| Conventional Long Name: | Regency of Algiers |
| Native Name: | دولة الجزائر (Arabic) ایالت جزایر غرب (Ottoman Turkish) |
| Common Name: | Algiers |
| P1: | Hafsids of Béjaïa |
| P2: | Kingdom of Tlemcen |
| S1: | French Algeria |
| S2: | Beylik of Titteri |
| S3: | Beylik of Constantine |
| S4: | Western Beylik |
| S5: | Emirate of Abdelkader |
| S6: | Igawawen |
| S7: | Kingdom of Beni Abbas |
| S8: | Sultanate of Tuggurt |
| S9: | Awlad Sidi Shaykh |
| S10: | Kingdom of Kuku - |
| Status: |
|
| Image Map Caption: | Overall extent of the Regency of Algiers, late 17th to early 19th centuries |
| National Motto: | دار الجهاد |
| Englishmotto: | Bulwark of the Holy War |
| Common Languages: | Algerian Arabic Berber Sabir (used in trade) |
| Capital: | Algiers |
| Government Type: | 1516–1519: Sultanate 1519–1659: Regency 1659–1830: Stratocracy |
| Title Leader: | Rulers |
| Leader1: | Aruj Barbarossa |
| Year Leader1: | 1516–1518 |
| Leader2: | Baba Ali Chaouch |
| Year Leader2: | 1710–1718 |
| Leader3: | Baba Mohammed ben-Osman |
| Year Leader3: | 1766-1791 |
| Leader4: | Hussein Dey |
| Year Leader4: | 1818–1830 |
| Event Pre: | Spanish conquest of Oran |
| Date Pre: | 1509 |
| Event Start: | Capture of Algiers |
| Year Start: | 1516 |
| Event1: | Ottoman–Habsburg wars |
| Date Event1: | 1521–1791 |
| Event2: | Algiers expedition |
| Date Event2: | 1541 |
| Event3: | Algerian-Sherifian conflicts |
| Date Event3: | 1550–1795 |
| Event4: | Golden Age of the Barbary slave trade |
| Date Event4: | 1580–1640 |
| Event5: | Turkish abductions |
| Date Event5: | 1627 |
| Event6: | Janissary Revolution |
| Date Event6: | 1659 |
| Event7: | Franco-Algerian war |
| Date Event7: | 1681–1688 |
| Event8: | Maghrebi war |
| Date Event8: | 1699–1702 |
| Event9: | Spanish–Algerian war |
| Date Event9: | 1775–1785 |
| Event10: | Barbary Wars |
| Date Event10: | 1785–1816 |
| Event End: | Invasion of Algiers |
| Year End: | 1830 |
| Stat Year1: | 1830 |
| Stat Pop1: | 3,000,000–5,000,000 |
| Official Languages: | Ottoman Turkish and Arabic (since 1671) |
| Religion: | Official, and majority: Sunni Islam (Maliki and Hanafi) Minorities: Ibadi Islam Shia Islam Judaism Christianity |
| Currency: | Major coins: mahboub (sultani) budju aspre Minor coins: saïme pataque-chique |
| Today: | Algeria |
| Demonym: | Algerian or Algerine (obs.) |
| Alt Flag: | Equal sized thick green layer at bottom and top, equal sized thin yellow layer below the top and above the bottom, a maroon layer in the middle |
| Flag Caption: | Flag of Algiers (1516–1830) |
| Image Flag2: | Flag of the Regency of Algiers.svg |
| Alt Flag2: | Three equal sized layers of maroon, green and yellow from top to bottom |
| Alt Coat: | Two cannons flank a sphere with a lion standing on each with its tongue hanging out. A banner with two spears extending from its sides at center between the lions, two intertwined triangles with a sphere between are at the centre of the banner. A crown and a crescent moonabovtheoobanner |
| Coa Size: | 130px |
| Map Width: | 250px |
| Alt Map: | Map of North Africa. The regency of Algiers is colored light brown, at center top, Husaynid Tunisia, maroon, and Tripolitania dark brown. The core territory of the 'Alawid dynasty at center left is dark green, and its outlying territories light green. |
| Map2 Width: | 300px |
| Leader Title1: | Pasha |
| Leader Title2: | Khaznaji(fr) |
| Leader Title3: | Agha |
| Era: | Early modern period |
The Regency of Algiers (Arabic: دولة الجزائر|translit=Dawlat al-Jaza'ir|lit=, Turkish, Ottoman (1500-1928);: ایالت جزایر غرب|Eyalet-i Cezâyir-i Garp) was a largely independent early modern Ottoman tributary state on the Barbary Coast of North Africa between 1516 and 1830. Founded by the privateer brothers Aruj and Hayreddin Barbarossa, also known as Oruç and Khayr ad-Din, the Regency began as an infamous and formidable pirate base that plundered and waged maritime holy war on European Christian powers. Ottoman regents ruled as heads of a military oligarchy of janissaries and corsairs.
The Regency emerged in the 16th-century Ottoman–Habsburg wars as a unique state that drew revenue and political power from its maritime strength. In the early 17th century, when the war between the Habsburg and Ottoman empires ended, the Barbary corsairs were capturing merchant ships with their crews and goods from the Spanish Empire, Kingdom of France, Kingdom of England and Dutch Republic. When the Ottomans could not prevent these attacks, European powers negotiated directly with Algiers and took military action against it directly also. The Regency held significant naval power in the 16th and 17th century and well into the end of the Napoleonic wars, despite European naval superiority. Its notorious institutionalised privateering dealt substantial damage to European shipping, took captives for ransom, plundered booty, hijacked ships and eventually demanded regular tribute payments. In the rich and bustling rich city of Algiers, the Barbary slave trade reached an apex. After the janissary coup of 1659, the Regency became a sovereign military republic, its rulers were thenceforth elected by the council known as the diwân, rather than appointed by the Ottoman sultan as before.
Despite wars over territory with Spain and the Maghrebi states in the 18th century, Mediterranean trade and diplomatic relations with European states increased. The Regency enjoyed a long period of prosperity from 1763 to 1791 under Baba Mohammed ben-Osman, who built the city's fortifications and water system. British tribute payments no longer insured U.S. shipping traffic in the Mediterranean after the American Revolution, and the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic wars provided an opportunity for large outbreaks of Algerian privateering. Increased demands for tribute from Algiers caused the Barbary Wars at the beginning of the 19th century, and decisively defeated Algiers for the first time. Internal central authority weakened in Algiers due to political intrigue, failed harvests and the decline of privateering. Violent tribal revolts followed, mainly led by maraboutic orders such as the Darqawis and Tijanis. In 1830, France took advantage of this domestic turmoil to invade. The resulting French conquest of Algeria led to colonial rule until 1962.
See main article: History of the Regency of Algiers.
At the end of the Reconquista, about 100,000 Moriscos arrived in Melilla and Fez under King Boabdil after the Granada War in 1492. The Spanish Empire took several ports on the North African coast and established walled and garrisoned strongpoints there called presidios. The Spanish conquered Oran in 1509, then Tripoli in 1510, and made Hafsid Tunis a vassal state. The Spanish then controlled the caravan trade routes from western Sudan, Tripoli and Tunis in the east and Ceuta to Melilla in the west, passing through Béjaïa, Algiers, Oran and Tlemcen. Control over this gold and slave trade fed the Spanish treasury.
Corsair brothers Aruj and Hayreddin Barbarossa came to North Africa at the request of the citizens of Béjaïa, who asked for help when Spain took the city in 1512, then those of Jijel offered to make Aruj king after corsairs appeared there with a shipload of wheat in a time of famine. Answering pleas for help from its inhabitants, the brothers were able to capture Algiers in 1516, execute its emir, Salim Al-Tumi, and repel a Spanish attack led by Diego de Vera. Aruj continued his conquests in central Algeria, but was killed in Tlemcen in 1518.
His brother Hayreddin became Sultan of Algiers at the end of 1519. After repelling another Spanish attack, led by Hugo of Moncada, he realized that he needed Ottoman support to maintain his possessions around Algiers. In October 1519, a delegation of Algerian dignitaries and ulamas went to Ottoman Sultan Selim I, proposing that Algiers join the Ottoman Empire. It officially became an eyalet of the Ottoman Empire under Suleiman I,in the spring of 1521. Constantinople had doubts but the Ottomans appointed Hayreddin Beylerbey and sent him home at the head of 2,000 janissaries.
Supported by the Kabyles of Beni Abbas, he retook Algiers again in 1525 after defeating the Kabyle prince of Kuku, then in 1529 destroyed a Spanish fortress known as the Peñón of Algiers that had been threatening the harbour. Hayreddin used its rubble to build the harbour of Algiers, and make it the headquarters of the Algerian corsair fleet. Later he conducted several raids on Spanish coasts, and vanquished the Genoese fleet of Andrea Doria in Cherchell. He also rescued over 70.000 Andalusian refugees from the Spanish inquisition, and brought them to Algeria, where they contributed massively to the flourishing culture of the Regency.
Under Heyreddin's successor Hasan Agha, Algiers was able to repel an Imperial naval attack led by Emperor Charles V in October 1541. Reports of Spanish losses ranged up to 12,000 men, including more than 150 ships and 200 cannons, which the Algerians salvaged for use in the fortifications of Algiers. Algerian losses didn't exceed 200. Algiers was able to consolidate and expand its territories. This was undertaken by Hayreddin's son Hasan Pasha and Salah Rais, who conquered Touggourt and Ouargla in 1552, removed Spanish governor de Peralta's troops from Bejaia in 1555, then thwarted Count Alcaudete's expedition to Mostaganem in 1558. The two beylerbeys also led campaigns against Spanish ally Saadian Morocco, decisively defeating it again in 1551 in Tlemcen, advancing as far as Fez in 1554 then Tlemcen in 1557.
In 1569, Beylerbey Uluç Ali Pasha captured Tunis, then recaptured it in 1574, in a battle against 8000 Spaniards led by John of Austria. Meanwhile, his ships saved the Ottoman fleet from total disaster in the battle of Lepanto in 1571. Under Hassan Veneziano Pasha, Algerian privateers ravaged the Mediterranean and made the waters unsafe from Andalusia to Sicily. Their power reached as far as the Canary Islands. After the capture of Fez in 1576, Ottoman Algerian troops ventured overland into the Sahara, reaching Tuat in 1578 and temporarily halting Saadian advances there.
The 17th century was the "golden age of privateering". By 1600, Algerian corsairs had adopted the square-rigged sailing ships introduced by Dutch corsair Simon Dansa and begun to rely less on Christian galley slaves. The expulsion of the Moriscos from Spain also gave the corsairs reinforcements, with whom they weakened and inflicted painful wounds on Spain, ravaging its mainland and territories in Italy, where the corsairs took people prisoner en masse. In their quest for booty and slaves, the corsairs traveled as far as Iceland in 1627 and Ireland in 1631. Algiers became a market for captives and plundered goods from all over the Mediterranean, a wealthy thriving city with over 100,000 inhabitants in the 17th century.
Algiers also became increasingly independent of the Ottomans in this period. In the 16th century, France signed capitulation treaties with the Ottomans that established the Franco-Ottoman Alliance and gave the French trading privileges in Algiers. They built a French trading center known as the Bastion de France, which exported coral legally under its monopoly and wheat, in that case illegally. The Bastion was fortified and turned into a military supply base and a center of espionage, much to Algerian discontent. When the Ottoman expanded French privileges, destroyed the Bastion in 1604. The Ottoman Porte had him assassinated and replaced by the more compliant Pasha, but the janissaries revolted in 1606 and tortured that pasha to death. Algiers and Constantinople had different views of relations with France.
After the battle of Lapento, the corsairs broke loose from the Porte and began preying on ships from countries at peace with the Ottomans. The European converts to Islam, known in Europe as renegades and turned Turks, formed mostly the tai'fa (council of corsair captains) and sought to fulfill the interests of Algiers only. Corsair captain Ali Bitchin became admiral of the Algerian navy in 1621 and conducted successful raids against Spanish harbors. After the Ottoman sultan refused to compensate Algiers for its losses against the Venetians in Valona, Ali Bitchin refused to answer a summons from the sultan to join the Cretan war in 1645, then died quite suddenly.
Algiers' refusal to follow Ottoman foreign policy led European powers to negotiate treaties with it directly on trade, tribute and slave ransoms, recognizing Algerian autonomy despite its formal subordination to the Ottomans. Algiers used privateering as a foreign policy tool, playing its European counterparts against one other, and hunting merchant ships, prompting European states to conclude peace treaties and seek Mediterranean passes to help them secure lucrative cabotage trade.This gave the Regency internal legitimacy as champions of jihad and according to early modern European authors international respect for the Regency's sovereignty as an established government, despite still being a "nest of Pirates". Dutch jurist Hugo Grotius (1583–1645) noted that "Algiers exercised the jus ad bellum of a sovereign power through its corsairs". Historian Daniel Panzac stressed:
Algiers first established relations with France in 1617, with a treaty signed in 1619, and another in 1628. These mostly concerned the Bastion de France and the rights of French merchants in Algiers. But the Bastion was razed a second time by Ali Bitchin in 1637, as armed incidents between French and Algerian vessels were frequent. Nonetheless, a treaty in 1640 allowed France to regain its North African commercial establishments.
After attacks by the English in 1621 and Dutch in 1624, Algerian corsairs took thousands of English and Dutch sailors to the Algerian slave market, resulting in intermittent wars followed by long lasting peace treaties whose tribute payments terms ranged from money to weapons.
Under Louis XIV, France built a strong navy to fend off the corsairs who raided Corsica and were everywhere in the waters off Marseilles in the late 1650s. It launched multiple campaigns against the Regency, first in Jijel and Collo in 1664, then several bombings of Algiers were conducted between 1682 and 1688 in what is known as the Franco-Algerian war, which ended when a 100-year peace treaty was signed between Dey Hussein Mezzo Morto and Louis XIV.
Algiers entered a period of peaceful relations with Europe. The resulting decline in privateering forced Algiers to seek other sources of revenue. Dey Hadj Chabane set his sights on his Maghrebi neighbors, Tunis and Morocco. For historical reasons, Algiers considered Tunisia a dependency because Algiers had annexed it to the Ottoman Empire, which made the appointment of its pashas a prerogative of the Algerian beylerbeys. Faced with Tunisian opposition to Algerian hegemony and its ambitions in the Constantine region, the Algerian dey took the opportunity provided by the 20 years of civil war between Murad II Bey's sons to invade in 1694 and put a puppet bey on the throne. A vengeful Murad III Bey of Tunis allied with Morocco and unleashed the Maghrebi war in 1700. He lost however, and the Muradid dynasty was replaced by the Husainid dynasty, which failed to free Tunis from Algerian suzerainty in 1735 or 1756. It remained Algerian until the early 19th century.
Alawi Morocco opposed the Ottomans with determination. It also had ancient ambitions in western Algeria and especially in Tlemcen. Algerian support for pretenders to the Moroccan throne was answered with several invasions by Sultan Moulay Ismail in 1678, 1692, 1701 and 1707, all of which ended in failure. Moulay Ismail was forced to accept the Moulouya River as his eastern border with Ottoman Algeria.
Determined to remove the Spanish from Oran, Algerian Dey took the opportunity afforded by the War of the Spanish Succession to send Mustapha Bouchelaghem Bey at the head of a contingent of janissaries and local volunteers to take the city. He succeeded in 1707, but in 1732 Duke of Montemar's forces recaptured the city. Dey Baba Ali Chaouch ended Ottoman influence by taking the Pasha title for himself in 1710. When the Habsburg monarchy concluded the Peace of Passarowitz with the Ottoman Empire in 1718, Dey Ali Chaouch had Austrian ships captured despite the treaty, and refused to pay compensation when an Ottoman-Austrian delegation approached him, thus confirming the independent foreign policy of Algiers despite its nominal subordination to the Ottoman Empire.
On 3 February 1748 Dey Mohamed Ibn Bekir issued the The Fundamental Pact of 1748 or "Pact of trust", a text that defined the rights of the subjects of Algiers and of all inhabitants of the Regency of Algiers. It codified the behavior of the different army units: janissaries, gunners, chaouchs and sipahis.
Muhammad ben Othman Pasha became dey in 1766 and ruled over a prosperous Algiers for a full quarter-century until he died in 1791. He built fortifications, fountains and a municipal water supply. He also strengthened the navy, kept the janissaries in check and developed trade. His governor of Constantine, Salah Bey, managed to re-assert Regency authority as far south as Touggourt.
The dey increased the annual tribute paid by several European states such as Britain, Sweden, the Italian states, and Denmark, which sent a naval campaign against Algiers under Frederik Kaas in 1770. But it failed and Denmark was forced to pay heavy war compensations and gifts to Algiers.
In 1775 Irish-born admiral of the Spanish Empire Alejandro O'Reilly led an expedition to knock down pirate activity in the Mediterranean. The assault's disastrous failure dealt a humiliating blow to the reorganized Spanish military. This was succeeded by two bombardments, by Antonio Barcelo in 1783 and 1784, also ending in defeat. Led by Mohammed Kebir Bey in 1791, Algiers launched a final assault on Oran, which was retaken after negotiations between Dey Hasan III Pasha with the Spanish Count of Floridablanca. This marked the end of almost 300 years of holy war between Algeria and Spain.
Eight different deys ruled between 1791 and 1817, each taking power in a coup that overthrew his predecessors.
At the beginning of the 19th century, Algiers was plagued by political unrest and economic problems. Algerian reliance on Jewish merchants to trade with Europe was so great that a crisis caused by crop failure led to the assassination of Dey and the death of Jewish merchant Naphtali Busnash. Public unrest, a pogrom and successive coups followed, beginning a 20-year period of instability. The Moroccans incited a massive Sufi Darqawiyya revolt in the east and west of the regency, which was quelled with great difficulty by the governor of Oran, Osman Bey. In the meantime, janissary revolts were frequent due to payment delays, leading to military setbacks, as Morocco took possession of Figuig in 1805, Tuat and Oujda in 1808, and Tunisia freed itself from Algerian rule after the wars of 1807 and 1813.
Internal financial problems led Algiers to re-engage in widespread piracy against American and European shipping in the early 19th century, taking full advantage of the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars. Algerian vessels attacked American merchant ships in 1785, claiming they were no longer under British protection and asserting an Algerian right to search and seizure. American president George Washington agreed to pay a ransom and annual tribute equal to $10 million over 12 years, in accordance to a peace treaty with Algiers in 1795. But Algiers was defeated in the Second Barbary War by the United States in 1815, when U.S. commodore Stephen Decatur's squadron killed Algerian admiral Raïs Hamidou in the battle off Cape Gata on 17 June 1815, ending the Algerian threat to U.S. shipping in the Mediterranean.
The new European order that emerged from the Coalition Wars and the Congress of Vienna no longer tolerated Algerian raids and viewed them as a "barbaric relic of a previous age." This culminated in August 1816, when Lord Exmouth carried out a bombardment of Algiers that ended in a British and Dutch victory, a weakened Algerian navy, and the liberation of 1,200 slaves. The last deys of Algiers attempted to nullify the consequences of the previous Algerian defeats by reviving buccaneering and resisting a British attack on Algiers in 1824, creating the false belief that Algiers could still defend itself against a divided Europe.
In Napoleon's time, Algiers benefited greatly from Mediterranean trade and France's massive food imports, much of which were bought on credit. In 1827, Hussein Dey demanded that the restored Kingdom of France pay off a 31-year-old debt dating from 1799 for providing supplies to the soldiers of Napoleon's campaign in Egypt.
The response of French consul Pierre Deval displeased Hussein Dey, who hit him with a fly whisk and called him an "infidel". King Charles X took this incident as an opportunity to break off diplomatic relations and launch a full-scale invasion of Algeria on June 14, 1830. Algiers surrendered on July 5, and Hussein Dey went into exile in Naples, this marked the end of the Regency of Algiers.
The Regency of Algiers emerged after 1516 from the Ottoman–Habsburg wars in the western Mediterranean as the center of Ottoman rule in northwest Africa. As a bastion of the Ottoman Empire in its competition with the West for control over the western Mediterranean, Algiers became the headquarters of probably the greatest janissary force in the empire outside Constantinople. Like Malta, which served as a base for Christian pirates and privateers, the Regency was home to Muslim pirates of the region.
"Aruj effectively began the powerful greatness of Algiers and the Barbary", wrote, a Spanish Benedictine from Sicily held captive in Algiers in 1577–1580. Algiers underwent numerous political developments with the transformation of the Ottoman Empire from strength and expansion to weakness and stagnation as a local government that accepted Ottoman legitimacy.
Aruj built a powerful Muslim state in the central Maghreb at the expense of its principalities. He sought the support of religious authorities, in particular the popular maraboutic and Sufi orders, and conveyed his vision to them of the Odjak of Algiers, head of a military republic like the Hospitaller Rhodes, occupied by Knights Hospitaller.
The Odjak administrative structure and the religiously sanctioned power of Aruj were freely accepted by the military, with the scimitars of Turks and Christian renegades behind him. They made his authority absolute, and accepted without resistance by the population. Power was in the hands of the Odjak. Native Algerians and coulouglis were excluded from high government positions, although they could still hold legal and police powers within Algiers as mayors.
Hayreddin Barbarossa inherited his brother's position unopposed. A shrewd statesman and a great captain, he designed a strategy for the Algerian state's existence. He pledged allegiance to the Sublime Porte to obtain its support against the Spanish Empire and the rebellions fomented by his opponents, and had the sultan recognized as pasha, a regent with the title of beylerbey.
To manage state affairs and govern the country, he relied on carefully chosen janissary members of the diwân council. Even though they reflected the Ottoman ruling class, the leaders and members of the diwân still referred to themselves as Algerians, Barbarossa established the military structure of the Regency, formalised a well-organized institution that recruited, financed and operated the infamous tai'fa of raïs. It became the model for Barbary corsairs in Tunis, Tripoli and the Republic of Salé. The Barbarossa brothers' campaigns financed the fortification and development of Algiers into the growing capital of Algerian naval power.
The foreign policy of Algiers in its first few decades aligned completely with that of the Ottoman Empire, since the country and its affairs were in the hands of Ottoman beylerbeys. They were corsair captains of Algiers appointed by the Ottoman sultan. The beylerbeys often remained in power for several years, exercising authority over Tunis and Tripoli, and led Ottoman expansion in the Mediterranean. Because of their experience in fleet command, some beylerbeys became Kapudan Pasha. Algiers became the most successful port in the Maghreb and a very cosmopolitan city. European powers portrayed it as the "scourge of Christendom" and a 16th-century "rogue state". The beylerbeys acted as independent sovereigns despite acknowledging the suzerainty of the sultan. De Haëdo called them "Kings of Algiers". The janissary-elected Hasan Corso openly rebelled in 1556. A Corsican convert, he refused to submit to the pasha sent by Constantinople. Aided by the corsairs, the pasha murdered Hasan Corso, but in turn the janissaries murdered the pasha. The ensuing instability prompted Suleiman the Magnificent to send Hasan Pasha to Algiers, who relied heavily on native troops like other beylerbeys.
The "timar" system of granting fertile lands to Ottoman sipahis was not applied in Algiers. Instead the beylerbeys sent tribute to Constantinople every year, after meeting the expenses of the state. In return, Constantinople provided a steady stream of janissaries. The sultan gave the ruler of Algiers a free hand but expected Algerian ships to help enforce Ottoman foreign policy if need be. Eventually the internal and external interests of Algiers and Constantinople diverged on the matter of privateering, over which the Porte had no control.
Fearful of the growing independence of the rulers of Algiers, the Ottoman Empire abolished the beylerbeylik system in 1587, and put the pashalik system in its place, dividing the Maghreb countries into three separate regencies: Algiers, Tunis and Tripoli. The ensuing period of nearly 72 years was known for political instability; power formally rested in the hands of governors that Constantinople replaced every three years. However, this was also considered the "Golden Age of Algiers" due to its massive fleet. By the end of the 16th century, janissaries were allowed to join corsair ships, strengthening the combat effectiveness of the Algerian fleet, and filling its coffers with riches thanks to the intensified privateering.
The Algerian janissary Odjak grew stronger, more autonomous, and more influential. In 1596, led a revolt in Algiers in an effort to overthrow the Odjak. Although the revolt spread to neighboring towns, it ultimately failed. The janissaries organized themselves in their diwân (military council), the effective government of Algiers by 1626 at the expense of the pashas, allowing it to conclude diplomatic treaties with the Dutch republic in 1622, and France in 1628. The pasha began official acts with the formula: "We, pasha and diwân of the invincible militia of Algiers".
The corsairs for their part organized themselves into a tai'fa, a council of corsair captains tasked with privateering operations, which became the main driver of Mediterranean diplomacy with European powers. The tai'fa ignored the Ottoman Kapudan Pasha and relied on piracy and captivity to keep Algiers financially and politically independent from Constantinople.
The later pashas sent by the Porte were constantly torn between the demands of the corsairs and of the Odjak. The corsair captains were effectively outside the pashas' control, and the janissaries' loyalty to them depended on their ability to collect taxes and meet payroll. Both groups sometimes refused orders from the sultan or even sent the Porte's appointed pashas back to Constantinople.
See main article: Odjak of Algiers Revolution.
and the janissaries opposed the Ottoman capitulation treaties in 1604. Aversion to the Sublime Porte increased. The pashas sent by the Porte worked to multiply their wealth as quickly as possible before the end of their three-year term in office. As long as this was their main goal, governance became a secondary issue, and the pashas lost all influence and respect.
In 1659, Ibrahim Pasha pocketed some of the money the Ottoman sultan sent the corsairs to compensate them for their losses in the Cretan War. This ignited a massive revolt and he was arrested and imprisoned. Taking advantage of this incident, Khalil Agha, commander-in-chief of the janissaries of Algiers, seized power, accusing the pashas sent by the Sublime Porte of corruption and hindering the Regency's affairs with European countries. The janissaries effectively eliminated the authority of the pasha, whose position became purely ceremonial. They assigned executive authority to Khalil Agha, provided that his rule not exceed two months. They put legislative power in the hands of the diwân council. The sultan, forced to accept the new government, stipulated that the diwân pay the Turkish soldiers stationed there. Khalil Agha launched his rule by building the iconic Djamaa el Djedid mosque. The era of the Aghas began and the pashalik became a military republic.
In 1671 Sir Edward Spragge's squadron destroyed seven ships anchored in the harbor at Algiers, and the corsairs killed Agha Ali (1664–71). The three previous heads of the janissaries since 1659 had also all been assassinated. Caught unaware, janissary leaders wanted to appoint another agha of a sovereign Algiers, but given the lack of candidates, they and the corsairs resorted to an expedient Ali Bitchin Rais had used in 1644–45. They entrusted both the Regency and the responsibility for its payroll to an old Dutch rais named Hadj Mohammed Trik. and gave him the titles of Dey (maternal uncle), Doulateli (head of state) and Hakem (military ruler).
After 1671, the deys led the country, but their power was checked by the diwân council. This institutionalization of the relationship between holders of military and financial power and formal diplomatic recognition from European states, effectively made Algiers de facto independent of the Ottoman Empire.
The pashas plotted in the shadows, stirred up conflicts and fomented sedition to overthrow the unpopular deys and regain some of their lost authority. From 1710 on the deys assumed the title of Pasha at the initiative of Dey Baba Ali Chaouch (1710–1718), and no longer accepted representatives from the Porte. They also imposed their authority on the janissaries and the raïs. The latter did not approve of treaty provisions which restricted privateering, their main source of income, and remained attached to the external prestige of the Regency. But European reactions, new treaties guaranteeing the safety of navigation and a slowdown in shipbuilding considerably reduced their activity. The raïs rose up and killed Dey Mohamed Ben Hassan in 1724.
The new dey, Baba Abdi Pasha (1724–1732), quickly restored order and severely punished the conspirators. He managed to stabilize the Regency and fight off corruption. The diwân was gradually weakened in favor of the dey's cabinet, known as "powers", resulting in more stability through the implementation of a sort of bureaucracy. Relations with Constantinople became formalized; the sultan was assured of Algerian "obedience" in return for recruiting troops from Ottoman lands, yet the dey was not bound to Ottoman foreign policy.
A series of crises rocked Algiers in the early 19th century, beginning with crop failures and famine from 1803 to 1805. In the three beyliks (provinces), the beys relied on local notables since they had a limited number of janissaries. This allowed the coulouglis linked by blood ties to the great indigenous families to become beys. Supported by the coulouglis and the Kabyles, Dey Ali Khodja disposed of the turbulent janissaries, and transferred the seat of power and the treasury of the regency from the Djenina Palace to the Casbah citadel in 1817.
Historian John Douglas Ruedy believes that the early 18th-century "deturkification" could have led to a 19th-century nationalization of the Algerian regime, but the French conquest put an end to this evolution.
The administrative apparatus of Ottoman Algeria organized itself through borrowed Ottoman systems, maintained by regular recruitment of military personnel from Ottoman lands in exchange for tribute sent to the Porte, and local traditions inherited from the Almohad Caliphate and adopted by the Marinids, Zayyanids, and Hafsids.
The corsairs waged holy war against the Christians through gunpowder and the resources of the Ottoman Empire, and exploited their political and military superiority to defeat weak local emirates and impose a foreign elite on a divided Maghrebi society. Politics in Algiers centered on the Ottoman military elite autonomous from tribal and self-ruled indigenous society in the countryside, which still gave allegiance and paid taxes to a military authority that respected their marabouts and defended them against Christian powers.
Some contemporary observers described the Regency of Algiers as a "despotic, military-aristocratic republic". The Marquis d'Argens compared it to the Roman Empire under Nero and Caligula and called it a republic, even though he also called the dey of Algiers a king.
Montesquieu considered the Algerian government consisted of an aristocracy with republican and egalitarian characteristics, elevating and deposing a despotic sovereign, while historian Edward Gibbon considered Algiers a "military government that floats between absolute monarchy and wild democracy". It was unique among Muslim countries in having limited democracy and elected rulers. Democracy was at the time extremely unusual in 18th-century Europe, and Jean-Jacques Rousseau found Algiers impressive in this respect. Unlike modern political democracies based on majority rule, transfers of power, and competition between political parties, politics in Algiers relied on the principle of consensus (ijma), legitimized by Islam and by jihad.
Algerian historian Lamnouar Merouche described the janissary corps of Algiers as a "collective regime", a "sovereign community" and a "military republic". American historian John Baptist Wolf noted that this 17th century military democracy was later hampered by the absolute rule of the deys, starting from Baba Ali Chaouch in 1710.
French historian Charles-André Julien wrote that the dey of Algiers was head of an elective but absolute monarchy. He was charged with enforcing civil and military laws, ensuring internal security, generating necessary revenues, organizing and providing regular pay for soldiers, and assuring relations with the tribes. But his power was still limited by the corso captains and the diwân of janissaries, since any member of either body could aspire to become dey. His fortune came from his civil list that didn't exceed that of the highest paid member of the janissaries, and although he could still receive gifts from consuls, beys and shares of privateer booty, his fortune reverted to the public treasury in the event of assassination. This led some authors who compared the dey to the king of Poland–Lithuania to call him a "despot without liberty", a "king of slaves and slave of his subjects", and a "man of wealth but far from a master of his treasures".
Electing the dey was accomplished in absolute equality by unanimous vote among the armed forces. Ottoman Algerian dignitary Hamdan Khodja wrote:Election was required for confirmation from the Ottoman sultan, who inevitably sent a firman of investiture, a red kaftan of honor, a saber of state and the rank of Pasha of Three Horsetails in the Ottoman army. However, the dey was elected for life and could only be replaced on his death. Overthrowing the current leader was thus the only path to power, so violence and instability flourished. This volatility led many early 18th-century European observers to point to Algiers as an example of the inherent dangers of democracy.
The dey appointed and relied on five ministers (plus an agha), who formed the "council of the powers" to govern Algiers:
The dey also nominated muftis (Islamic jurists) as the highest echelon of Algerian justice.
The diwân of Algiers was established in the 16th century by Hayreddin Barbarossa and seated first in the, then at the kasbah citadel. This assembly, initially led by a janissary Agha, evolved from an administrative body, the Odjak of Algiers, into the country's primary administrative institution. The diwân held true power in the Regency, and by the mid-17th century elected the head of state.
The diwân expanded into two subdivisions:
The Regency was composed of various beyliks under the authority of beys (vassals):
These beyliks were institutionally distinct and enjoyed significant autonomy.
Ottoman administration of Algeria relied on Arab makhzen tribes. Under the beylik system, the beys divided their beyliks into chiefdoms. Each province was divided into outan, or counties, governed by caïds (commanders) under the authority of the bey to maintain order and collect taxes. The beys ran an administrative system and managed their beyliks with the help of commanders and governors among the makhzen tribes. In return, these tribes enjoyed special privileges, including exemption from taxes.
The bey of Constantine relied on the strength of the local tribes particularly the Beni Abbas in Medjana and the Arab tribes in Hodna and the M'zab region. The chiefs of these tribes were called Sheikh of the Arabs. This system allowed Algiers to expand its authority over northern Algeria for three centuries.
Algerian corsairs captured many people on land and at sea from Mediterranean shores to Atlantic high seas. and brought them to the slave market in Algiers, through which passed between 25,000 and 36,000 slaves of many nationalities, totalling over one million European slaves in the early modern period. This trade made slavery the cornerstone of the Algerine economy.
After they were paraded naked, examined and inspected to assess their qualities, social position and value, captured individuals were divided into three groups:
Government-owned captives were held in prisons called "bagnos". Six of these operated in Algiers. Privately owned captives were housed by their owners, often rich individuals or privateering collectives.
In Spain, France and the Dutch Republic, ransom funds came from the captive's family, the state, or religious orders of the Catholic church who negotiated in Algiers for the captives. Missions such as the Trinitarians and the Mercedarians were instructed to identify captives in danger of apostasy, captives whose family and friends had raised money, and valuable individuals before reachine a ransom agreement. Captives who could buy their own freedom were allowed to move freely in Algiers, and often managed its taverns.
Christians were exchanged for small sums in the early 16th century. In the 17th century however, redemptionist missions paid 100 and 200 to 300 pounds or more for their freedom. Persons of distinction were almost priceless: the governor of the Canary Islands bought himself back in 1670 for 60,000 pounds.
After ransom was paid, additional fees for customs duties were still required, over fifty percent of the agreed ransom:
Slaves with special skills, such as surgeons and master carpenters who built or repaired ships, often could not be ransomed at any price.
Algiers charged its European trading partners royalties for freedom of navigation in the western Mediterranean, and gave the merchants of those countries special privileges, including lower customs duties. Royalties were also imposed on Bremen, Hanover, and Prussia, in addition to the Papal States at times. These royalties were paid annually or biennially and differed according to the relationship between those countries and Algiers, and the conditions prevailing in that period had an impact on determining their amounts, shown in the following table:
| Spanish Empire | 1785 –1807 | After signing the armistice of 1785 and withdrawing from Oran, was required to pay 18,000 francs. It paid 48,000 dollars in 1807. |
| |
| Grand Duchy of Tuscany | 1823 | Before 1823, 25,000 Italian: doubles (Tuscan lira) or 250,000 francs. | ||
| Kingdom of Portugal | 1822 | 20,000 francs | ||
| Kingdom of Sardinia | 1746 - 1822 | Under the treaty of 1746, 216,000 francs by 1822. | ||
| Kingdom of France | 1790 - 1816 | Before 1790, it paid 37,000 French: livres. After 1790, it pledged to pay 27,000 piastres, or 108,000 francs, and in 1816 committed to pay 200,000 francs. |
(1816) | |
| United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland | 1807 | It pledged to pay 100,000 piastres, or 267,500 francs, in exchange for certain privileges. | ||
| Kingdom of the Netherlands | 1807 - 1826 | In the treaty of 1826, it committed to paying 10,000 Algerian sequins, and in 1807, it paid 40,000 piastres, or 160,000 francs. | ||
| Austrian Empire | 1807 | In 1807, paid an estimated 200,000 francs. | ||
| United States | 1795 - 1822 | In 1795 paid 1,000,000 dollars annually, and $10 million over 12 years, in exchange for special privileges. Equipment accounted for 21,600 dollars. |
| |
| Kingdom of Naples | 1816 - 1822 | Paid royalties estimated at 24,000 francs. Starting 1822, paid a royalty of 12,000 francs every two years. |
| |
| Kingdom of Norway | 1822 | Royalty of 12,000 francs every two years. | ||
| Denmark | 1822 | Paid 180,000 francs every two years. | ||
| Kingdom of Sweden | 1822 | 120,000 francs every two years. | ||
| Republic of Venice | 1747 - 1763 | From 1747, it paid 2,200 gold coins annually, which in 1763 became an estimated 50,000 riyals (Venetian lira). |
|
Along with tribute payments, Algerian wheat exports to Europe replaced privateering as its primary source of income in the 18th century, and became the core factor in trade relations between Algiers and Britain, Genoa and France. The French controlled French wheat imports in 1741 from the Algerian Constantinois. Merouche wrote:
Algerian exports mostly went to Marseille, mostly by sea. Exports included, according to historian William Spencer, "carpets, embroidered handkerchiefs, silk scarves, ostrich feathers, wax, wool, animal hides and skins, dates, and a coarse native linen similar to muslin". The sea trade was run by the Bacri and Busnash families, who had settled in Algeria by 1720. After acting as mediators in the Christian slave trade in the heyday of privateering, they entangled the public interest of the Regency with the private interests of their own companies through their European contacts. These merchants amassed massive wealth from dealing in goods such as wheat and leather and from their monopoly on olive oil and customs taxation. They become the financiers of the dey and mediators between Algiers and Europe, both in diplomacy and in trade.
Large caravans of 300 mules went overland to neighbouring Tunisia twice a year. The city of Constantine was a meeting point for caravans from the Sahara, Tunis and Algiers, loaded with woven fabric, carpets, chechias, luxury goods and coffee. Caravans from the south brought dates and wool products like burnouses and haiks. In the west, Tlemcen was linked by trade routes to as far as Tafilalt in Morocco and Timbuktu in the Sudan. The former brought salt, spices, Moroccan leather, silk and gun wood, and the latter ostrich feathers, ivory, slaves, vermillion, copper and gold. "Desert oases have historically been essential, strategic locations in trans-Saharan routes," wrote Chaibou and Bonnet, naming "Bilma (Niger), Ouardane (Mauritania), In Salah (Algeria), Taoudenni (Mali), Iférouane, Chinguetti (Mauritania), Kufra, and Murzuk (Libya)." Trade didn't flourish however. The state awarded monopolies, often to the highest bidder, as a source of guaranteed revenue, and imposed a 2.5 percent duty on exports and 12.5 percent on imports. Trade in military assets such as cannon and small arms was prohibited.
Overland trade used animals to transport goods, mainly on their backs. Carts could be used on suitable roads. The many official posts of the Odjak and the makhzen tribes along the way provided security for caravans. In addition, caravanserais, locally known as fonduk, gave travelers a place to rest. Products such as wool from the tribal interior were traded bin cities at markets known as souks. These took the names of tribes preceded by days of the week, for example: Souk Al Arbaa Al-Attafs . Souks formed hubs for trading agricultural products such as grain, olives, cattle, sheep and horses. In urban marketplaces they bought imported jewelry textiles and pottery. Jewish intermediaries helped furthering such exchanges between cities and countryside.
Administrative control over the Sahara was often loose, but Algiers' economic ties to it were very important, and Algiers and other Algerian cities were among the main destinations of the trans-Saharan slave trade. In the late eighteenth century the Regency "appears to have witnessed considerable commercial activity in the Algerian Sahara, related perhaps to the period of stability and prosperity under Dey Baba Muhammad ibn'Uthman, who ruled at Algiers from 1766 to 1791," Donald Holsinger wrote, "despite the picture of commercial decadence which has sometimes been painted for the Regency."
Some of the taxes levied by the Regency fell under Islamic law, including the cushr (tithe) on agricultural products, but some had elements of extortion. Periodic tithes could only be collected from crops grown on private farmland near the towns. Instead, nomadic tribes in the mountains paid a fixed tax, called garama (compensation), based on a rough estimate of their wealth. In addition, rural populations also paid a tax known as lazma (obligation) or ma'una (support), that paid for Muslim armies to defend the country from Christians. City dwellers had other taxes, including market taxes and dues to artisan guilds. Beys also collected gifts (dannush), every six months for the deys and their chief ministers. Every bey had to personally bring dannush every three years. In other years, his khalifa (deputy) could take it to Algiers.
The arrival of a bey or khalifa in Algiers with dannush was a notable event governed by a protocol setting out how to receive him and when his gifts would be given to the dey, his ministers, officials and the poor. The honors that the bey received depended on the value of the gifts he brought. Al-Zahar reported that the chief of the western province was expected to pay more than 20,000 doro in cash, half that in jewelry, four horses, fifty black slaves, woollen tilimsans, silk garments from Fez, and twenty quintals each of wax, honey, butter, and walnuts . Dannush from the Eastern Province was larger and included Tunisian perfumes and clothing.
Agricultural production eventually overtook privateering as a source of Regency revenue. Fallowing and crop rotation were widely practiced. Wheat, cotton, rice, tobacco, watermelon and corn were the most commonly grown products. Cereals and livestock products especially constituted much of the export trade after providing for local consumption of oil, grain, wool, wax and leather.
The state owned very fertile lands termed fahs. Located near the main towns, these lands were granted to Turkish military personnel, coulougli families, makhzen tribes and urban notables under the azl system. Fahs lands were cultivated by tenant farmers who received a fifth of the harvest under the khammas sharecropping system for common land. The Metija, breadbasket of Algiers, provided it with various fruits and vegetables. Algerine wine was particularly sought after in Europe for its quality.
Vast areas of Algeria's land were known as arsh, where animal husbandry predominated. Historian stresses: "Arsh land, land of the tribes, belongs to the tribal community, it is frequently divided into two parts; the larger part, undivided, is used by the entire tribe and forms pasture areas, the second part is reserved for crops and allocated between families." The melk lands were possessed and heritable by individuals and were under customary Berber law.
Algeria's agricultural wealth came from the quality of the cultivated land, but also from agricultural techniques that used all the means of the time (ploughs dragged by oxen, donkeys, mules, or camels) and irrigation and ingenious water systems that supplied small collective dams. wrote: "Tlemcen, Mostaganem, Miliana, Médéa, Mila, Constantine, M'sila, Aïn El-Hamma, etc., were always sought after for their green sites, their orchards and their succulent fruits." South of the Tell Atlas, the majority of the western population and the people of the Sahara were pastoralists, nomads and semi-nomads who grew dates and bred sheep, goats and camels. Their products (butter, wool, skins, camel hair) were traded north in their annual migration to summer pastures.
Manufacturing was restricted to shipyards, which built frigates of oak sourced from Kabylia. The smaller ports of Ténès, Cherchell, Dellys, Béjaïa and Djidjelli built shallops, brigs, galiots, tartanes and xebecs used to fish or transport goods between Algerian ports. Christian slaves were employed in these shipyards, often managed by Christian renegades, and sometimes even free Christians as captains of armament or engineers of naval constructions, whose services were hired without a requirement to convert to Islam. Several workshops supported repairs and rope-making. The quarries of Bab El-Oued extracted stone, raw material for buildings and fortifications. The Bab El-Oued foundries produced cannons of all sizes for the warships of the Algerian navy and for use as fort batteries and field artillery.
Cities were centers of great craftsmanship and commercial activity. Urban people in Nedroma, Tlemcen, Oran, Mostaganem, Kalaa, Dellys, Blida, Médéa, Collo, M'Sila, Mila and Constantine were mostly artisans and merchants. The most common crafts were weaving, woodturning, dyeing, rope-making and tool-making. Algiers was home to foundries, shipyards, workshops, shops, and stalls. Tlemcen had more than 500 looms. Artisans were prevalent even in small towns.
Many Algerian texts written since the 17th century speak of the watan al jazâ'ir (country of Algeria), and use the term "our homeland". Such phrases suggest an incarnation of state governance intermediate between tribal anarchy and the modern nation-state.
At most 6% of the population lived in cities. In 1808 Algerian society included around 10,000 Turks, and a class of coulouglis emerged, offspring of Turkish soldiers and Algerian women. In the 17th century the population of Algiers was dominated by refugees from Andalusia and also included about 35,000 White Christian slaves working on the docks and in quarries and shipyards. By the late nineteenth century that number had dropped to about 2000, and was only about 200 in 1830. About 1000 Black slaves worked as household servants and many freed black slaves worked also worked on the docks and as masons. In the 18th century French and Italian Jewish merchants began to arrive, a distinct and much more affluent group than the Jewish minority among the earlier Andalusian arrivals. The Muslim faith prevailed in every aspect of life, as both Turks and Moors were zealously religious. Guilds and quarters within cities, headed by amins, regulated most trade, provided for most of the residents' needs, hedged against emergencies, and strengthened community solidarity. Public business was carried out in both Arabic and Osmanli.
In addition to butcher shops and grocery stores, Ibadi Mozabite operated bath houses. A water supply system was built under Baba Mohammed ben-Osman in the late 18th century.The shops and bazaars clustered around the alleys off the single main street of the lower city near the harbor, as well as many coffeehouses overlooking the sea in the lower town, or were strategically located at certain crossroads, where friends could chat over mint tea.
The fraternal and relationships in the hierarchical system of the urban Algiers did not include rivalry between the few great merchants in the wealthy upper class, and the poorer lower classes of shopkeepers, craftsmen and scholars.
The tribe was a primary social and political structure based upon family. Competition among tribes for land and water was mediated through a sense of unity based on consanguinity, shared Islamic faith and their economic need to trade with each other, preventing dangerous social frictions and allowing union against external threats.
This system persisted under the Regency. The traditional isolation of the city from the hinterland ceased, ending the traditional divide between urban and rural areas of the central Maghreb. Cities and villages articulated their own organizations within the tribal systems and confederations. Cities left room for individuality, but although they depended on tribal society, they distanced people from tribal ways. However, the tribe did not disappear, but adapted, and its importance varied from region to region. It remained relatively important in the Aurès, for example.
A complex link of interdependencies developed between tribes and the state as they adapted to government pressure. They were assigned social roles; the Biskri Berbers were charged with street maintenance and guarding quarters, the Mozabite Ibadi theocracy was respected and represented in Algiers, and the Berbers of Kabylia and Aures frequently worked in Algiers.
The state was sometimes necessary for the consolidation of the tribes. These relations even seemed complementary. Makhzen tribes derived their legitimacy from their affiliation to the government, protecting urban areas, collecting taxes and exercising military control of the state in the countryside. The rayas tribes were tax-paying subjects and siba tribes were dissidents who opposed taxes, which reduced their surplus production. But they still depended on market access organized by the state and the makhzen tribes. The markets outside the territories dependent on the state were managed by the marabouts who very often acted as guarantors of tribal order.
The political authority of the tribes depended on either their military strength or their religious lineage. These two aristocracies, the religious brotherhoods who dominated the west, and the strongman families of the east, often opposed one another. Algerian society had three separate aristocracies:
Education in Algeria mainly took place in small primary schools (kuttabs) that focused on reading, writing and religion, especially in rural areas. Imams, zawiyas, marabouts, and elders did most of the teaching. Literacy was so effectively taught in these religious schools that in 1830 the literacy rate in Algeria was higher than in France. Qadis or muftis often taught at the madrasas of the larger cities, maintained through waqf and central government funding. The students received education on Islamic jurisprudence and Islamic medicine. Afterwards they became teachers, join the qadis and muftis or pursued further education in the universities of Tunis, Fez or Cairo.
In the Zayyanid period Tlemcen was a primary center of Islamic culture, but schools and universities there declined due to neglect. Abu Hammu II's madrasa especially fell into complete ruin, as the military and naval Ottoman elites' strong belief that northern Christendom needed to be prevented from military expansion into the Maghreb hampered the development of learning, and pushed intellectual culture to the margins. They were more interested in building forts, navies, and castles. This decline ended only when Mohammed el Kebir, bey of Oran, significantly invested in renovating and rebuilding several new educational facilities in the region.
At the beginning of the 19th century, tariqas "organized and validated" a number of rebellions, including one in the west in 1804, by the Derqawa and tion in the west and another by the Tijaniyya zawiya in 1820 at Aïn Madhi and in 1827 at Mascara.
Architecture in Algiers during this period showed a convergence of Ottoman influence with local traditions. Mosques began to be built with domes under the Ottoman influence, but minarets generally still had square shafts in the local tradition, not the round or octagonal shafts seen in other Ottoman provinces, where pencil-shaped minarets were symbols of Ottoman sovereignty. The oldest surviving mosque in Algiers was commissioned by Ali Bitchin in 1622. The New Mosque (Djamaa el-Djedid), built in 1660–1661, became one of the most important Hanafi mosques in Algiers. Architecturally one of the most significant remaining mosques of this era, it exemplifies a mix of Ottoman, North African, and European design elements, with its main dome preceded by a large barrel-vaulted nave. By the end of the 18th century, the city had over 120 mosques, including over a dozen congregational mosques.
Of the emblematic Ketchaoua Mosque, built by Dey Hassan III Pasha, Moroccan statesman and historian Abu al-Qasim al-Zayyani wrote in 1795: "The money spent on it...was more than anyone could allow himself to spend except those whom God grants success." Originally similar in design to the Ali Bitchin Mosque, its appearance radically changed under French colonial rule.
After the Ottomans arrived, architectural ceramic tiles replaced zellij tiles decorated with stars and polygons used in geometric patterns in the medieval Maghreb. Square decorative ceramic tiles were widespread in Algiers and Constantine, with simpler examples in Tlemcen. In the Turkish era tiles were characterized by...motifs in Islamic art such as epigraphic, geometric, and floral motifs."
In addition to landscapes, seascapes, ships and animals, the tiles came in three types: Turkish, Tunisian, and European, from Italy, Spain and the Netherlands. They decorated interior walls and floors, forming bands, patterns and frames around door jambs, window frames and balusters.
Algiers was protected by a wall about 3.1km (01.9miles) long with five gates. Seafront fortifications were supplemented by forts outside the city, including the "star fort", built above the qasba in 1568, defending the landward approaches to the city, the 'twenty-four hour fort', and the Eulj Ali burj covering the Bab al-Oued beach, built in 1569. Facing south was the "Emperor fort" or Sultan Kalassi, built between 1545 and 1580. A citadel, the qasba, occupied the highest point of the city. The lower town near the harbor was the center of Regency administration and contained the most important markets, mosques, palaces, janissary barracks and government buildings such as the mint.
Djenina Palace ('Little Garden'), also called the Pasha's palace, was begun in 1552 by Salah Rais and finished in 1556. Ali Bitchin's Spanish captive Emmanuel de Aranda described it as "a public structure for those who are advanced to that charge [i.e., the position of governor], well built after the modern way of Architecture." He added: "The most beautiful house in Algiers is that of Bacha [Bassa], or Viceroy, which is almost in the middle of the city. [It has] two small galleries one above the other, supported by a double row of columns of marble and porphyry." The Djenina was located at the center of a larger complex known as the Dar al-Sultan until 1817, when Dey Ali Khodja moved to the Palace of the Dey in the qasba. The only building from the Dar al-Sultan complex that remains today, the Dar 'Aziza Bint al-Bey, is believed to have been built in the 16th century.
Three centuries of Ottoman influence in Algeria left many cultural elements of Turkish origin or influence, wrote Lucien Golvin.
New arrivals from Anatolia and Al-Andalus brought music to Algiers. A very accented Ottoman military music with Sufi bektashi origins was played by janissary bands called mehterân. Andalusi classical music brought to Algiers by Moriscos developed three styles; Tlemcenian gharnati, Constantine's ma'luf and sanaa in Algiers. It was widespread in coffeehouses and often played by orchestras of tar, oud and rebab.
Contemporary Algerian chaabi musician El-Hachemi Guerouabi recounts the exploits of corsairs against the Knights of Malta in his song Corsani Ghanem (English: Our ship captured a prize) based on 16th-century Algerian Arabic poetry by Imad Al-Din Doukkali.
Europeans saw Algiers as "the center of pirate activity -- that captured the imagination of Europe as a fearsome and vicious enemy." The 19th century French historian Henri de Grammont said: British historian James McDougall called this claim a "colonial myth". He pointed out that after the 17th century, termed by Algerian historian Lamnouar Merouche the "century of privateering", the corso became rhetorical, its revenues marginal, and like Malta, a symbol of attachment to its origins as a corsair state. Tribute payments to guarantee peace, trade, customs, taxation and increased agricultural production brought in most of the revenue of the T egency in the 18th century, which Merouche termed the "century of wheat".
American historian John Baptist Wolf argued that the local population resented occupation by a republic of "cutthroats and thieves", and the French "civilizing mission", although carried out by brutal means, did offer much to the Algerian people.owever, Algerian historian Nacereddin Saidouni argues that although Algeria was not a nation in the modern sense, it was nevertheless a state with its own specificity and a local political entity with its own policy that helped deepen the sense of community among large segments of the Algerian population in the countryside and cities. Algerian historian Yahia Boaziz noted that the Ottomans repelled European attacks and convinced the people of the central Maghreb to abide by the decisions of a centralised state.
Historians John Douglas Ruedy and William Spencer write that the Ottomans in North Africa created an Algerian political entity with all the classical attributes of statehood and a high standard of living. Historian considered the Ottoman period "catalytic to the modern geopolitical and national development of Algeria." While Saidouni affirms that Algeria took a similar path as the rest of North African states that gradually imposed their sovereignty, as it was no different from Muhammad Ali's Egypt, Husainid dynasty's Tunisia and Alawi's Morocco. Yet, Ruedy notes, the end of tribal rivalries and the emergence of a true nation state occurred only after long years of brutal French conquest and colonial implantation and unrelenting Algerian resistance, culminating in the Algerian war of independence in 1954.
fr:Mohamed Ibn Bekir
. 1860 . ben Moustafa . Mohammad . Devoulx . Albert . Ahad Aman ou réglement politique et militaire . Ahad Aman or political and military regulations . Revue africaine . 4 . 21 . Société historique algérienne . Algiers . 211–219 . 10 May 1749 (23 Jumada al-Ula 1162) . fr .