 2023 . en.
  33. Book: Peña . Manuel Alejandro Rodríguez de la . The Cultural Power of Medieval Monarchy: Politics, Learning and Patronage in the Royal Courts of Europe, 1000–1300 . 22 September 2023 . Taylor & Francis . 978-1-000-95900-0 . 197 . 29 July 2023 . en.
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  125. News: Mission "Rotbart" am Kyffhäuser: Bundeswehr baut Barbarossa-Bodenbild . 15 August 2022 . bild.de . de.