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| Flag Year: | 2010 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Previous Election: | 2006 Brazilian general election | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Previous Year: | 2006 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Next Election: | 2014 Brazilian general election | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Next Year: | 2014 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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General elections were held in Brazil on 3 October 2010 to elect the president, National Congress and state governors. As no presidential candidate received more than 50% in the first round of voting, a second round was held on 31 October to choose a successor to Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva of the Workers' Party (PT),[1] who was constitutionally ineligible to run for a third term as he has already served two terms after winning the elections in 2002 and being re-elected in 2006.[2]
With the support of Lula, the ruling PT nominated Dilma Rousseff, a former member and co-founder of the Democratic Labour Party,[3] who joined Lula's administration as Ministry of Mines and Energy and later served as presidential Chief of Staff.[4] For her vice presidential running mate, Dilma chose Michel Temer, a member of the centre-right Brazilian Democratic Movement, who served as President of the Chamber of Deputies[5] and previously considered a presidential run in his own right.
The centre-right Brazilian Social Democracy Party (PSDB) nominated José Serra, who resigned as Governor of São Paulo to mount his presidential campaign. A former Mayor of São Paulo who had served as Minister of Health during the Cardoso Administration, Serra had previously been the presidential nominee of his party in 2002.[6] For his vice presidential running mate, Serra chose Indio da Costa, a conservative Federal Deputy from Rio de Janeiro who was a member of the right-wing Democrats party. Da Costa, who became embroiled in controversy over his suggestion that the Workers' Party was linked to the international drug trade, received international comparisons to American politician Sarah Palin.[7] [8]
Marina Silva, a Senator from the northwestern state of Acre and former Minister of the Environment under Lula, left the PT to mount a candidacy as part of the Green Party. Silva criticized the environmental policies of the Lula Administration and ran a campaign in support of sustainable development, ending corruption, and decriminalizing marijuana.[9] Silva, who would've been the first Black woman to serve as President,[10] saw support from younger voters and managed to win almost 20% of the vote in the first round, well exceeding initial expectations.[11]
In the first round, Dilma received 47% of the vote, Serra 33% and Silva 19%. Dilma went on to defeat Serra in the second round, becoming the first (and to date only) female President of Brazil. The elections were the first since 1989 (after the military dictatorship) that Lula did not run for the presidency.[12]
In the parliamentary elections, a "red wave" saw the PT become the largest party in the Chamber for the first time ever with 88 deputies, and elected Marco Maia as President of the lower house.[13] [14] Collectively, its coalition, For Brazil to keep on changing, elected 311 deputies.[15] Four parties in the coalition lost seats; the Brazilian Democratic Movement Party (PMDB), Brazilian Republican Party (PRB), Democratic Labour Party (PDT), and the Christian Labour Party (PTC). However, only the PTC failed to gain seats in either house. The Republic Party (RP) had the biggest gain, electing 16 deputies more than in 2006. In the Senate, the centre-left coalition was able to elect 39 seats, against 10 won by the opposition.[16] PT reached an all-time high in the upper house, electing 12 senators and becoming the second largest party in the Senate, behind only the PMDB. The other parties in the coalition did not have any significant gains, with the exception being the Communist Party of Brazil (PCdoB), which was able to elect the first female Communist Senator in Brazilian history (Vanessa Grazziotin, from Amazonas).[17]
The anti-Lula bloc suffered substantial losses in both houses. The Democrats (DEM), which had been the second largest party in the Senate during the previous 2007-2011 legislature, was the fourth largest, and managed to elect only 2 seats, reducing their total to 6 seats, tied with the Brazilian Labour Party (PTB) from the same coalition. It also had the largest loss in the Chamber, losing 22 seats, and was closely followed by its ally, the Brazilian Social Democratic Party (PSDB), which lost 13 seats. Overall, the Brazil can do more coalition lost control of 44 seats in the Chamber and 11 in the Senate. Influential members of the opposition during the Lula administration, such as Arthur Virgílio, Heráclito Fortes, Marco Maciel, and Tasso Jereissati, were not able to obtain re-election and will no longer serve in the National Congress.[18]
Other opposition members were more successful than the centre-right Brazil can do more coalition. The Socialism and Liberty Party (PSOL) was able to elect two senators, gaining an extra seat when compared to the previous legislature. It also kept its three seats in the Chamber. The Green Party (PV) gained two extra seats in the Chamber, in spite of losing its only seat in the Senate.
The president was elected using the two-round system; if no candidate received a majority in the first round of voting, a second round would be held.
According to the Constitution, each state is represented by three senators elected by a majority of the votes. They are directly elected to an eight-year term, and there is no limit on the number of terms a senator may serve. Alternating, one third and then two thirds of the seats are up for election every four years. In 2006, one third of the seats were up for election and thus in 2010 two thirds of the seats were up for election, corresponding to two of the senators elected by each one of the 26 Brazilian states and the Federal District.
The members of the Chamber of Deputies are elected by a system of proportional representation for a four-year term.
The candidates of the two major political groups of the country were Lula's former Chief of Staff, Dilma Rousseff, of the ruling centre-left democratic socialist/social democratic Workers' Party (PT), and São Paulo State former governor, José Serra, from the centre-right[19] opposition coalition formed mainly by the[20] [21] Social Democratic Party (PSDB), and the right-wing Democrats (DEM).[22]
Another main candidate was Marina Silva, Lula's former Minister of Environment. She is the candidate for the Green Party (PV), which she joined on late 2009 after leaving the PT, which she helped establishing in the 1980s.[23] She has obtained international recognition as a defender of the Amazon Rainforest, but is less known in her native Brazil, being unable to obtain more support than the other two major candidates in opinion polls.[24]
As Lula was ineligible to run for a third consecutive term due to term limits established by the Brazilian constitution, speculation mounted in the years prior to the election around who might take the mantle of the Workers' Party in his absence. Though Lula was widely popular, many commentators speculated that his likely successors in the PT would fail to generate his populist touch.[25] Polling conducted in Lula's second term found that a slim majority favored amending the constitution to allow Lula to run for a third term, but he opposed such efforts.[26] Two of Lula's key allies tipped as potential successors, former Minister of Finance Antonio Palocci and former presidential Chief of Staff José Dirceu, were harmed by their involvement in the 2005 Mensalão scandal.[27]
In 2008, Lula announced that he wanted a woman to succeed him in the presidency.[28] Former Mayor of São Paulo Marta Suplicy, who served at the helm of Brazil's largest city from 2001 to 2005, was considered to be, along with Dilma, the most likely candidate to lead the PT in the 2010 presidential election.[27] [29] [30] [25] Polling conducted in 2008 found her to be a more popular potential presidential candidate than Dilma.[31] After losing her bid for reelection in 2004,[32] Suplicy was appointed by Lula to the position of Minister of Tourism, which was speculated to be an attempt at elevating her profile for a 2010 presidential bid.[33] In 2008, Suplicy mounted another bid was for Mayor of São Paulo, which was seen as a precursor to a potential presidential bid in 2010;[34] Suplicy lost the election, damaging her political fortunes.[35]
Ciro Gomes, former governor of Ceará and Minister for National Integration during Lula's first cabinet, was a possible candidate for the Brazilian Socialist Party (PSB). In the years prior to the election, there was some speculation that Lula would support Ciro, a formal rival of his, in the 2010 election if no potential PT candidates appeared viable.[36] [27] Following the selection of Dilma as the candidate of the PT, the ruling centre-left group was worried that Ciro's bid could take votes from Rousseff, and thus, on April 27, PSB declined to launch his candidacy in order to support her.[37] Gomes, a populist who had appeared on third place in polls from May 2009 to April 2010, had been a presidential candidate in 1998 and 2002, when he had a poor result after making sexist remarks and struggling to control his temper.
In addition to Dilma, Suplicy, and Gomes, other PT members or allies were mentioned as being potentially tapped by Lula to run in his absence. Senator Aloizio Mercadante of São Paulo, a key power-player in the PT who helped found the party[38] and served as Lula's vice presidential running-mate in the 1994 presidential election,[39] was also mentioned as a possible successor.[27]
José Serra, the Governor of São Paulo, resigned from the position to mount a bid for the presidency as a member of the dominant centre-right Brazilian Social Democratic Party (PSDB). Serra previously served as the party's candidate in the 2002 presidential election, where he lost to Lula. Aécio Neves, the popular Governor of Minas Gerais, was considered another potential candidate for the party, and later served as the party's nominee in the 2014 presidential election.[40] [41] During the campaign, Serra sought to challenge the perception of the PSDB as an elitist party.[42] Serra's moderate positions on social issues such as abortion and religious issues, where he took a secularist approach compared to many conservative politicians, was noted.[43]
Heloísa Helena, a prominent former Senator from Alagoas, considered a presidential candidacy on the Socialism and Liberty Party (PSOL) ticket. Formerly a member of the dominant Workers' Party (PT), Helena was expelled from the PT in 2003 for criticizing the party's move to the centre under the Lula presidency. In the run-up to the election, Helena was considered a serious prospective candidate, being described as the only viable candidate who could potentially abandon the country's market-friendly economic policies. However, she declined to run for president in order to win back her Senate seat; she lost her race for Senate.[44] On June 30, 2010, Plínio de Arruda Sampaio, a longtime politician who was formerly a senior PT official, was chosen to serve as PSOL's presidential nominee at the 2010 convention.
There were speculations that PSOL would form a broad coalition with Marina Silva. As the media printed such news, the United Socialist Workers' Party announced that if this coalition was formed, it would launch the candidacy of its president José Maria de Almeida.[45] However, a resolution approved by members of PSOL determined that the coalition would be formed if PV gave up its alliances with the Lula administration, PSDB, DEM, and neoliberal stances. This resolution would make it very hard for the two parties to ally, since PV is led by José Sarney's son Sarney Filho and Silva herself has said that her candidacy could not be perceived as opposing Lula. Another faction of PV, led by Fernando Gabeira, is explicitly in favor of an alliance with PSDB, which left very few people in the party able to accept the proposal. As Rede Brasil Atual reported, "the coalition move[d] more by the desire of Green Party pre-candidate, Marina Silva, and Socialism and Liberty Party President, Heloísa Helena, than by aspirations of both parties".[46]
The election also featured five candidates from smaller parties, bringing the number of presidential candidates to a total of nine.[47] They are Ivan Pinheiro from the Brazilian Communist Party (PCB), José Maria de Almeida from the United Socialist Workers' Party (PSTU), Rui Costa Pimenta from the Workers' Cause Party (PCO), José Maria Eymael from the Christian Social Democratic Party (PSDC), and Levy Fidélix from the Brazilian Labour Renewal Party (PRTB). According to the Superior Electoral Court's guidelines, they were not able to participate in televised debates, since their parties were not represented in the lower house of the National Congress.[48]
| Party | Candidate | Most relevant political office or occupation | Party | Running mate | Coalition | Electoral number | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Workers' Party (PT) | Dilma Rousseff | Chief of Staff of the Presidency (2005–2010) | Brazilian Democratic Movement Party (PMDB) | Michel Temer | For Brazil to Keep on Changing
| 13 | |||
| Brazilian Social Democracy Party (PSDB) | José Serra | Governor of São Paulo (2007–2010) | Democrats (DEM) | Indio da Costa | Brazil Can Do More
| 45 | |||
| Party | Candidate | Most relevant political office or occupation | Party | Running mate | Coalition | Electoral number | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| United Socialist Workers' Party (PSTU) | José Maria de Almeida | PSTU National President (since 1993) | United Socialist Workers' Party (PSTU) | Cláudia Durans | 16 | |||||
| Brazilian Communist Party (PCB) | Ivan Pinheiro | PCB General Secretary (2005–2016) | Brazilian Communist Party (PCB) | Edmilson Costa | 21 | |||||
| Christian Social Democratic Party (PSDC) | José Maria Eymael | PSDC National President (since 1997) | Christian Social Democratic Party (PSDC) | José Paulo Neto | 27 | |||||
| < | -- NFCC violation removed -->Brazilian Labour Renewal Party (PRTB) | Levy Fidelix | PRTB National President (1994–2021) | < | -- NFCC violation removed -->Brazilian Labour Renewal Party (PRTB) | Luiz Eduardo Duarte | 28 | |||
| Workers' Cause Party (PCO) | Rui Costa Pimenta | PCO National President (since 1995) | Workers' Cause Party (PCO) | Edson Dorta | 29 | |||||
| Green Party (PV) | Marina Silva | Senator for Acre (1995–2011) | Green Party (PV) | Guilherme Leal | 43 | |||||
| Socialism and Liberty Party (PSOL) | Plínio de Arruda Sampaio | Member of the Chamber of Deputies from São Paulo (1987–1991) | Socialism and Liberty Party (PSOL) | Hamilton Assis | 50 | |||||
The official campaign began on July 6, 2010.[49] The Superior Electoral Court has accepted the candidacies of all nine applicant candidates. According to the Superior Electoral Court's guidelines, once the official campaign began the candidates are allowed to participate on marches, motorcades, and use sound trucks to ask for votes and distributing leaflets. But they are forbidden to distribute shirts, hats, and gifts such as keyrings and pens. Rallies are allowed, but music concerts are prohibited. The candidates are not allowed to advertise on streetlights, bridges, clubs and other places of common use. Billboard ads are also prohibited, as well as attendance in inauguration of public premises.
Both candidates offered little threat to the economic stability of the country, but they differed significantly on issues such as fiscal discipline, foreign policy and state intervention. They were both likely to maintain a primary budget surplus to make public debt payments and reduce the ratio of debt to GDP. Some analysts believe Serra would have contained expenditure more effectively. Rousseff, in the other hand, favors a bigger role for state enterprises in the economy, which could reduce participation by private firms in sectors such as banking, oil and gas. Serra, who authorized the sale of Nossa Caixa bank in 2008, is seen as more open to privatization, as well as cuts in the public sector payroll. While past elections brought economic instability, in 2010 neither candidate was expected to stray far from current economic policies.[50]
Rousseff was expected to continue Lula's foreign policy, boosting ties with developing nations, pushing for reform of multilateral bodies and lobbying for a permanent seat on the U.N. Security Council. Serra would likely have cooled ties with Lula's left-wing allies in Latin America, which could affect energy investments in both Bolivia and Venezuela. He could also take a harder line in trade disputes with Argentina and Mercosur. According to Mark Weisbrot, in an op-ed published by The Guardian Unlimited on January 29, 2010, if the centre-right candidate wins the race, it "would really be a huge win for the [U.S.] State Department." He argues that "while U.S. officials under both Bush and Obama have maintained a friendly posture toward Brazil, it is obvious that they deeply resent the changes in Brazilian foreign policy [...] and its independent stances with regard to the Middle East, Iran and elsewhere."[51]
One of the main public health issues debated so far in the election, raised by Rousseff's campaign, is the addiction to crack cocaine.[52] As a response to her campaign, Serra said he will establish clinics to treat addicts.[53] He also said he will hand over 150 medical specialties clinics in two years. Rousseff said she will expand measures currently implemented by the Lula government. She has also advocated the need for national production and distribution of medicines, through increased public investment. Silva has advocated the focus on disease prevention.
Serra has pledged to invest in the infrastructure of primary public schools, while Rousseff said that eradicating illiteracy is her top priority. She has also proposed the creation of a National Articulated System of Education to redesign the mechanisms employed in managing the sector. Silva said her focus is to invest intensively in all levels of formal education. She has also advocated the expansion of technologies access and the adoption of central lines to be addressed by educators.
Serra has compromised to retain Bolsa Família, claiming it will be expanded through aids to young people that take vocational education courses. Dilma also said that she will expand the program, defending the "institutional strengthening" of the Ministry of Social Development and Action Against Hunger, which means that the ministry will be responsible for integrating all social policies of the government. Silva defends a "third generation of social welfare", which would be achieved through partnerships with the private sector and the structuring of more educational projects.
Serra has committed to expand technical schools in order to create more jobs. He has also said that improving the infrastructure of public services will be a tool for creating new jobs. Rousseff has defended the maintenance of the economic policies of the Lula government, but has also promised to hold a tax reform in order to alleviate the expenses of workers. Silva has proposed the creation of green jobs through tax incentives for environmentally friendly businesses, in order to reduce the emission and consumption of carbon dioxide.
Although it was not included on his government plan, Serra's main proposal for public safety is the creation of a Ministry of Public Safety. On the other hand, Rousseff has promised to expand the current National Public Security and Citizenship Program to the whole country. She has also proposed the creation of a Constitutional Fund for Public Security, which would give aids in the wages of police officers nationwide. Silva defended the creation of a "new institutional structure for public safety", which would combine the police work with investments in preventive policies.
See main article: Brazilian presidential election debates, 2010.
For the 2010 presidential election, the Superior Electoral Court has approved three televised debates, in addition to an unprecedented internet debate, which will be held by UOL and Folha de S.Paulo on August 18.[54]
According to the Superior Electoral Court's guidelines, the candidates whose parties are not represented in the lower chamber of the National Congress are not able to participate in televised debates. Such candidates are challenging this decision in order to be able to participate on the debates.
The first presidential debate took place on August 5, held by Rede Bandeirantes. The second debate was held on August 18, 2010 by internet portal UOL and newspaper Folha de S.Paulo. It was the first presidential debate broadcast exclusively through internet in the history of the country.
According to the electoral law, all free-to-air television and radio networks must carry two 50-minute time slots a day[55] from August 17 until September 30, 2010.[56] The time allocated to each candidate is based on the number of seats held by the parties comprising their coalition in the Chamber of Deputies. The electoral programs are considered a key campaign tool in Brazil, where TV and radio are the main sources of information for most voters. The free air time on radio and TV also includes candidates contesting races for Governors, Legislative Assemblies, and both houses of the Congress. Parties are also allowed to run six 30-second advertisements per day.
Serra's electoral programs on TV were criticized for focusing too much on public health issues, with Financial Times correspondent Jonathan Wheatley saying that "[one] would think he was running for health minister".[57] In the other hand, Rousseff's programs have been noted for their professionalism and production quality, while Marina Silva's programs were criticized for their lack of cohesion.[58] Journalist Ricardo Noblat commented on his blog that her first TV program seemed more like "a BBC documentary on the environment" than an electoral program. Serra was also the target of criticism by Silva on the UOL/Folha debate for the use of a scenic favela in his program, while São Paulo still has many slums.[59] After the airing of Serra's second program, singer Elba Ramalho, which had one of her songs featured in it, released a note stating that she did not recorded the jingle used by the candidate, and that is not her voice featured in the program.[60] Although she publicly supported Serra in 2002, she stated she would maintain her neutrality in this election. In spite of this declaration, Ramalho decided to support Rousseff on the second round.[61]
Serra's first television program was also the target of ridicule by Twitter users over the unintended double entendre of a phrase he said.[62] In the video, which has been posted over 24 times on Google Video, he cites examples of people which benefited from his former public office experiences. However, in order to exemplify it, he used the preposition como, which can be used as both "as" and the first person inflection of the verb "to eat", that has a negative connotation for "to have sex with".
According to a poll conducted by Census Institute on August 20–22, 42.9% of voters claimed they are watching or listening to the electoral programs on either radio or TV.[63] Dilma had the best electoral programs for 56% of them, while Serra's programs were preferred by 34%. Silva's programs were chosen as the best by only 7.5% of them.
Political programmes | ||
| Television | 50 minutes at 1 p.m. and 8:30 p.m. daily | |
|---|---|---|
| Radio | 50 minutes at 7 a.m. and 12 p.m. daily | |
Schedule | |||
| Mon, Wed, and Fri | Tues, Thurs, and Sat | Sun | |
|---|---|---|---|
| Candidates for Governor, State Assembly and Senate | Candidates for President and Chamber of Deputies | No slots but 30-second political ads run through day | |
On October 20, after PSOL instructed its members to vote for either PT's Dilma Rousseff or blank/null in the second round,[64] Heloísa Helena decided to leave the presidency of the party.[65] She felt that the party "lacked identity" with the support to Rousseff. The party's presidential candidate declared that he would vote null, while PSOL's congressmen declared their "critical vote" on Rousseff. Party members were oriented "not to give any votes to Serra".
PCB took a similar stance, saying they will "defeat Serra on the ballots and Dilma on the streets".[66] PSTU, in the other hand, advocated the null voting on the second round.[67] PV held a convention, where most of the 92 voting members decided that the party should stay neutral in the second round.[68] Party members were free to support either of the two candidates, but they were forbidden to use flags or other party symbols. If they did so, they could have been punished with disaffiliation.
On October 14, the Progressive Party, a member of the Lulista coalition bloc in the National Congress which had remained neutral in the first round, decided to support Dilma.[69] Most of its directories and candidates had already supported Rousseff on the first round. The Brazilian Labour Renewal Party also supported Rousseff in the second round. Levy Fidélix posted a photo on his Flickr account where he is accompanied by supporters holding flags of Rousseff's campaign.[70]
See main article: Opinion polling for the 2010 Brazilian presidential election. From January 1, 2010 up to the day preceding the election, all polls had to be registered with the Superior Electoral Court.[71]
According to polls, Rousseff was most likely to have won the race in the first round with over 50% of the valid voting intentions. She had a rapid increase in her popularity since mid-2009, and thus consolidated her lead against Serra, who had led the polls for over two years. She was given a further boost when incumbent President Lula campaigned on her behalf on her television programmes. Marina Silva was not able to reach more than 10% in the polls, but at the end of the campaign she experienced a rapid boost, and achieved 14% at the last poll. The other candidates had been unable to reach more than 2%. The number of undecided voters and those who declared an intention to vote blank or null was at about 12% according to the last poll.
See main article: Results of the 2010 Brazilian general election.
One of the important outcomes of the election was seen as the role of new media.[92] Al Jazeera English also analysed the difference between the Brazil and Myanmar elections where the former was a "defeat for big media" and the latter saw a media clampdown in the run-up to the election.[93]
crise econômica, hegemonia neoliberal e regressão política]
. live. https://web.archive.org/web/20131111224232/http://www.ifch.unicamp.br/formulario_cemarx/selecao/2012/trabalhos/7355_Maciel_David.pdf. 11 November 2013. 1 August 2012. pt.