The Apocalypse of Peter, also called the Revelation of Peter, is an early Christian text of the 2nd century and a work of apocalyptic literature. It is the earliest-written extant document depicting a Christian version of heaven and hell in detail. The Apocalypse of Peter is influenced by both Jewish apocalyptic literature and Hellenistic philosophy from Greek culture. The text is extant in two diverging versions based on a lost Koine Greek original: a shorter Greek version and a longer Ethiopic version.
The work's author is unknown, although it is purportedly written by the disciple Peter (pseudepigrapha). The Apocalypse of Peter describes a divine vision experienced by Peter through Christ. After inquiring for signs of the Second Coming of Jesus, the work delves into a katabasis (vision of the afterlife), and details both heavenly bliss for the righteous and infernal punishments for the damned. In particular, the punishments are graphically described in a physical sense, and loosely correspond to Latin: [[lex talionis]] ('an eye for an eye'): blasphemers are hung by their tongues; liars who bear false witness have their lips cut off; callous rich people are made to wear rags and be pierced by sharp fiery stones as would beggars; and so on.
It is not included in the standard canon of the New Testament, but is classed as part of New Testament apocrypha. The Apocalypse of Peter is listed in the canon of the Muratorian fragment, a 2nd-century list of approved books in Christianity and one of the earliest surviving proto-canons. However, the Muratorian fragment expresses some hesitation on the work, saying that some authorities would not have it read in church. While the Apocalypse of Peter influenced other Christian works in the 2nd, 3rd, and 4th centuries, it eventually became considered inauthentic and declined in use. It was largely superseded by the Apocalypse of Paul, a popular 4th-century work heavily influenced by the Apocalypse of Peter that provides its own updated vision of heaven and hell. The Apocalypse of Peter is an early example of the same genre of the famous Divine Comedy of Dante, wherein the protagonist takes a tour of the realms of the afterlife.
From the medieval era to 1886, the Apocalypse of Peter was known only through quotations and mentions in early Christian writings. A fragmented Koine Greek manuscript was discovered during excavations initiated by Gaston Maspéro during the 1886–87 season in a desert necropolis at Akhmim in Upper Egypt. The fragment consisted of parchment leaves claimed to be deposited in the grave of a Christian monk. There are a wide range of estimates for when the manuscript was compiled; paleographer Guglielmo Cavallo and papyrologist Herwig Maehler estimate that the late 6th century is the most likely.[1] The Greek manuscript is now kept in the Coptic Museum in Old Cairo.
In 1907 - 1910, a large set of documents of Clementine literature in Ethiopic were published along with translations into French. After reading the French translations, English scholar M. R. James realized in 1910 that there was a strong correspondence with the Akhmim Greek Apocalypse of Peter, and that an Ethiopic version of the same work was within this cache. The Ethiopic manuscript was from a collection of Antoine d'Abbadie. Another independent Ethiopic manuscript was discovered on the island of Kebrān in Lake Tana in 1968. These Ethiopic versions appear to have been translated from Arabic, which itself was translated from the lost Greek original. The d'Abbadie manuscript is estimated to have been created in the 15th or 16th century, while the Lake Tana manuscript is from perhaps the 18th century. Two other short Greek fragments of the work have been discovered: a 5th-century fragment at the Bodleian library that had been discovered in Egypt in 1895, and the Rainer fragment at the Rainer collection in Vienna which perhaps comes from the 3rd or 4th century. These fragments offer significant variations from the other versions. In the Ethiopic manuscripts, the Apocalypse of Peter is only one section of a combined work called "The Second Coming of Christ and the Resurrection of the Dead", followed in both manuscripts by a work called "The Mystery of the Judgment of Sinners." In total, five manuscripts are extant today: the two Ethiopic manuscripts and the three Greek fragments.[2]
In general, most scholars believe that the Ethiopic versions are closer to the original text, while the Greek manuscript discovered at Akhmim is a later and edited version. This is for a number of reasons: the Akhmim version is shorter, while the Ethiopic matches the claimed line count from the Stichometry of Nicephorus; patristic references and quotes seem to match the Ethiopic version better; the Ethiopic matches better with the Rainer and Bodleian Greek fragments; and the Akhmim version seems to be attempting to integrate the Apocalypse with the Gospel of Peter (also in the Akhmim manuscript), which would naturally result in revisions.[3]
The Apocalypse of Peter seems to have been written between 100 AD and 150 AD. The Latin: [[terminus post quem]] - the point after which the Apocalypse of Peter must have been written - is shown by its probable use of 4 Esdras, which was written about 100 AD.[4] The Apocalypse is quoted in Book 2 of the Sibylline Oracles, and cited by name and quoted in Clement of Alexandria's Prophetical Extracts . It also appears by name in the Muratorian fragment, generally dated to the last quarter of the 2nd century . All of this implies it must have been in existence by around 150 AD.[5]
The scholar Richard Bauckham argues for more precisely dating the composition to the Bar Kokhba revolt (132–136), and the author as a Jewish Christian in the region affected by the revolt.
The Apocalypse of Peter is framed as a discourse of Christ to his faithful. In the Ethiopic version, Peter experiences a vision of hell followed by a vision of heaven, granted by the risen Christ; in the Akhmim fragment, the order of heaven and hell is reversed, and it is revealed by Jesus during his life and ministry. In the form of a Greek katabasis or, it goes into elaborate detail about the punishment in hell for each type of crime, as well as briefly sketching the nature of heaven.
In the opening, the disciples ask for signs of the Second Coming while on the Mount of Olives. In chapter 2 of the Ethiopic version, Peter asks for an explanation of the meaning of the parables of the budding fig tree and the barren fig tree, in an expansion of the "Little Apocalypse" of Matthew 24.[6] Jesus joins the two parables in a detailed allegory. The setting "in the summer" is transferred to "the end of the world"; the fig tree represents Israel, and the flourishing shoots are Jews who have adopted Jesus as Messiah and achieve martyrdom. The work continues on to describe the end times that will accompany the Second Coming: fire and darkness will convulse the world, a crowned Christ will return in glory, and the people of the nations will pass through a river of fire. The elect will be unscathed by the test, but sinners will be brought to a place where they shall be punished for their transgressions.
The work proceeds to describe the punishments that await the wicked. Many of the punishments are overseen by Ezrael the Angel of Wrath (most likely the angel Azrael, although possibly a corrupt reference to the angel Sariel). The angel Uriel resurrects the dead into new bodies so that they can be either rewarded or tormented physically.[7] Punishments in hell according to the vision include:
The vision of heaven is shorter than the depiction of hell, and described more fully in the Akhmim version. In heaven, people have pure milky white skin, curly hair, and are generally beautiful. The earth blooms with everlasting flowers and spices. People wear shiny clothes made of light, like the angels. Everyone sings in choral prayer.[8]
In the Ethiopic version, the account closes with an account of the ascension of Jesus on the mountain in chapters 15 - 17. Jesus, Moses, and Elijah all ascend on a cloud to the first heaven, and then depart to the second heaven. While it is an account of the ascension, it includes some parallels to Matthew's account of the transfiguration of Jesus. In the Akhmim fragment, which is set when Jesus was still alive, both the mountain and the two other men are unnamed (rather than being Moses and Elijah), but the men are similarly transfigured into radiant forms.[9]
See also: Prayer for the dead. One theological issue of note appears only in the version of the text in the 3rd- or 4th-century Rainer fragment, the earliest fragment of the text. Its chapter 14 describes the salvation of condemned sinners for whom the righteous pray:
While not found in later manuscripts, this reading was likely original to the text, as it agrees with a quotation in the Sibylline Oracles:
Other pieces of Christian literature with parallel passages probably influenced by this include the Epistle of the Apostles and the Coptic Apocalypse of Elijah.[10] The passage also makes literary sense, as it is a follow-up to a passage in chapter 3 where Jesus initially rebukes Peter who expresses horror at the suffering in hell; Richard Bauckham suggests that this is because it must be the victims who were harmed that request mercy, not Peter. While not directly endorsing universal salvation, it does suggest that salvation will eventually reach as far as the compassion of the elect.
The Ethiopic manuscript maintains a version of the passage, but it differs in that it is the elect and righteous who receive baptism and salvation in a field rather than a lake ("field of Akerosya, which is called Aneslasleya" in Ethiopic), perhaps conflating Acherusia with the Elysian field. The Ethiopic version of the list of punishments in hell includes sentences not in the Akhmim fragment saying that the punishment is eternal - hypothesized by many scholars to be later additions. Despite this, the other Clementine works in the Ethiopic manuscripts discuss a great act of divine mercy to come that must be kept secret, yet will rescue some or all sinners from hell, suggesting this belief had not entirely fallen away.[11]
As the title suggests, the Apocalypse of Peter is classed as part of apocalyptic literature in genre. The Greek word "apocalypse" literally means "revelation", and apocalypses typically feature a revelation of otherworldly secrets from a divine being to a human - in the case of this work, Jesus and Peter. Like many other apocalypses, the work is pseudepigrapha: it claims the authorship of a famous figure to bolster the authority of its message. The Apocalypse of Peter is one of the earliest examples of a Christian-Jewish katabasis, a genre of explicit depictions of the realms and fates of the dead.
Much of the original scholarship on the Apocalypse was on determining its predecessor influences. The first studies generally emphasized its roots in Hellenistic philosophy and thought., a work by Albrecht Dieterich published in 1893 on the basis of the Akhmim manuscript alone, identified parallels and links with the Orphic religious tradition and Greek cultural context.[12] Plato's is often held as a major example of the forerunning Hellenistic beliefs on the nature of the afterlife that influenced the Apocalypse of Peter. Later scholarship by Martha Himmelfarb and others has emphasized the strong Jewish roots of the Apocalypse of Peter as well; it seems that apocalypses were a popular genre among Jews in the era of Greek and then Roman rule. Much of the Apocalypse of Peter may be based on or influenced by these lost Jewish apocalypses, works such as the "Book of the Watchers" (chapters 1 - 36 of the Book of Enoch), and 1st - 2nd-century Jewish thought in general.[13] [14] The book probably cites the Jewish apocalyptic work 4 Esdras. The author also appears to be familiar with the Gospel of Matthew and no other; a line in chapter 16 has Peter realizing the meaning of the Beatitude quote that "Blessed are those who are persecuted for righteousness's sake, for theirs is the kingdom of Heaven."
The Apocalypse of Peter seems to quote from Ezekiel 37, the story of the Valley of Dry Bones. During its rendition of the ascension of Jesus, it also quotes from Psalm 24, which was considered as a messianic psalm foretelling the coming of Jesus and Christianity in the early church. The psalm is given a cosmological interpretation as a prophecy of Jesus's entry into heaven.[15]
The post-mortem baptism in the Acherousian lake was likely influenced by the Jewish cultural practice of washing the dead before the corpse is buried, a practice shared by early Christians. There was a linkage or analogy between cleansing the soul on death as well as cleaning the body, as the Apocalypse of Peter passage essentially combines the two.[16]
While much work has been done on predecessor influences, Eric Beck stresses that much of the Apocalypse of Peter is distinct among extant literature of the period, and may well have been unique at the time, rather than simply adapting lost earlier writings. As an example, earlier Jewish literature varied in its depictions of Sheol, the underworld, but did not usually threaten active torment to the wicked. Instead eternal destruction was the more frequent threat in these early works, a possibility that does not arise in the Apocalypse of Peter.[17]
The opening of the book has the resurrected Jesus giving further insights to the Apostles, followed by an account of Jesus's ascension. This appears to have been a popular setting in 2nd century Christian works, and the dialogue generally took place on a mountain, as in the Apocalypse of Peter. The genre is sometimes called a "dialogue Gospel", and is seen in works such as the Epistle of the Apostles, the Questions of Bartholomew, and various Gnostic works such as the Pistis Sophia.
Among writings that were eventually canonized in the New Testament, the Apocalypse of Peter shows a close resemblance in ideas with the epistle 2 Peter, to the extent that many scholars believe one had copied passages from the other due to the number of close parallels.[18] While both the Apocalypse of Peter and the Apocalypse of John (the Book of Revelation) are apocalypses in genre, the Revelation of Peter puts far more stress on the afterlife and divine rewards and punishments, while the Revelation of John focuses on a cosmic battle between good and evil.
The Apocalypse of Peter is the earliest surviving detailed depiction of heaven and hell in a Christian context. These depictions appear to have been quite influential to later works, although how much of this is due to the Apocalypse of Peter itself and how much due to lost similar literature is unclear.
The Sibylline Oracles, popular among Roman Christians, directly quotes the Apocalypse of Peter.[19] [20] Macarius Magnes's Latin: Apocriticus, a 3rd-century Christian apologetic work, features "a pagan philosopher" who quotes the Apocalypse of Peter, albeit in an attempt to disprove Christianity. The visions narrated in the Acts of Thomas, a 3rd century work, also appear to quote or reference the Apocalypse of Peter.[21] The bishop Methodius of Olympus appears to positively quote the Apocalypse of Peter in the 4th century, although it is uncertain whether he regarded it as scripture.
The Apocalypse of Peter fits snugly into the genre of Clementine literature that would later be popular in Alexandria, despite Clement himself not appearing in the Apocalypse of Peter. Clementine stories usually involved Peter and Clement of Rome having adventures, revelations, and dialogues together. Both Ethiopic manuscripts that include the Apocalypse of Peter are mixed in with other Ethiopic Clementine literature that feature Peter prominently.[22] Clementine literature became popular in the third and fourth century, but it is not known when the Clementine sections of the Ethiopic manuscripts containing the Apocalypse of Peter were originally written. Daniel Maier proposes an Egyptian origin in the 6th - 10th centuries as an estimate, while Richard Bauckham suggests the author was familiar with the Arabic Apocalypse of Peter and proposes an origin in the 8th century or later.[23]
Later apocalyptic works inspired by it include the Apocalypse of Thomas in the 2nd - 4th century, and more importantly, the Apocalypse of Paul in the 4th century. One notable tweak that the Apocalypse of Paul makes is describing personal judgments to bliss or torment that happen immediately after death, rather than the Apocalypse of Peter being a vision of a future destiny that will take place after the Second Coming of Jesus. Hell and paradise are both on a future Earth in Peter, but are another realm of existence in Paul.[24] The Apocalypse of Paul is also more interested in condemning sins committed by insufficiently devout Christians, while the Apocalypse of Peter seems to view the righteous as a unified group. The Apocalypse of Paul never saw official Church approval. Despite this, it would go on to be popular and influential for centuries, possibly due to its popularity among the medieval monks that copied and preserved manuscripts in the turbulent centuries following the fall of the Western Roman Empire. Most famously, Dante Alighieri's Divine Comedy would become extremely popular and celebrated in the 14th century and beyond, and was influenced by the Apocalypse of Paul. Directly or indirectly, the Apocalypse of Peter was the parent and grandparent of these influential visions of the afterlife.[25]
The list of punishments for the damned is likely the most influential and famous part of the work, with almost two-thirds of the text dedicated to the calamitous end times that will accompany the return of Jesus (Chapters 4 - 6) and the punishments afterward (Chapters 7 - 13). The punishments in the vision generally correspond to the past sinful actions, usually with a correspondence between the body part that sinned and the body part that is tortured. It is a loose version of the Jewish notion of an eye for an eye, also known as Latin: lex talionis, that the punishment may fit the crime. The phrase "each according to his deed" appears five times in the Ethiopic version to explain the punishments. Dennis Buchholz writes that the verse "Everyone according to his deeds" is the theme of the entire work. The damned themselves admit from their own lips that their fate is based on their own deeds, and is fair and just, in a dialogue with the angel Tatirokos, the keeper of Tartarus. Still, the connection between the crime and the punishment is not always obvious. David Fiensy writes that "It is possible that where there is no logical correspondence, the punishment has come from the Orphic tradition and has simply been clumsily attached to a vice by a Jewish redactor."[26]
Bart Ehrman contests classifying the ethics of the Apocalypse as being that of Latin: lex talionis, and considers bodily correspondence the overriding concern instead. For Ehrman, the punishments described are far more severe than the original crime - which goes against the idea of punishments being commensurate to the damage inflicted within "an eye for an eye."
Callie Callon suggests a philosophy of "Mirror Punishment" as motivating the punishments where the harm done is reflected in a sort of poetic justice, and is often more symbolic in nature. She argues that this best explains the logic behind placing sorcerers in a wheel of fire, long considered unclear. Other scholars have suggested that it is perhaps a weak reference to the punishment of Ixion in Greek mythology; Callon suggests that it is, instead, a reference to a rhombus, a spinning top that was also used by magicians. The magicians had spun a rhombus for power in their lives, and now were tormented by similar spinning, with the usual addition of fire seen in other punishments.[27]
The text is somewhat corrupt and unclear in Chapter 11, found only in the Ethiopic version, which describes the punishment for those who dishonor their parents. The nature of the first punishment is hard to discern, involving going up to a high fiery place (perhaps a volcano?). It is believed by most translators that the target was closer to "adults who abandon their elderly parents" rather than condemning disobedient children, but it is difficult to be certain. However, the next punishments do target children, saying that those who fail to heed tradition and their elders will be devoured by birds, while girls who do not maintain their virginity before marriage (implicitly also a violation of parental expectations) have their flesh torn apart. This is possibly an instance of mirror punishment or bodily correspondence, where the skin which sinned is itself punished. The text also specifies "ten" girls are punished - possibly a loose callback to the Parable of the Ten Virgins in the Gospel of Matthew, although not a very accurate one if so, as only five virgins are reprimanded in the parable, and for unrelated reasons.
The Apocalypse of Peter is one of the earliest pieces of Christian literature to feature an anti-abortion message; mothers who abort their children are among those tormented.
The Akhmim Greek text generally refers to Jesus as, "Lord". The Ethiopic manuscripts are similar, but the style notably shifts in Chapters 15 and 16 in the last section of the work, which refer to Jesus by name and introduce him with exalted titles including "Jesus Christ our King" (negus) and "my God Jesus Christ". This is considered a sign this section was edited later by a scribe with a high Christology.
It is unknown how much of the angelology and demonology in the Ethiopic version was in the older Greek versions. The Akhmim version does not mention demons when describing the punishment of those who forsook God's Commandments; even in Ethiopic, it is possible that the demons are servants of God performing the punishment, rather than those who led the damned into sin. As the Ethiopic version was likely a translation of an Arabic translation, it may have picked up some influence from Islam centuries later; the references to Ezrael the Angel of Wrath were possibly influenced by Azrael the Angel of Death, who is usually more associated with Islamic angelology. The Ethiopic version does make clear punishments are envisioned not just for human sin, but also supernatural evil: the angel Uriel gives evil spirits that inhabited idols and led people astray physical bodies so that they, too, can be burned in the fire and punished. Sinners who perished in the Great Flood are brought back as well: probably a reference to the nephilim, the children of the Watchers (fallen angels) and mortal women described in the Book of Enoch, Book of Jubilees, and Genesis.[28]
The children who died to infanticide are delivered to the angel "Temelouchus", which probably was a rare word meaning "care-taking [one]." Later writers seem to have interpreted it as a proper name, however, resulting in a specific angel of hell appearing named "Temlakos" (Ethipoic) or "Temeluchus" (Greek), found in the Apocalypse of Paul and various other sources.[29]
19th and 20th century scholars consider the work rather intellectually simple and naive; dramatic and gripping, but not necessarily a coherent story. Still, the Apocalypse of Peter was popular and had a wide audience in its time. M. R. James remarked that his impression was that educated Christians of the later Roman period considered the work somewhat embarrassing and "realized it was a gross and vulgar book", which might have partially explained a lack of elite enthusiasm for canonizing it later.[30]
One of the theological messages of the Apocalypse of Peter is generally considered clear enough: the torments of hell are meant to encourage keeping a righteous path and to warn readers and listeners away from sin, knowing the horrible fate that awaits those who stray. The work also responds to the problem of theodicy addressed in earlier writings such as Daniel: how can God allow persecution of the righteous on Earth and still be both sovereign and just? The Apocalypse says that everyone will be repaid by their deeds, even the dead, and God will eventually make things right. Scholars have come up with different interpretations of the intended tone of the work. Michael Gilmour sees the work as encouraging schadenfreude and delighting in the suffering of the wicked, while Eric Beck argues the reverse: that the work was intended to ultimately cultivate compassion for those suffering, including the wicked and even persecutors.[31] Most scholars agree that the Apocalypse simultaneously advocates for both divine justice as well as divine mercy, and contains elements of both messages.[32]
The version of the Apocalypse seen in the Ethiopic version could plausibly have originated from a Christian community that still considered itself as part of Judaism.[33] The adaptation of the fig tree parables to an allegory about the flourishing of Israel and its martyrs pleasing God is only found in Chapter 2 of the Ethiopic version, and is not in the Greek Akhmim version. While it is impossible to know why for sure, one possibility is that it was edited out due to incipient anti-Jewish tensions in the church. A depiction of Jews converting and Israel being especially blessed may not have fit the mood in the 4th and 5th centuries of the Church as some Christians strongly repudiated Judaism.[34]
In one passage in Chapter 16, Peter offers to build three tabernacles here on Earth. Jesus sharply rebukes him, saying that there is only a single heavenly tabernacle. This is possibly a reference to the destruction of the Second Temple in 70 AD and a condemnation of attempting to build a replacement "Third Temple", although perhaps it is only a reference to all of God's elect living together with a unified tabernacle in Paradise.
The Apocalypse of Peter was ultimately not included in the New Testament, but appears to have been one of the borderline works that came closest to being included, along with The Shepherd of Hermas.
The Muratorian fragment is one of the earliest-created extant lists of approved Christian sacred writings, part of the process of creating what would eventually be called the New Testament. The fragment is generally dated to the last quarter of the 2nd century . It gives a list of works read in the Christian churches that is similar to the modern accepted canon; however, it does not include some of the general epistles, but does include the Apocalypse of Peter. The Muratorian fragment states: "We receive only the apocalypses of John and Peter, though some of us are not willing that the latter be read in the church."[35] (Other pieces of apocalyptic literature are implicitly acknowledged, yet not "received".) Both the Apocalypse of Peter and the Apocalypse of John appear to have been controversial, with some churches of the 2nd and 3rd centuries using them and others not. Clement of Alexandria appears to have considered the Apocalypse of Peter to be holy scripture .[36] Eusebius personally found the work dubious, but his book Church History describes a lost work of Clement's, the Hypotyposes (Outlines), that gave "abbreviated discussions of the whole of the registered divine writings, without passing over the disputed [writings] - I mean Jude and the rest of the general letters, and the Letter of Barnabas, and the so-called Apocalypse of Peter."[37] [38] The Apocalypse of Peter is listed in the catalog of the 6th-century Codex Claromontanus, which was probably copying a 3rd- or 4th-century source. The Byzantine-era Stichometry of Nicephorus lists both the Apocalypses of Peter and John as used if disputed books.
Although these references to it attest that it was in wide circulation in the 2nd century, the Apocalypse of Peter was ultimately not accepted into the Christian biblical canon. The reason why is not entirely clear, although considering the reservations various church authors had on the Apocalypse of John (the Book of Revelation), it is possible similar considerations were in play. As late as the 5th century, Sozomen indicates that some churches in Palestine still read it, but by then, it seems to have been considered inauthentic by most Christians.[39]
One hypothesis for why the Apocalypse of Peter failed to gain enough support to be canonized is that its view on the afterlife was too close to endorsing Christian universalism and the related doctrine of, that God will make all things perfect in the fullness of time.[40] The passage in the Rainer fragment that the saints, seeing the torment of sinners from heaven, could ask God for mercy, and these damned souls could be retroactively baptized and saved, had significant theological implications. Presumably, all of hell could eventually be emptied in such a manner; M. R. James suggested that the original Apocalypse of Peter may well have suggested universal salvation after a period of cleansing suffering in hell. This ran against the stance of many Church theologians of the 3rd, 4th, and 5th centuries who strongly felt that salvation and damnation were eternal and strictly based on actions and beliefs while alive. Augustine of Hippo, in his work The City of God, denounces arguments based on very similar logic to what is seen in the Rainer passage.[41] Such a system, where saints could at least pray their friends and family out of hell, and possibly any damned soul, would have been considered incorrect at best, and heretical at worst to these views. Most scholars since agree with James: the reading in the Rainer fragment was that of the original.[42] The contested passage was not copied by later scribes who felt it was in error, hence not appearing in later manuscripts, along with the addition of the sentences indicating the punishment would be eternal. Bart Ehrman suggests that the damage to the book's reputation was already done, however. The Origenist Controversies of the 4th and 5th centuries retroactively condemned much of the thought of the theologian Origen, particularly his belief in universal salvation, and this anti-Origen movement was at least part of why the book was not included in the biblical canons of later centuries.
Selected modern English translations of the Apocalypse of Peter can be found in:[43]
. M. R. James . Arthur C. . Headlam . Arthur Headlam . 1915 . The Recovery of the Apocalypse of Peter . Church Quarterly Review . 80 . London . 28 .