List of Celtic place names in Galicia explained

The Celtic toponymy of Galicia is the whole of the ancient or modern place, river, or mountain names which were originated inside a Celtic language, and thus have Celtic etymology, and which are or were located inside the limits of modern Galicia.

Ancient Celtic toponyms

In Galicia, approximately half of the non Latin toponyms transmitted from antiquity in the works of classical geographers and authors (Pomponius Mela, Pliny the Elder, Ptolemy...), or in epigraphic Roman inscriptions, have been found to be Celtic,[1] [2] being the other half mostly Indo-European but either arguably non Celtic, or lacking a solid Celtic etymology.Here is a non exhaustive list of toponyms which have been found to be, probably, Celtic.[3] The most characteristic element is Celtic languages: -bri(s),[4] from Proto-Celtic *brigs,[5] with its derivative Celtic languages: *brigā, both meaning 'hill', and thence 'hillfort' and 'town'. The only type of settlement known in Galicia during the Iron Age are forts and fortified towns (Galician: castros) built in hills and peninsulas. Many of them were abandoned after the Roman conquest.

Britonia

See main article: Britonia. In the 5th or 6th centuries a colony of Britons settled in northern Galicia,[71] and their bishops-abbots attended several councils, first of the Suebic Kingdom of Galicia, and later of the Visigoths in Toledo, until the 8th century. A series of place-names have been attributed to them:[72]

There also existed a village called Bretonos near the city of Lugo, in the Middle Ages.[73]

Modern and mediaeval toponyms

While there are Celtic toponyms all over Galicia, most Celtic and pre-Latin toponyms can be found along the coastal areas, most notably in the Rías Altas region around A Coruña, and in the valley of the Ulla river.

Regions, Mountains and Islands

Some Galician regions - usually called 'comarcas' when spanning over several municipalities, or concellos (councils) otherwise - maintain names either directly inherited from pre-Roman tribal and sub-tribal names, or simply with pre-Roman origin:

Céltigos, a village, in Sarria.

Céltigos, a parish, in Frades.

Céltigos, a parish, in Ortigueira.

Rivers

Many Galician rivers preserve old Celtic and pre-Roman Indo-European names, most notably larger ones. Others have lost its pre-Latin name, but its old namewas recorded in Medieval scriptures:

Parishes and Villages

Most of the 3794 parishes, small rural districts, of Galicia continue medieval and Roman villas, frequently founded near, or even on top, of old Iron Age hillforts. Many of these parishes preserve old pre-Latin names.

Composites containing Celtic *-brig- 'hill'

The most frequent element among the Celtic toponyms of Galicia is *brigs,[108] meaning 'hill, high place', and by extension 'hillfort'. Usually it is the second element in composite toponyms ending in -bre, -be or -ve,[109] being cognate of Irish Gaelic brí 'hill', with the same origin: Proto-Celtic *-brigs > -brixs > -bris. A few toponyms ending in -bra proceed from a derivative -brigā 'hill(fort)', which also originated Breton and Welsh languages bre 'hill'. Some of these toponyms are:[110]

Toponyms based on a superlative

Another frequent type of Celtic toponyms in Galicia are those whose names are formed as a superlative,[153] either formed with the suffix -mmo- or with the composite one -is-mmo-:

Other pre-Latin toponyms

Other villages and parishes have names with pre-Latin, probably Celtic, origin, specially in the coastal areas of A Coruña and Pontevedra provinces and all along the valley of the Ulla river. Among them:

See also

References

Other resources

Notes and References

  1. Curchin (2008) pp. 109, 130-131.
  2. Vallejo (2009) pp. 272-273.
  3. In general, cf. Falileyev (2007), Curchin (2008), Luján (2006). Reconstructed Proto-Celtic forms are usually given according to the forms proposed by Matasovic (2009). As in the rest of the article, an asterisk marks an otherwise hypothetical form.
  4. Koch (2006) p. 790
  5. Prósper (2002) p. 358
  6. Prósper (2002) p. 258.
  7. cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *fētu-.
  8. Curchin (2008) p.117; Luján (2006) p. 726.
  9. Curchin (2008) p. 117.
  10. Curchin (2008) p. 115; Luján (2006) p. 728; Delamarre (2012) p. 41
  11. Luján (2006) p. 723.
  12. Delamarre (2003) p. 37; Koch (2006) s.v. albio, albiones.
  13. Delamarre (2003) p. 37
  14. Prósper (2008) p. 37.
  15. Curchin (2008) p. 111.
  16. Delamarre (2012) p. 67
  17. Delamarre (2003) p. 61.
  18. Curchin (2008) p. 118.
  19. Prósper (2002) p. 360.
  20. Falileyev (2007) s.v.
  21. cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *brig-, *brigo-.
  22. cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *kallī-.
  23. Curchin (2008) p. 119; Luján (2006) p. 728.
  24. Curchin (2008) p. 119
  25. Cf. Epigraphik-Datenbank Clauss / Slaby .
  26. Búa (2018) p. 176.
  27. Curchin (2008) p. 120.
  28. cf. Matasovic (2009). s.v.
  29. Delamarre (2003) p. 117.
  30. Curchin (2008) p.120; Delamarre (2003) s.v. coilos.
  31. Koch (2006) p. 1593.
  32. cf. Matasovic (2009) p. 214.
  33. Curchin (2008) p. 121.
  34. Pliny, Natural History III.28.
  35. cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v.
  36. Luján (2006) p. 728.
  37. cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *fare-koro-.
  38. Delamarre. Xavier. Quatre toponymes celtiques d'Espagne. Nouvelle Revue d'Onomastique. 2009. 51. 1–15. 2 October 2012. 10.3406/onoma.2009.1510.
  39. Curchin (2008) p. 122.
  40. cf. Curchin (2008) p. 122.
  41. Delamarre. Xavier. IRIA (*ĪRYĀ) "L'OPULENTE, LA FERTILE" (LIGURIE, GALICE, DALMATIE). Veleia. 2009. 26. 355–358. 2 October 2012.
  42. Curchin (2008) p. 123.
  43. cf. Prósper (2002) p. 258.
  44. Falileyev (2007) s.v. lān(i)o-.
  45. Lujan (2006) p. 725.
  46. Curchin (2008) p. 113
  47. Delamarre (2012) p. 178
  48. cf. Ward (1996) s.v.
  49. Orosius, Historiarum adversum paganos, VI.21.
  50. Cf. Falileyev (2007) s.v. Medulli.
  51. Curchin (2008) p. 113
  52. Curchin (2008) p. 124.
  53. cf. Delamarre (2003) s.v. meion.
  54. Curchin (2008) p. 124; Luján (2006) p. 727.
  55. Delamarre (2012) p. 204
  56. Delamarre (2003) s.v. nauson.
  57. Curchin (2008) p. 112; Luján (2006) p.724.
  58. Curchin (2008) p.124; Luján (2006) p.727; Delamarre (2012) p. 178
  59. Curchin (2008) p. 125.
  60. cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *akro-.
  61. Curchin (2008) p. 125; Lujan (2006) p. 727.
  62. cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *folkā-.
  63. Curchin (2008) p. 125; Luján (2006) p.727.
  64. Delamarre (2012) p. 211
  65. Curchin (2008) p.116; Luján (2006) p. 724.
  66. Prósper (2008) pp. 38-40.
  67. Luján (2006) p. 729.
  68. Ward (1996) s.v.; Delamarre (2003) p. 288.
  69. Delamarre (2012) p. 246
  70. Curchin (2008) p. 129; Prósper (2002) p. 259.
  71. Koch (2006) s.v. Britonia.
  72. Book: Young, Simon. Britonia: camiños novos. 2002. Toxosoutos. Noia. 978-84-95622-58-7. 123–128.
  73. “Inter Bretonos et Sancto Petro de Mera“, 1078 CE, in Flórez, España Sagrada 40: 420.
  74. cf. Falileyev s.v. araus(i)o-.
  75. Matasovic (2009) s.v.
  76. Koch (2003) s.v. Brigantes
  77. 'discurrente ad aulam Sancte Marie, inter IIos montes Leboreiro et Carnota, secus flumen Doronia', c. 1110.
  78. Moralejo 2010, 106.
  79. Mariño Paz, p. 32.
  80. Moralejo 2010, 107.
  81. Búa (2018) p. 125.
  82. Bascuas (2006) p. 813.
  83. Koch (2006) s.v. Bretha Nemed.
  84. Mariño Paz, p. 32
  85. Bascuas (2008) p. 531
  86. Delamarre (2003) s.v.
  87. Búa (2019) p. 67.
  88. Monteagudo (1999) p. 266
  89. Mariño Paz (1999) p. 34.
  90. Búa (2019) p. 86.
  91. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *dēwo-.
  92. Koch (2006) p. 318.
  93. Book: Delamarre, Xavier. Noms de lieux celtiques de l'Europe ancienne. 2012. Errance. Paris. 978-2-87772-483-8. 143.
  94. Monteagudo (1999) p. 278
  95. Cf. Delamarre (2003) s.v. lano-.
  96. Moralejo (2007) pp. 144-148
  97. Moralejo (2007) pp. 148-150; Monteagudo (1999) p. 288
  98. Mariño Paz (1998) p. 32; Prósper (2002) p. 312.
  99. Monteagudo (1999) p. 291.
  100. Sánchez Albornoz. Claudio. Divisiones tribales y administrativas del solar del reino de Asturias en la época romana. Boletín de la Real Academia de la Historia. 1929. 95. 315–395. 25 October 2012.
  101. González. José Manuel. Otros ríos asturianos de nombre prerromano (Eo, Navia, Ibias, Varayo, Esva). Archivum: Revista de la Facultad de Filología. 1964. 14. 134–148. 25 October 2012.
  102. Monteagudo (1999) p. 299
  103. Falileyev (2007) s.v. Tamaris
  104. Monteagudo (1999) p. 305
  105. Monteagudo (1999) p. 309
  106. Búa (2019) p. 78.
  107. Búa (2019) p. 80.
  108. cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *brig-
  109. Toponyms ended in -ve, -be generally derive from toponyms ended in -bre / -vre, through metathesis or dissimilation. Cf. Moralejo (2007) p. 39.
  110. In general, and for most of these toponyms: Prósper (2002) pp. 357-382.
  111. Moralejo 2010, 104-105.
  112. Moralejo (2007) p. 352.
  113. Cf. Falileyev (2007) s.v. Arcobriga.
  114. Prósper (2002) p. 380.
  115. Cf. Falileyev s.v. anat-
  116. Prósper (2002) p. 376.
  117. Cf. Falileyev s.v. ba/odio-.
  118. Cf. Delamarre (2003) s.v. britu-
  119. Cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *briti-
  120. Búa (2019) p. 65.
  121. Cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *kallī-.
  122. Prósper (2002) p. 377.
  123. Cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *karant-.
  124. Prósper (2002) p. 374.
  125. cf. IEW s.v. *(s)ker-3.
  126. Prósper (2002) p. 364.
  127. Cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *kayto-
  128. Cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v. kēlyo-.
  129. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *kiwo-.
  130. Matasovic (2009) s.v. kʷol-u-.
  131. Falileyev s.v. corto-.
  132. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *widu-.
  133. CIL II, 5607a.
  134. Prósper (2002) p. 377; Delamarre (2003) s.v. *illio-.
  135. Prósper (2002) p. 377
  136. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *feno-.
  137. Prósper (2002) p. 378.
  138. Falileyev s.v. *iso-
  139. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *landā-.
  140. Ward s.v. *lāgenā.
  141. Prósper (2002) p. 375.
  142. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *lestro-
  143. Prósper (2002) p. 378; cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *magyo-.
  144. Prósper (2002) p. 375.
  145. cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v. akro-.
  146. Cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v.
  147. Matasovic (2009) p. 127.
  148. Bascuas (2002) p. 235-236.
  149. Prósper (2002) p. 379.
  150. cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *sentu-.
  151. Falileyev s.v.
  152. Cf. Falileyev s.v. Vologatae, and Matasovic (2009) s.v. *walo-.
  153. Prósper (2005) pp. 267-284.
  154. Prósper (2005) p. 266.
  155. Prósper (2005) p. 269; Moralejo (2007) p. 44.
  156. Prósper (2005) p. 278.
  157. Cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v.*ufo.
  158. Matasovic (2009) s.v. māro-
  159. Moralejo 2010, 106-107.
  160. Prósper (2005) p. 282.
  161. Cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v.*sego-.
  162. Cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *owxsV- 'high'
  163. Moralejo 2010, 100.
  164. Matasovic (2009), s.v., Delamarre (2003) s.v. arganton
  165. Moralejo (2007) p. 350.
  166. Moralejo 2010, 103-104.
  167. Matasovic (2009) s.v., Delamarre (2003) s.v.
  168. Monteagudo (1999) p. 256.
  169. Among other possibilities. Cf. Moralejo 2010, 106.
  170. Cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *mrogi, Moralejo (2007) pp. 179-184.
  171. Prósper (2002) p. 312.
  172. Prósper (2005) p. 269.
  173. Búa (2019) p. 60.
  174. cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *Salano-
  175. Matasovic (2009), s.v.
  176. Ares (2014) pp. 161-164.