1992 Croatian parliamentary election explained

Country:Croatia
Previous Election:1990
Next Election:1995
Seats For Election:All 138 seats in the Chamber of Representatives
Majority Seats:69
Turnout:75.61%
Election Date:2 August 1992
First Election:yes
Party1:Croatian Democratic Union
Leader1:Franjo Tuđman
Seats1:85
Percentage1:44.71
Party2:Croatian Social Liberal Party
Leader2:Dražen Budiša
Seats2:14
Percentage2:17.72
Party3:Croatian Party of Rights
Leader3:Dobroslav Paraga
Seats3:5
Percentage3:7.07
Party4:Croatian People's Party – Liberal Democrats
Leader4:Savka Dabčević-Kučar
Seats4:6
Percentage4:6.70
Party5:Social Democratic Party of Croatia
Leader5:Ivica Račan
Seats5:11
Percentage5:5.53
Party6:Croatian Peasant Party
Leader6:Drago Stipac
Seats6:3
Percentage6:4.25
Party7:DAIDSRiDS
Leader7:Ivan Jakovčić (IDS)
Seats7:6
Percentage7:3.18
Party8:Serb People's Party (Croatia)
Leader8:Milan Đukić
Seats8:3
Percentage8:1.09
Party9:Independents
Leader9:
Seats9:5
Percentage9:
Prime Minister
Posttitle:Subsequent Prime Minister
Before Election:Franjo Gregurić
Before Party:Croatian Democratic Union
After Election:Hrvoje Šarinić
After Party:Croatian Democratic Union

Parliamentary elections were held in Croatia on 2 August 1992,[1] alongside presidential elections. They were the first elections after independence and under the new constitution. All 138 seats in the Chamber of Representatives were up for election. The result was a victory for the Croatian Democratic Union, which won an absolute majority of 85 seats. Voter turnout was 75.6%.[2]

Background

The circumstances under which the elections took place were extraordinary - one third of the country was occupied by Krajina forces, while Croatia itself was involved in war raging in neighbouring Bosnia and Herzegovina. Few people, however, doubted their legitimacy because the old Parliament, elected under the old Communist Constitution and in a time when Croatia had been part of Yugoslavia, clearly didn't correspond to the new political realities.

Although the new Constitution called for two houses of Parliament, only one - House of Representatives - was elected.

New electoral laws, written by Smiljko Sokol, were passed and a new voting system - combination of first past the post and proportional representation was introduced. 60 members were to be elected in individual constituencies while 60 seats were to be distributed among those candidates' lists who broke 2% threshold. 12 seats were reserved for expatriate Croatians, while the Parliament had to have at least 15 members belonging to ethnic minorities - 11 Serbs and 4 others.

Franjo Tudjman and his Croatian Democratic Union party entered the campaign with great confidence, because Croatia, despite being partially occupied, had won independence and international recognition under his leadership. State-controlled media at the time presented the war as practically won and peaceful reintegration of Krajina a mere formality that would occur in very foreseeable future.

However, the very same period saw the emergence of opposition to Tudjman's regime, centred mostly around politicians and parties who criticised Tudjman's conduct of war and found the government to be too appeasing towards the international community and the Serbs. Other opposition leaders were troubled by Tudjman's autocratic tendencies and visible decline of democratic standards in Croatia.

The Social Democratic Party of Croatia, which was nominally the main opposition party, based on its representation in the old Parliament, was in comparison somehow friendly towards Tudjman. This could be explained with its precarious position - it lost most of its membership to defections, many of its disgruntled voters defected to other parties, while many Croatians associated that party with Communism. Many analysists and opinion polls believed SDP would fail to break the 2% threshold.

The opposition was very vocal, but it was also disunited - which was most evident in the rivalry between two liberal parties - Croatian Social Liberal Party and Croatian People's Party.

Conduct

This election, together with the presidential election, was also associated with alleged vote fraud. After the elections, some opposition candidates accused the ruling party of stealing the votes and rigging the result in favour of their candidates, especially in constituencies where the election was close. The best known of such accusations related to one Zagreb constituency where the HDZ candidate and future Sabor speaker Nedjeljko Mihanović won the seat and defeated the HSLS candidate Relja Bašić only after receiving couple of hundred votes allegedly cast in Croatian prisons.

Results

The splits in the opposition allowed the HDZ to win constituencies deemed hopeless by the split opposition, sometimes with barely 18% of the vote. HDZ won around 40% of the vote on the national level, but it also won 54 out of 60 individual constituencies. The only places where HDZ was soundly beaten was Istria, where the local Istrian Democratic Assembly won all 3 constituencies, while one seat in nearby city of Rijeka was taken by Vladimir Bebić, representative of Alliance of Primorje - Gorski Kotar. One seat, representing then-occupied Vukovar, was won by an independent candidate, while one seat in Medjimurje was won by HSLS.

Although HDZ won a comfortable majority, the opposition could comfort themselves with the emergence of HSLS as the strongest opposition party. Other parties to enter Sabor were HNS, Croatian Peasant Party, Croatian Party of Rights, Dalmatian Action, SDP and Serb Popular Party.

The latter had their representative in Parliament elected by the decision of Constitutional Court, in order to fill quota of ethnic Serbs. This decision was controversial, because the Court explained its decision by branding SNS as an "ethnic party" and, therefore, more entitled to represent the Serb ethnic minority than any other party. This was at the expense of the left-wing Social Democratic Union party, which won more votes than SNS and had more than enough ethnic Serb candidates on its list to fill the quota.

See also

Sources

Notes and References

  1. [Dieter Nohlen]
  2. Nohlen & Stöver, p414