| Congress of People's Deputies | |
| Native Name Lang: | ru |
| Transcription Name: | |
| Background Color: |
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| Legislature: | 1st Congress of People's Deputies |
| Coa Pic: | White-blue-white flag.svg |
| Coa Res: | 250px |
| Preceded By: | Federal Assembly (claimed) |
| House Type: | Unicameral provisional government |
| Houses: | Executive Council |
| Leader1 Type: | Allegiance |
| Leader1: | Irpin Declaration |
| Election1: | 5 November 2022 |
| Members: | Delegates: 78 Executive Council: 11 |
| House1: | Delegates |
| House2: | Executive Council |
| Political Groups2: |
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| Structure1 Res: | 250px |
| Structure2 Res: | 250px |
| Voting System1: | Legislative session |
| Voting System2: | Minutes |
| Last Election1: | (officially, the third and current session) |
| Meeting Place: | Jabłonna, Poland (Only first session) |
| Meeting Place2: | Warsaw, Poland |
| Logo Res: | 250px |
| Text Color: |
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The Congress of People's Deputies is a meeting of former deputies of different levels and convocations from Russia, claiming to be the transitional parliament of the Russian Federation or its possible successor.[1] Former State Duma deputy Ilya Ponomarev became the public initiator of the congress. Sessions of the 1st Congress were held on 4–7 November 2022 in Jabłonna, Poland.[2] [3]
The congress positions itself as a meeting of “the only representatives of society and the state who have the democratic legitimacy they received from Russian citizens”.[4] Ilya Ponomarev answered during the congress that, as representatives of Russian citizens, they are quite legitimate, since they had once been elected by the people, and now Russia needs a temporary body for the transfer of power, and they “will hold elections later.” Gennady Gudkov called the congress a "proto-parliament".[5]
The following were invited to participate in the congress as voting delegates:
Persons condemning the war in Ukraine and having received the recommendation of at least two delegates could also take part. Thus, those who have never been deputies could become delegates. The organizers announced that a total of 94 applications were submitted for participation in the congress. In total, 51 delegates registered to participate in the Congress of People's Deputies of Russia, 26 of them took part online. There were 80 guests with an advisory vote from 32 regions of the Russian Federation and 9 foreign countries. Several participants of the Congress who took part in its work remotely from Russia were forced to hide their names and faces for security reasons. The verification of their identity was carried out by the counting and mandate commission.[6]
Prior to the start of the congress, the organizing committee included Nina Belyaeva, Gennady Gudkov, Elena Lukyanova, Ilya Ponomarev, Mark Feygin, Pyotr Tsarkov and Arkady Yankovsky. To conduct current political activities between meetings, an Executive Council of 11 people was created to replace the organizing committee. The following were elected to the council: Gennady Gudkov, Andrey Illarionov, Elena Istomina, Lyudmila Kotesova, Elena Lukyanova, Alexander Osovtsov, Ilya Ponomarev, Andrey Sidelnikov, Mark Feygin, Pyotr Tsarkov, and "Caesar".[7]
Composition of the congress delegates:
On the eve and during the congress, the organizers said that the palace they had chosen for the meeting in Jabłonna, which they believed was the place where the famous negotiations between the authorities of the Polish People's Republic and the Solidarity trade union took place in the late 80s. In fact, . The organizers supposedly found out about this only when they arrived in Poland, and so, they did not urgently change the venue. Some of the delegates could not come to Poland, due to problems with obtaining a humanitarian visa (entry on tourist visas to Russians was prohibited from 19 September).
Ilya Ponomarev chose as an anthem from two options: "Walls will collapse" (the anthem of the Polish Solidarity) and the Russian revolutionary "Dubinushka", but could not decide.
Only the ex-deputy of the Tverskoy District of Moscow was able to come from Russia. The delegates were not introduced to each other. Online participants were repeatedly "forgotten" to speak, and their unopened proposals were also rejected. Deputy Kostromichev from Northern Tushino suggested renaming the Congress:However, this was not accepted. It is known that among the organizers of the congress were Russian nationalists Dmitry Savvin[8] and Alexei Baranovsky; however, this did not lead to the adoption of the amendments of fellow nationalist Vasily Kryukov.
At the congress, there were speeches about the murder of Putin, in particular from Ponomarev himself, as well as the deputy of the Verkhovna Rada Alexei Goncharenko and the founder of the Artpodgotovka movement Vyacheslav Maltsev, who is considered by many in the opposition to be a provocateur.[9] because of his insistent announcements of "revolution" in Russia on 5 November 2017. Shortly before this date, he himself left for France, and the people who believed him were detained and sent to prison for long periods. The Act on the Resistance Movement was the key document of the entire congress. Among the delegates there was no unified support for the armed struggle.[7]
Some participants left the congress ahead of schedule.[10]
Ponomarev himself voted against the annexation of Crimea to Russia only because of his dissatisfaction with the annexation procedure. He explained his attitude to what happened with Crimea as follows: it's bad not what they annexed, but how they annexed.[13] Assembly of independent municipal deputies "Zemsky Congress" condemned the path of violent solutions to political problems.[14]
The meetings of the congress were accompanied by scandals and mutual accusations. Two positions prevailed among Russian opposition politicians and activists. The first is that the two dozen former deputies who have gathered no longer represent anyone. The second is that every association against Putin is useful. This, as well as Ponomarev's desire to present himself as a kind of coordinator of armed resistance to the regime in Russia, when it is not completely clear whether such resistance actually exists, forced many to accept the convening and work of the congress with hostility.[15]
Former deputy from the Voronezh Oblast Nina Belyaeva accused Ponomarev of distorting the draft document on lustrations prepared by her.[16] [17] There was no sound during her performance. Later, in her Telegram channel, Belyaeva stated that she was deliberately turned off the sound and was not allowed to speak. The next day, Ponomarev called Belyaeva "a person with psychological problems" in response to an offer to negotiate her claimed intellectual property rights, and the organizers turned off the microphone of the SOTA journalist when he began to find out what led to the conflict.[18] [19] Later, she filed an application with a request to initiate a criminal case against Ilya Ponomarev under Art. 157 (slander).[20] Belyaeva also said that the presence of a certain number of worthy people at the congress does not make it legitimate.[21]
Russian activists living in different cities of Poland did not recognize Ilya Ponomarev and his congress:[22] The Free Nations League issued a statement that they do not recognize “any political forces and centers that will justify the preservation of the Russian Federation in its modern form,” because the wording from the draft declaration of the congress contradicts the approach of the FNL and Ponomarev's statements. Some have linked this direction of the declaration with the fact that one of its authors was the nationalist Dmitry Savvin. Journalist Harun Sidorov noted that the dispute over who will determine political self-determination - national and regional movements or Russian revolutionaries - so far looks like dividing the skin of an unkilled bear.[23] Dmitry Savvin himself, who proposed the idea of the congress to Ponomarev, spoke negatively about the past event.[8]
Galina Filchenko, who took part in the congress, reacted to an article by Novaya Gazeta journalist Ilya Azar, in which he called her "not the most charismatic deputy", calling him "not the most charismatic Jew." The event was attended by Ponomarev's assistant Alexei Baranovsky, who previously headed the Russian Verdict organization (defending nationalists who killed migrants),[24] as well as nationalist Vasily Kryukov, who said that one of the main troubles of Russia is the Tajiks.[25]
Political scientist Ekaterina Schulmann said that “the key problem of such events is the lack of legitimacy ... in itself this is not a very significant event (and not an event at all), but as a symptom it is quite significant. I think that we will see some more attempts of this kind in the foreseeable future.”.[26] [27]
In April 2023, the Congress was designated as "undesirable" in Russia.[28]